issue one - december 2012

History, Nation, Occupation, Struggle, Identity and Power

Kanafani, Al-Ali, Darwish, and Tattoos of Resistance

»غزة يف قلب الجامعة«

Al-H

aw

iyya

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AL-HAWIYYA | ISSUE 1 2

Al-Hawiyya team

Al-Hawiyya offers current perspectives on the history, culture, and conscience of Palestine and the Diaspora, documenting through student voice the past and present struggle for Palestine and our imagined trajectories of return.

MISSION STATEMENT

EDITOR IN CHIEF NadiaYounesCONTRIBUTING AUTHORS Samer Bu Jawde Kareem Elzein Ziad Farran Belén Fernández Aliya Kalla Hadi Mourad YaraNagi Thurayya Zreik LAYOUT LotfiAlSalah Maha Haider NourShtayyeh

l’Hawiyeh is a publication by the Palestinian Cultural Club at the American University of Beirut (PCC AUB), supported by First National Bank.

PEOPLE

Interested in contributing to writing, editing, photography, drawing, layout, or your suggested field? Anything to tell us about Al-Hawiyya? Please drop us a line at [email protected]

CONTACT US

تقّدم الهوية تطلّعات حاليّة عىل تاريخ وثقافة وضمري فلسطني والّشتات، وتوثّق بصوت طّليّب الّنضال املايض والحارض من أجل فلسطني وتصّوراتنا ملسارات العودة.

بيان الّرسالةفريق الهوية

رئيسة التّحرير ناديا يونسعلية كلة بيلني فرينانديز زياد فرّان ثريّة زريق الّزين كريم أبو جودة سامر الكتّاب املساهمون

هادي مراد يارا ناجي تصميم لطفي الّصالح مها حيدر نور شتّية

تصدر الهوية عن الّنادي الثّقايّف الفلسطينّي يف الجامعة األمريكيّة يف بريوت، برعاية فريست ناشونال بانك.

الّناس

تريد/ين املساهمة يف الكتابة أو التحرير أو التصوير أو التصميم أو يشء تقرتحه/ينه؟ تريد/ين قول يشء عن الهوية؟ اتّصل/ي [email protected] بنا عىل

اتّصلوا بنا


Al-Hawiyya was first produced in 2004 by a committed group of indi-viduals dedicated to voicing the po-litical and societal aspirations of Pal-estinian youth at AUB. In its own right, it succeeded in its mission for over three years, when its last volume appeared in spring of 2007. The Palestinian Cultural Club has decided to bring back Al-Hawi-yya because today more than ever it is important that we as supporters of the Palestinian cause affirm our presence as a unified and determined voice in AUB’s student body.

Over 64 years ago, foreign settlers de-clared the ‘state of Israel’ on the lands of Palestine, an occupation that has de-prived indigenous Palestinians their ba-sic human rights. In the intervening time, the Zionist interlocutors have committed countless crimes against humanity, sys-tematically ‘cleansing’ the land of those not conforming to their racist ideology, Zionism, which forms the ideological ba-sis of the state.

When Al-Hawiyya was first published it shed light on our cause, culture, people and history—in short, our identity. We are hoping the re-launch of our newslet-ter will not just play a role as discourse, but also serve as a tool for mobilization and for bringing the AUB community closer to Palestine and her children.

We are offering you, as students at the American University of Beirut, as read-

THE RETURN OF AL-HAWIYYA

ers, as youth present in Lebanon, cur-rent perspectives on the history, culture, and conscience of Palestine and the diaspora; documenting through student voice the past and present struggle for Palestine and our imagined trajectories of return.

It is time for us all to take a step back and re-examine our identity: what it means to be Palestinian, Lebanese, Arab, not born in a place where our par-ents or our grandparents are from, born in a context that is completely foreign and sometimes hostile towards us, and attending a university with such a rich and revolutionary past; who are you, what do you call your identity, what do you have to say?

“To never forget your own insignificance. To never get used to the unspeakable violence and the vulgar disparity of life around you. To never simplify what is complicated or complicate what is sim-ple. To respect strength, never power. Above all, to watch.To try and under-stand. To never look away. And never, never, to forget.

...Either way, change will come. It could be bloody, or it could be beautiful. It de-pends on us.” -Arundhati Roy

من نحن وملاذا أمتنا أقرب إىل املوت عوًضا عن الحياة وكيف السياسية الصعوبات مواجهة الجديد الجيل نحن علينا

عودة الهويةسومر كيش

Nadia Younes


Yara Nagi

Modernpoliticalthinkershavestrug-gled to establish a universal defini-tionofnationalidentity,onethatfitsallnationsandpeoples. Identification cards, bold borders, and educational systems are some markers and mecha-

IDENTITY AND POWER

nisms that have come to define the iden-tity of a geography. But identity is more difficult to grasp as it represents an on-going process and an accumulation of occurrences that take place in a coun-try’s ongoing history. This is foundational for identity, as is the very personal ex-periences shared between individuals and the larger narratives of their nation. Palestinian identity is an exceptional ex-ample of this historical buildup.

From the early 19th century, the citizens of Palestine experienced a rollercoaster of ruling powers, from the Ottomans to the British and later the Zionists. Each regime came with certain forms of op-pression and methods of control, incur-sions that were frequently met with re-sistance from local peoples. From this dialectic of struggle spanning the Arab Revolts to 1948 and the Six Day War, three main concepts of identity solidi-fied among Palestinians: a connection to our land, feelings of collective strug-gle, and a sense of an imposing “other”. The people’s indignation led not only to a political resistance, but also a robust literary one.

During the1960s, Palestinian groups assembled and founded the roots of a national politics. Literature and art also took a vital role in galvanizing Palestin-ians around the struggle for justice, es-pecially among diaspora communities seeded across the globe. Many topics permeated this artistic tradition, but identification with the land of Palestine took on a heightened emotional mean-ing through the works of writers such as Mahmoud Darwish, Mourid Barghouti,

اسم هو هذا «الهوية«. وغريها. واإلجتامعية واإلقتصادية الفوىض زمن يف نطرحها التي املسائل هي وهذه جريدتنا عن مجتمعه وضمن أعامقه يف يبحث مل منا فمن والضياع. املوحدة. الجامعية بالهوية وإرتباطها املبدعة الفردية الهوية إذا كّنا يف زمان يكون هذا البحث فيه مهدًدا بسلبيات العوملة إليكم نعود الفردية، واملصالح والطائفية الدولية واملطامع مخاوفنا عن للتعبري مساحة الصاعد الجيل نحن لنا ليكون يف الجارية األحداث بعد اليوم السيام وطموحاتنا وأفكارنا فلسطني التي يف الحقيقة زادت التساؤالت عن الهوية بدالً عن توضيحها. وكون اللغة عنرص من عنارص الهوية األساسية ال بد لجريدتنا أن تعرب عن نفسها باللغة األم. هذا ال يعني اإلبتعاد عن لغات وأساليب أخرى خاصة عندما أصبح الرصاع رصاًعا يف كافة املجاالت يتوجب علينا فيها مواجهة الفكر بالفكر والعلم بالعلم والسلح بالسلح لنرش والدفاع عن قضيتنا وأرضنا. لذا تأيت جريدتنا لتؤكد أن جميع وسائل املقاومة أساسية ومهمة وال يجب تفضيل واحدة عىل آخرى. لذا ندعو الجميع للتسلح بالعلم واملعرفة ونشدد عىل أن لكل فرٍد دوًرا يف الرصاع. لذلك نحن نتمنى منكم جميًعا التواصل معنا واملشاركة يف جريدتكم

وجريدتنا.

مواضيع نفسها يف عن بحثها »الهوية« تبدأ األول عددها يف الطلب إىل عدد من يارا الزميلة مع مثلً، سنستمع متنوعة. زميلني مع ننتقل ثم هويتهم. مع يتعايشون كيف ملعرفة والحياة الكوفية مع الشخصية تجربتهام عىل لنطّلع آخرين الجامعية. أما زميلتنا ثريا ستلقي الضوء عىل العلقة بني الفن شهداء حياة إىل وخصيًصا التاريخ إىل أيًضا سنعود والهوية. جًدا مبكر إستطاع هؤالء يف سنٍّ كيف مًعا نطلع النضال يك

اإلجابة عن هذه األسئلة التي تربكنا وتحرينا حتى اليوم.

و شكرًا لكم.


Cartoon of Handala by Naji Al-Ali

and Ghassan Kanafani.

“…To our land,and it is the one surrounded with torn

hills,the ambush of a new past

To our land, and it is a prize of war,the freedom to die from longing and

burningand our land, in its bloodied night,

is a jewel that glimmers for the far upon the far…”

-Excerpt from “To Our Land” by Mahmoud Darwish

Darwish’s portrayal of a suffering land brings the pain of forced exodus into our present; his refrain of “our land” embod-

ies our collective struggle; and with sub-tle but telling signs—”a prize of war” and the “ambush of a new past”—we grieve the physical and cultural occupation of our nation.

The oppressiveness of this occupation has transcended the borders of our land and touched the lives of each Palestin-ian, as we have experienced this es-trangement from our land and our nation first hand. To this day, many foreigners do not know of Palestine, but they know and normalize Israel; and when they do acknowledge our existence as Palestin-ians, it is generally in a negative light. To them, we are regarded as somewhere between savage and hopeless cause,


incapable of overcoming our own de-basement or that of our leaders. In many contexts, Palestinians face other forms of discrimination and impoverishment. This country, Lebanon, has cordoned off dense underserved camps for Pal-estinian refugee. These places lack the simplest necessities of infrastructure, education, employment, and decent medical care.

With this struggle 64 years long, the im-portance of Palestinian identity contin-ues to lie in its service to our people’s just claim to Palestine as our land and nation. To this end, the simple act of saying “I am a Palestinian” is a weapon in itself; for what will happen if we con-tinue to adopt other identities? Who will defend our presence if we refuse to? Our holding to our Palestinian identity is the one of the strongest guarantees we have that future generations will con-tinue this struggle. Thus, our identity is not only our historic struggles, but those of the present and future—in the words of Ghassan Kanafani, our “will to join the masses’ unceasing struggle to defeat all kinds of national and class exploitation.”

Thurayya Zreik

Resistance culture takes on manyforms,butoneoutletthroughwhichitisalwaysexpressedisthearts.From poets and writers such as Mahmoud

PALESTINE ON ME FOREVER: TATTOOS OF RESISTANCE

Darwish and Pablo Neruda, to graffiti artists like Bansky, the use of art as a medium of resistance transcends bor-ders. Perhaps one of the less heralded but still quite common forms of resist-ance is found within tattoo culture. Tat-toos have long been considered a sym-bol of rebelliousness, of resistance to oppressive social pressures and struc-tures. Resistance tattoos are at once so personal and permanent that they not only symbolize an individual’s commit-ment to struggle, but ultimately shape and are shaped by the identity of the bearers.

When I first set out to write this article, I planned for a light piece about the ar-tistic value of tattoos as symbolic resist-ance in the Palestinian struggle. Howev-er, the personal testimonies I received pointed toward other insights into the practice; specifically, it’s relation to con-cepts of justice, identity, and resistance. These testimonies highlight the Pales-tinian cause as not only an indigenous one, but one that should be shared by all people.

Resistance tattoos take on many shapes and forms, the most common being the map of Palestine and the key, which has historically symbolized the right of return. The word Al-`Awda, Arabic for ‘the Return,’ is also a common choice. Yet variations and personal touches make every tattoo as unique as its bearer. Hana Chamoun has an outline of the map of Palestine tucked behind her left ear. “I chose the complete bor-ders because they symbolize the origi-nal land—all the land, all of Palestine.


Sajjil ana arabiya wa ismi Haneen, based on a

quote from Mahmoud Darwich’s “Identity Card”

http://joshberer.wordpress.com/

No ’48, ’67, just Palestine.” Hana, who is half-Palestinian, says her choice reflects her complete affinity to her Palestinian side. “It’s so personal to me. It’s not just an expression of how much I love my country, it’s part of my identity... I got this tattoo because it’s Palestine, and I want

Palestine to be on me forever.”

Tamara Qiblawi describes herself as a third-generation Lebanese of Palestini-an origin. She has the word ̀ Aidoon (‘re-turning’) tattooed in the shape of a key, both references to the rightful return to Palestine. “My tattoo cements my bond with Palestine, and more importantly, with a promise to hold on to the right of return,” she explains. Many people who ask about her tattoo find her commit-ment to Palestine hard to understand. “Since we were forced to lose physical touch with the home of our grandfathers, then remembering and insisting on re-establishing contact is a crucial form of defiance; it’s an insistence on justice, a bulwark against those who think that they can get away with crimes just by stalling, hoping for everything to normal-ize.” For Tamara preserving the memory of Palestine generation after generation is a form of resistance in and of itself. In her case, a tattoo serves to establish that resistance boldly and effectively. The tattoo also taps deep into Tamara’s personal identity. Describing Palestine as the “core” of her being, the tattoo ensures that an essential part of her identity remains relevant in her life. “If for whatever reason it were to slip from my thoughts,” she says, “I would spiritually die!”

Taha Sammour has been tattooing for almost three years. A Palestinian him-self, he discusses his own symbolic commitment to the cause. “My first two tattoos were about Palestine,” he says, “And then another was a tribute to Ghas-san Kanafani, Naji el Ali and Mahmoud


Yara Nagi

AspartofAl-Hawiyya’songoingcov-erageofPalestinianissuesviaAUB’sstudent body, every month we’republishing your views, your wordsonaquestionofourchoosing. Forour first offering, Yara Nagi asks anumberofstudentswithPalestinianroots…

“What sometimes prevents you from identifying yourself as a Palestinian?”

INTERVIEWS

DeemaDabbaghEnvironmental HealthSenior

“It depends on who I am talking to. With Palestinians, my first instinct is to tell

Darwish.” Sammour is known by his cus-tomers as a resistance artist. He works with each one to design a tattoo match-ing their individual ideas of resistance, resulting in a unique incorporation of symbols, images, and even poetry vers-es in their tattoos.

Nadia Younes, Vice President of the Pal-estinian Cultural Club at AUB, worked meticulously with Sammour on her design so that it would reflect her per-sonal relationship with Palestine and the struggle. “A map of Palestine would not say anything against colonialism and borders in general... I wanted something that would symbolize why Palestine is important to me.” The map is outlined by barbed wire and the words

(“All the hearts of the people are my identity... So rid me of this passport!”), which spoke to Nadia’s complex identity as part Puerto Rican and part Leba-nese from the south. The barbed wire is decorated with symbols from Naji el Ali’s cartoons that are drawn breaking the borders of Palestine: a flower repre-senting peace, a stalk of wheat repre-senting hope, the key representing the right of return, a tree branch represent-ing re-growth, and a pen in the shape of a sword which represents the powerful role words can play in revolution.

These tattoos are symbolic of a com-mon ideology that transcends borders and unites people in a common strug-gle for liberation and justice. “Your body is your sole property in life, and using it to express such ideas helps in showing the importance of these issues,” says

السفر« جواز عني فلتسقطوا جنسيتي الناس قلوب »كل

Sammour of the significance of tattoos as a form of resistance. “I do not think the Palestinian cause should be carried only on the shoulders of Palestinians,” says Nadia, “But all of us as people, as human beings should consider it as our cause.”


them I’m Palestinian. It’s not necessar-ily a preference as to what I identify with more. It’s just that a Palestinian would be familiar with my last name and the city of Yafa, whereas a non-Palestinian wouldn’t. “

OmarKhodrMajorlessSophmore

“I feel like in Lebanon, there is no room for conversation when you bring up you’re Palestinian. A lot of people here frown upon that. Many people are not informed about Palestine. A lot of my friends were taught negative stereo-types about Palestinians, so explaining myself feels like a difficult process.”

RaghadAdasBusinessSenior

“Usually I do identify myself as Palestin-ian, but when I first moved to this coun-try, I sometimes didn’t. I didn’t know what to expect, so I would just say I’m Jordanian due to my passport. It was sit-uational because of the ill feelings and bias people here tend to harbor towards

Palestinians.”

IlijaTrojanovicBusinessSenior

“I didn’t always say that I am Palestin-ian because I’m Christian. Palestinian Christians in Lebanon aren’t as proud to say where they are originally from. However, after I started learning more, I realized the importance of where I’m from. I don’t know if my kids will be able to identify themselves as Palestinian, or Serbian, where I am also from. So, now I hold onto those identities.”

FarahKasihBusinessSophmore

“I have never been there, but my grand-


father used to tell me stories. The only thing about me which involves Palestine is the way I speak and the food I eat at home. My grandparents both immigrat-ed to Jordan, so there is nothing tangi-ble about the country I can relate to.”

Kareem Elzein

Omar and I walked down the mainroad winding through the fadedbuildingsofSabraandShatila.It had rained just hours before and the path leading to the flea market was still slick with a foul smelling sludge. We made our way through the commotion of buy-ers and sellers to a walled-in clearing that was quiet and dim under the high tree cover. At the entrance two beggars sat below a mural of green, black, red, and white, their hands outstretched.

Omar stopped at a banner spanning one of the inner walls. He gestured at each Arabic word on the vinyl canvass, paus-ing at ‘massacre,’ ‘Israel,’ and ‘Sharon.’ I added a few sad phrases before we left. Now deep in conversation the beggars ignored us as we plodded back up the hill. The smell of urine drifted through the air as we passed a middle-aged man indifferently shaking his pant leg.

---

AMERICAN KAFFIYEH

We met again in Spring at the main cam-pus of Beirut-Arab University. The day was perfect. High clouds rolled and the sky was blue-eye-blue. It became rou-tine that security stopped visitors after seven students were killed during a riot several years ago. I muttered a greeting and flashed my ID card. The middle-aged guard motioned me through with-out lifting his gaze.

The concrete path opened into a large grassy field surrounded by tens of tents and thousands of people. Each stand represented a country and was deco-rated with a national flag and other symbolic items. I quickly scanned the area but couldn’t find a flag for America. Students waited at each stand chatting with friends and beckoning others to join them for food and activity.

I stopped at the first stand decorated in green, black, red, and white. Hundreds mingled while tasting traditional sweets

PERSONALNARRATIVE

قّصة ذاتّية


served on plastic plates. I forced my way through a forest of people before reach-ing several recognizable faces. I waved and they smiled back pleasantly but seemed too busy to stop.

Before long Omar found me and mo-tioned to a nearby table. He grabbed a black and white checkered cloth he had saved for me and draped it around my neck. He seemed proud of his gift and I guess I was proud to receive his gift. His arm around my shoulder, he said this is ‘your kaffiyeh.’ Twenty minutes later an audience of two hundred listened to Omar’s nervous oration. I stood at the back wolfing a plate of food labeled ‘Ira-qi’ that tasted ‘Irani.’ I didn’t understand the cuisine or a thing Omar had said, but later enjoyed a traditional Palestinian dance performed at center stage.

---

May 15 that same year — Seventy thousand people made their way to the grassy knoll of Maroun al Ras. Me and a group of friends followed the crowd washing across the hill. A stream of us passed downward toward an even larger grassy plane contained by a dis-tant fence marking the beginning of oc-cupied land. Tanks and soldiers were posted ahead and as we descended, rifle blanks popped in the air. The mass responded like a seeping balloon, im-ploding up the hill with a squeal. Minutes later, another file of people shot down toward the fence. From above we could hear automatic rifle fire. Thousands scattered near the grassy border as we shot worried looks at the unfolding trag-

بعد عوديت إىل مقاعد الدراسة هذه السنة بعد فرتة طويلة من اليسوعية الجامعة يف قضيتها سنوات ثالث استذكر العمل، يف بريوت، وهي من الجامعات القدمية والعريقة واملهمة من من كل يعترب وبالتايل واألكادميي، التعليمي مستواها حيث يرتادها »محظوظًا« ألن فرص التوظيف تفرش أمامه كالسجاد

األحمر ملجرد ورود اسم هذه الجامعة يف سريته الذاتية.

غري أن ذلك ليس كل ما يرد اىل األذهان لدى سامع اسم هذه الجامعة. تعترب »اليسوعية« وبغض النظر اىل أنها أنشأت عىل جامعة لبنان، يف الفرنسيني اليسوعيني الرهبان إرسالية يد املعروفة مبعاداتها اليمينية »املسيحية« األحزاب فيها تسيطر األهلية الحرب قبل ما منذ للفلسطينيني بآخر أو بشكل

وأخطائها ومجازرها.

قد فلسطيني ألي والصعب الغريب الوضع يربز وهكذا هذا كنت وكوين األمر... هذا ندرة رغم الجامعة هذه يرتاد العام الجو يؤثر أال عىل عازًما دراستي بدأت الفلسطيني للجامعة عىل رغبتي يف الدراسة والتعلم رغم الضغط النفيس الذي كنت قد بدأت أحس به. ففي هذه الجامعة من يعتقد أساس هم الفلسطيني الشعب وليس »الفلسطينيني« أن هم »الفلسطينيني« أن يظن ومن لبنان. مشكلة وجوهر زمرة مسلحني خارجني عن القانون ال يفقهون شيئًا عن العلم

والحضارة والثقافة.

»فلستيني«فلن الفلين

edy. After a while a group of us found one another, wandered back to our bus, and waited. At that moment finally feel-ing safety I remembered you, Omar.

I searched Maroun al Ras but couldn’t find you. I wanted to show you that I wore ‘your kaffiyeh.’ The next day I watched news coverage of caskets draped in green, black, red, and white and loved ones sobbing. I can’t quite explain it, but I haven’t thought to wear ‘your kaf-fiyeh’ since that day.


ما تظهر وبدأت األول؛ األسبوع يف التعارف عملية وبدأت تضمره األيام املقبلة... وتجدر اإلشارة أنني قد قررت عدم إشهار كوين فلسطينيًا وذلك حفاظًا عىل سلمتي املعنوية والشخصية الجامعة هذه يف فأنا لها. أتعرض قد مضايقات ألي وتجنبًا ألتعلم ثم أقوم مبا أريد بهذه الشهادة »املهمة«. وتجدر اإلشارة اىل أنني ال أحمل أي أوراق ثبوتية تثبت أين فلسطيني. وطبًعا ضمن األحاديث »الشيقة« التي تتناقلها الفتيات عن املشاهري وغراضنا قاعدين نحنا كيف »ليكو جملة: تسمعني وتوابعها لبنان يف الفلستينيي!!!«)الفلسطيني املهجرين متل مكركبة من ذلك وغري جامعية. قهقهة ذلك ويتلو »فلستيني«( هو

التعليقات الشبيهة الشبه اليومية.

ولكن األحداث التي رضبت مخيم نهر البارد يف الشامل سنة 2007 زادت من حّدة هذه التعليقات وأظهرت بوضوح طابعها يل تبتسم كانت التي الفتاة أن كيف هنا وأذكر العنرصي... وتحاول لفت إنتباهي )كوين الشاب الوحيد يف الصف( تقول: الحاد تعليقي بعد الفلسطينيني!!!« عن تدافع ملاذا أفهم ال والغاضب عىل ما قالته عن وجوب قصف املخيم مبن فيه من

سكان للقضاء عىل منظمة فتح اإلسلم.

لألسف يشعر الفلسطيني يف لبنان أنه يواجه من يظن نفسه عدًوا له أو باألحرى من يريد لنفسه أن يكون عدوه. إال أن هذا

الشعور ليس شعور جميع اللبنانيني لحسن الحظ.

مع تحيايت

We are supposed to believe thaton November 29th 2012 an historiceventtookplace. This historic event is the elevation of the Palestinian Author-ity to the position of Non-Member Ob-server Status in the United Nations. We are also supposed to believe that this historic event is to erase or replace the damage of the historic event that took place on November 29th 1947, when a resolution from the UN effectively par-

OPINION WAS I SUP-POSED TO CLAP?

titioned Palestine and granted 53% of the land to one-third of the population, a demographically Jewish minority, and granted 47% of the land to the remain-der two-thirds of the population; hereaf-ter referred to as “us”, “you”, and “me”. And you are free to identify with this majority wherever you hail from, as long as you are angry about a great injustice that took place that day, on November 29th 1947.

In order to make my point, I am sup-posed to give you statistics showing il-legal Israeli land appropriations over the last 65 years and quoted passages of UN condemnation of Israel’s settle-ments, use of excessive force, collec-tive punishment, racial segregation, and calculated oppression. This should ad-here to a calm and rational method of discussion appealing to your logic, and not your emotions; because any nostal-gia for the old forms of resistance de-manding Return, Freedom, Justice and the usual Palestinian Concerns might inspire great sensitivities among liberal audiences. But the events of November 29th 2012 were pure theater and can only be met with nonsensical response. So it is with great risk of offending the universe that I will proceed with my irra-tional nationalism. Anyways, this is just ink on paper, and not a gun in hand. Just like this “State of Palestine” resolution.

In his speech to the assembly, illegiti-mate leader of the illegitimate Pales-tinian Authority of the undefined and occupied borders of Palestine spoke on behalf of the undefined Palestinian population and read semi-poetry to re-


AFP - Stan Honda

quest….absolutely nothing...and eve-ryone clapped. He audaciously uttered the word mukhayyamat (‘camps’) in his speech when no other Palestinian ‘lead-er’ has done more to bury the refugees. And everyone clapped. Did you expect anything else? This same UN provided the backdrop of 1948, the moment the refugee was born. This UN then guar-anteed the Right of Return to the refu-gee. Surely everyone was going to clap. If everyone was silent, the sound of hu-man guilt would have filled that room and suffocated them faster than Israel rushed to ridicule Mahmoud Abbas’s re-quest right after his speech.

The most significant items in the Israeli ambassador’s speech were his wonder-ing aloud how Mahmoud Abbas would govern a nation of which 22% he does not control. The second more insulting item was his wonderings about how Mahmoud Abbas could make such a re-quest when this Palestine had not done anything to ensure Israel’s security and admit it as the historic land of Jewish identity and heritage. And everyone clapped.

I do not believe that the so-called inter-national community was the intended audience of this theater. Rather, you and


Belén Fernández

Following the 2010 Israeli massacreof nine Turks on board the Gaza-boundhumanitarianaidshiptheMavi Marmara,theTurkishsloganHepimiz Filistinliyiz—“We are all Palestin-ian”—wasacommonrefrainatralliescondemningIsrael’sbehaviorandatthe funerals of the activists. Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan-

ADOPTING PALESTINE

I were. On November 29th 2012, you and I were ordered to finally understand what they have been trying to tell us for 22 years. The two-state solution is a re-ality, and we are not part of the new Pal-estine. The other audience, Gaza, was told to stop crying for a moment over the people who died and homes that fell not three weeks ago. Actually, one wonders who really is included in this new and improved Palestine of the Palestinian Authority. If the refugees, their children, Gaza, and almost 12% of occupied West Bank are excluded, perhaps this new Palestine is a building somewhere in Ramallah.

To this, you and I respond. We tell this illegitimate non-representative of ours that he and his defunct and penniless institution do not represent us. We tell the older generation of martyrs and those who loved Palestine as much as you and I do today—who died for us to receive a cause that was still alive—that ‘no, we too will not settle for 10% of 22% of 47% of Palestine.’ That we are not un-aware of the politics of this theater, and, furthermore, we respond to those of us who have the story all wrong, those call-ing this theater a “first step”. I will keep my response to those short: Being a non-member observer state is not being “in” the UN. It is foolish to believe that the US and Israel would ever allow Pal-estine to be “in” the UN.

Your ambition is admirable. I am almost tempted to dream that one day Pales-tine could veto U.S. and Israeli requests on an international stage. But you are mistaken that this new status allows ac-

cess to several UN agencies and to the International Criminal Court. Had there been any prospect of Palestinians fil-ing cases against Israeli war criminals, Ehud Olmert would not have publicly praised Mahmoud Abbas’ efforts; Olm-ert himself being at risk of persecution. To use Ali Abu Nima’s - of the Electronic Intifada - lament: the only agency of the UN that Palestinians have long had ac-cess to and made good use of is the UNRWA. Too long, that is.

When the resolution passed on Novem-ber 29th 2012, the whole world clapped. But you and I did not because we un-derstand this problem in its historical, social, and political continuity. And for us history did not begin last week. We un-derstand that on that day, we were cate-gorically re-displaced after our physical displacement 65 years ago. And for ‘all of Palestine’ we will not clap for the il-legitimate joker that has eliminated you and me.

-Solidarity


weighed in critically on the slaughter, accusing the Jewish state of “inhumane state terrorism” and of being less ethical than pirates.

Erdogan had offered a similarly harsh response to previous manifestations of Israel’s homicidal disposition, informing Israeli president Shimon Peres in 2009: “When it comes to killing, you know well how to kill.” Occurring in the aftermath of Operation Cast Lead in Gaza, this pro-nouncement helped elevate the Turkish leader to the rank of hero of the Pales-tinian cause, a service that would lead to—among other honors—the appear-ance of Gazan babies named Recep Erdogan.

Indeed, the Turks have deployed more confrontational rhetoric vis-à-vis the Israelis than many of the servile Arab governments. However, some glaring contradictions underscore the dangers of lionizing the Turkish regime in the context of the Palestinian struggle.

For one thing, Turkish-Israeli military co-operation continued even after Erdogan had called attention to the IDF’s supe-rior killing skills, skills that incidentally benefited none other than the Erdogan administration itself in the form of Israeli armaments acquired for use against Turkey’s domestic Kurdish population. Needless to say, the recent legacy of repression of Kurds—which comprises events such as the December 2011 massacre of 35 civilians by the Turkish air force in concert with US and Israeli drones—should constitute a fairly clear indication of the selective and self-

righteous nature of Erdogan’s indigna-tion over civilian slaughter. The Turkish Republic, it would seem, is hardly quali-fied to represent oppressed populations seeking state recognition from trigger-happy masters.

Proponents of an image of Turkey as staunch defender of Palestinian rights should meanwhile be wary of Turkish complicity in the Palestinian Authority’s apparent ambitions to convert Palestine into an oasis of neoliberal enclaves. In September of this year, journalist Char-lotte Silver reported on the PA’s efforts to establish an industrial zone around Jenin, to be presided over by a Turkish firm:

“The concession agreement between Turkish foreign developers and the PA’s Palestinian Industrial Estate and Free Zone Authority, leaked exclusively to The Electronic Intifada, reveals that the industrial zone in Jenin will come under the full control of the foreign power fund-ing the project. If the plan goes forward, this agreement may well set a danger-ous precedent for predatory industrial-ists and multinational companies in the occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip.”

Silver makes a significant observation regarding area residents whose dis-placement is a prerequisite to the neo-liberal undertaking: “Like many Palestin-ians, farmers in the Marj Ibn Amer Valley have lost their land before — but until now, it has always been to Israel.” That forthcoming land losses will also func-tion on behalf of Israel is nonetheless self-evident: Zionist ideology is the ulti-


This latestretaliationbyHamasandother Palestinian resistance organi-

REFLECTIONS ON GAZA

mate beneficiary of the shameless tram-pling of human rights and piecemeal abdication of Palestinian sovereignty in favor of elite transnational economic in-terests.

The post-Mavi Marmara period has seen a breakdown in Turkish-Israeli dip-lomatic relations—already tense thanks to Erdogan’s criticism of Cast Lead and Israel’s petty humiliation of the Turkish ambassador to Israel in early 2010, when he was summoned to a meeting at the Foreign Ministry and given a shorter chair than his Israeli interlocutors. How-ever, none of this translates into security or gains for the Palestinian people.

In fact, given the clear subordination of Palestinian self-determination to Turk-ish politico-economic designs, Turkey’s adoption of the Palestinian national-ity and official self-promotion under the Hepimiz Filistinliyiz banner represents not solidarity or empowerment but rath-er the whittling down of Palestinian iden-tity that is already embattled on all sides.

Belén Fernández is the author of The Imperial Messenger: Thomas Friedman at Work, published by Verso in 2011. She is a contributing editor at Jacobin magazine.

Kareem Elzein

zationsagainstIsraelisbothunprec-edented and perhaps their greatestmilitary success in decades. Resist-ance rockets streaked through the air landing in Tel Aviv, Ashod, and other Israeli cities previously thought as un-touchable. This possibility was realized by the widely reported transfer of Fajr-5 rocket technology from the Islamic Re-public of Iran to Hamas. Ambulances and bomb sirens screamed in Jewish suburbs and a bomb blast struck close to the Israeli War Ministry building in Tel Aviv. These developments weighed with mounting pressure from Egypt’s Presi-dent Morsi were enough to force Israel’s top politicians to seriously consider an immediate ceasefire.

But this latest unfolding has other angles that we as supporters of the Palestinian cause must consider before waving our kaffiyehs in victory. As Israel ramped up for another unprovoked attack on Gaza in early November, their government was likely thinking not of today but for January 22nd, when Israelis are expect-ed to go to the polls and elect new lead-ers. And with resistance rockets striking deeper into the heart of the enemy, Ne-tanyahu’s administration likely got what they wanted: three polls of Israeli pub-lic opinion found overwhelming support (between 84% and 91%) for the air on-slaught of the Gaza Strip. The sound of sirens in Tel Aviv will likely haunt many Israelis, not only through the night but up until election day when they cast their ballots.

These signs must temper our excite-ment over the resistance victory with


Thurayya Zreik

It was noontime Monday November19th, 2012 and the sun shone overthe AUB campus. Students gathered around the stairs of Main Gate don-ning keffiyeh scarves and holding ban-ners and signs bearing their passionate, handwritten words. They gathered as in-dividuals of different clubs and political affiliations but stood together in solidar-ity with the people of Gaza.

Over the past few weeks, demonstra-tions have been held across the world—in Dublin, Canada, Korea, Macedonia, Cuba, and elsewhere—protesting dead-ly airstrikes by Israeli occupation forces further devastating the lives of Palestin-ians in the Gaza Strip. It seems only nat-ural for AUB to join this wave of protest against such violent infringements on human rights. The aggressive attacks on Gaza have resulted in the deaths of scores of civilians, men, women, chil-dren, the elderly, and journalists.

AUB SIT-IN FOR GAZA

caution as we witness intensifying con-servatism and fanaticism within Israel. One state, two states, neither is pos-sible with Israeli governments led by Zionists like Benyamin Netanyahu. It is essential that the happenings within Is-rael are seriously considered when we make our analysis. Once again Israel was able to manufacture an unneces-sary war against Palestinians. Novem-ber 8 marked a significant escalation when Israeli troops fired into Gaza kill-ing 13-year-old Ahmed Abu Daqa who was playing football at the time. In an unsurprising turn of events, Israeli mili-tary officials denied any culpability, stat-ing on CNN that initial investigation “did not indicate the Israeli military had any connection to the shooting.”

This communicative-political-policing complex is indicative of a growing ten-dency toward fascism that will make any resistance to the state more and more difficult for Arabs and Jews living with-in Israel. The sheer disproportionality of violence meted out against Gazans should dispel any arguments of Isra-el’s self-defense. F-16’s versus Fajr-5? There is no debate which inspires more terror. In most judicial proceedings, the initiator of a violent confrontation is usu-ally found at fault, especially when the initiator also beats the victim to a pulp. But this narrative and logic of the vic-tim is all but lost in the Israeli press and court of public opinion.

Palestinians have an unquestionable right to retaliate against unprovoked violence and ongoing oppression. They also have an unquestionable right to

struggle to regain or receive reparations for their stolen land. But erstwhile we must remain realistic, weigh the good with the bad and actions with their re-percussions. It is possible for us to be excited, determined, and realistic about resistance all at once. We as natives have time on our side. Our memories will not erase, nor will our scars disap-pear—if we refuse to let them. Time is on our side and liberation is inevitable.


Joey Ayoub

Images of the death and destruction that continue to plague Gaza and its residents have been furiously circulat-ing in both traditional and social media, mobilizing youth everywhere to take a stance. But despite Lebanon’s proxim-ity and close relationship with Palestine, many AUB students refused to attend the sit-in.

“It won’t change anything,” they say, shrugging apologetically. “Israel will still be there no matter how long we stand or how loud we shout.”

It is this despondent attitude that inflicts the worst harm on the struggle for liber-ation. Silence and acceptance of defeat only consolidates the Israeli occupation

forces as a normal power in our reality, which it is not. Protest actions are an act of resistance, and this sit-in was no exception. It served as a political state-ment and an act of solidarity, a public rejection of Israel’s war crimes against the people of Gaza. More importantly, it served as an attempt to raise aware-ness among AUB students of the events taking place in nearby Palestine.

Students in the middle of the gather-ing held pieces of cardboard that when viewed from above formed a giant Pal-estinian flag. The earnest melody of the Palestinian national anthem rippled across the crowd of people who proudly sung the ballad. The organizers then is-sued a brief moment of silence followed


by several traditional songs of resist-ance.

Resistance is not only physical—it is also a movement generated by the pub-lic denouncement of an oppressor, a global solidarity movement, a refusal to normalize with an aggressive occupa-tional force . One does not have to take up arms in order to contribute to the re-sistance. As young people with the privi-lege to an education, a nationality and basic human rights, using our voice to speak for those who do not have one is an act of resistance.

A sense of detachment might stifle this feeling of obligation to stand up and speak out. “We have our own problems, we can’t deal with the Palestinians’ too!” is an often spoken statement of Leba-nese and Arab people. But the relation-ship between Lebanon and Palestine transcends the issue of nationality, and the problems faced by either country do not stop at their respective borders. History as well as geography has bound our fate to that of the Palestinian peo-ple. We face a common aggressor and shared future.

Also recognizing the interconnected-ness of human fates, foreigners of all nations have supported the cause of justice in Palestine. Many regional and international commentators of the con-flict are critical of Israeli violence and discriminatory policies, terming Gaza Strip an open air prison. Since 2006, the Israeli occupation initiated a land and naval blockade restricting imports of food, water, construction materials,

electricity, medical supplies, and other necessities. Capturing the blasé attitude of Israeli officials toward this heinous policy, Dov Weisglass, a senior advi-sor of Ehud Olmert, said “The idea is to put the Palestinians on a diet, but not to make them die of hunger.”

It is against this shameful disregard for human life that AUB students demon-strated. Their calls demanded justice for Gaza and resistance against the colo-nialist and imperialist forces that have prompted many conflicts in Lebanon and the region. And importantly these chants rebelled against that silence which often pervades atrocities and war-crimes plaguing the world.

The plight of the Palestinian people is not an issue that is fated to be the bur-den of Palestinians alone. It is a human issue that transcends borders, religions, and nationalities. It is important for AUB students, open-minded and globally-conscious, to add their voices to the global choir already demanding an end to injustice and oppression.

ألقيت القصيدة »غزة يف قلب الجامعة« يف اعتصام الجامعة األمريكية يف بريوت... ١٩-١١-٢٠١٢.

بيني وبينك يا إنسان-------------------قصة حرب وثورة نار.

غزة ويافا يا لبنان--------------------والقتل مكلل بالغار.

ورب البحر ورسو البان------------------لح نرجع بكرا أحرار.

بجامعتي رحم األحزان-------------------يولد فرحة من ثوار.

يا طُليب و يا أخوان---------------------لألطفال بقلبي دار.

»غزة يف قلب الجامعة«هادي مراد


Kareem ElzeinSALT OF THIS SEA

FILM REVIEW

نقد فيلم

Annemarie Jacir’s film Salt of ThisSea(2008)isworthyofpraiseforitscinematic and narrative merits. Yet as an exploration of Palestine politics, it fails as most do, to offer possibility

beyond the marsh of reality. Sea is ad-dled with Palestine Diaspora and soli-darity politics that screams at injustice while presenting little that is useful to the struggle for Palestine.

In brief, the story is a cinematic fantasy of a Brooklyn Palestinian returning to Palestine. After several short starts, the main protagonist Surayya’s adventure begins with a bank robbery in Ramal-lah that forces her to flea into Israel with her friend Imad, a quiet but defiant West Bank man. Together they loudly tramp across occupied ‘48; in step, Surayya confronts a second generation Israeli occupying her grandfather’s home as well as anyone else who offends her sense of identity.

As you might predict, their risky jour-ney ends in tragedy. In a routine exer-cise of discriminatory policing, Israeli officers stop Imad for looking poor and Arab, arresting him as an illegal ‘infil-trator.’ Surayya is caught up in the fray and taken to Ben Gurion airport where security readies her for deportation. In the film’s final moments, the narrative fo-cuses almost singly on Surayya and her maltreatment by the Israeli state, only giving passing thought to Imad’s more serious troubles—likely months or years in an Israeli prison. But poor Surayya must return to New York.

In fact, this movie is a perfect parallel for Palestine solidarity politics: all growl, lit-tle reality, no bite. We’ve known of this occupation for decades and critiques of colonialism precede it by centuries. If we are to take the advice of Salt of This Sea

من أقىص وأدىن البلدان-----------------تندمر شعب املُختار.

وتنقول برصخة وإعلن-------------------نحن ضد اإلستعامر.

ونحَن بسلح امليزان---------------------مرنجع عدل األخيار.

كرس صمتك يا رضغام-------------------كرس تل املش منهار.

ودروبَك يا أقىص غنان-------------------و أناشيد و إستنفار.

تذكر يا طفل األوطان------------------بفلسطني رمينا حجار.

من سجيل ومن بركان--------------نحن منقصف أرض العار.

و صاروخ بقوة إميان-----------------و صفارة كل إنذار.

يا ُمستعمر لح تندان------------------وإيدك بتقصا املنشار.

طول بالك عاألغصان------------------شجرتنا جذورا إعامر.

ومسجدنا جرس وآدان--------------------وكنايسنا اإلنتصار.

ومهام لعبتا يا فتان-------------------غزة ملتل ما بينهار.

وغزة يا عابد أوثان----------------حدا الجنة و حدك نار.

قوم تحرر يا إنسان-----------------بقيودك فجر إعصار.

إرفع صوتك ال تنهان----------------برا الحرب وفيها صغار.

وفيها الرش وإنس وجان----------------قوم تحرك ال تحتار.

بني الذل و بني ْهوان------------------قيل إنت شو بتختار.

من هيدي الساحة أعلم----------------صوت وكفية وإشعار.

وجمعنا نجيل و قرآن------------------لنوحد صوت األحرار.وبالصوت نناشد ألحان-----------------وغزة عزفك عاألوتار.جيتك يا أحىل إنسان------------------حامل قلبي وكل ارسار.وقلبي صغري ما بينضام-------------------قرب صويب يا جبار.قرب تنكون العنوان------------------ولغزة نكون الشعار.هديتك روحي والسلم----------------وعدين من هون التيار.وعدين يا رفيقي بلبنان-----------------وبجامعتي نكون كبار.لرنجع غزة وال كان----------------أسمى من كل اليل صار.و تنقول بكل األديان--------------------بدنا غزة اإلنتصار.


as phrased by Imad, we only need “hold our heads up” during our subjugation. But if we want to be honest ourselves, we should admit that defiant submission to oppression is a self-defeating strat-egy.

Surayya is the vibrant, beautiful, intel-ligent, and resilient feminine: a woman that all women of the Palestinian Dias-pora will necessarily relate to and idol-ize. She says what the many say; she does what the many wish to; she keeps her chin up, taking the oppressor’s best shot square. But if we scrutinize her ac-tions, we realize she failed to change anything and failed to realize why she failed. Her actions were not those of resistance, but individualistic opportun-ism; and her opportunism had lasting consequences that were delicately ig-nored by the narration. If I were to reimage Salt of This Sea, my Surayya would not act so recklessly.

She would remain in Palestine for the long haul instead of forcing her own deportation. My Surayya would relish in preparation and look to build sustain-able resistance. She would fight, not in ways already known to fail, but in pursuit of routes unexplored and armed with the lessons of past struggles. My Surayya through her leadership and foresight might lead us from New York to Pales-tine.

“Critique has become vain. Critique has become vain because it amounts to an absence... Rather than new critiques, new cartographies are what we need. Cartographies not for Empire, but for lines of flight out of it. How is it to be done? We need maps. Not maps of what is off the map. We need navigation maps... That don’t try to say or represent what is within different archipelagos of desertion, but show us how to meet up with them.” - tiqqun


الشهداء األبطال من اليمني إىل اليسار: ياسني موىس املوزاين وأحمد الشيخ محمود ومنري املغريب.

مختبئة وراء التسميات اإلقليمية التي أوجدها اإلستعامر.. ترى من خللها نافذة تخرج منها لتصافح األعداء..

من هي فلسطني؟..من هم الفلسطينيون؟..

من هي سوريا؟!من هم السوريون؟!..

ومن هم أولئك الذين يعيشون تحت أسامء مختلفة.. يف عموم األرض العربية؟!..

لقد قتلتنا التجزئة.. ذبحت أعناقنا..هل املشكلة الفلسطينية تنفصل عن قضيتنا؟..

هل حرية فلسطني تنفصل عن حريتنا؟..

حزيران مل يثبت ذلك، وترشين أيًضا، وكل ما يدور ال ميكن أن يفصل بني عريب وعريب. ألجل عيون الوطن املوحد، وليك ال تكرب املأساة، ولتسقط أحلم األعداء يف تجزئة بلدنا، نقاتل ونضحي.

مؤمتر »السلم« و»الدويلة الفلسطينية« وطاوالت املفاوضات، كل ذلك تكريس للهزمية، تكريس للواقع اليسء.

بعد ساعات سأميض يف طريقي، طريق الشهادة.. الطريق إىل حياة جديدة تحتضن طموحي يف وطن محرر.. الحرية التي ال

ميكن أن تأيت من دون تضحية.

الذي اخرتته بكل فخر وسعادة، ألنني الطريق أميض اآلن يف من خلله، سأحقق أمنيايت.. ليس املوت هو النهاية أبًدا.. إنه شعبي، لكل بالسعادة زاخرة جديدة، لحياة بداية البداية،

ونهاية ألعدائه.. أحبايئ يف الوطن الكبري..

وثورتها ففلسطني العربية. للثورة درًعا كونوا املؤامرة، اقتلوا جزء منكم، ضعوها يف حبات عيونكم وال تنسوا أن التفريط بها

يعني التفريط بكل القيم العربية وبكل جامهرينا.

ليمتزج الدم العريب يف كل مكان، معلًنا الوحدة والتضامن ضد أعداء هذه األمة، حيث أن الفصل بني القضايا الوطنية هو ما

يريده األعداء.. ولنفوت عىل األعداء ما يريدون..

أميض أمامكم، وأنا واثق من أنكم ستتبعونني، فل ميكن الفصل بني نضالنا يف سوريا ونضال فلسطني..

لنأخذ من الثوريني يف العامل عربة لنا. فالرفاق اليابانيون الذين استشهدوا يف سبيل هدفهم سجلوا بذلك مأثرة ال تنىس..

كام أن الرتابط يف النضال الثوري العاملي يف سبيل دحر أعداء أبناء نحن بنا فكيف جانبنا، إىل للنضال بهم دفع الشعوب

القضية، نحن العرب..

من املليني أن وأعرف ذلك، أعرف أعود. ولن اآلن، أميض الثوريني سوف يتابعون الطريق يف نضالهم ضد األعداء.

أهل بك أيها املوت. إنك متنحني الحياة. فالطريق ال يزال طويًل، وال زلنا يف بدايته. وليعلم اآلخرون كيف يفتدى الوطن.«

إختارت جريدتنا »الهوية« هذه املعلومات من سلسلة عمليات نوعية العدد رقم واحد.


يف املقدمة:

إذا فكيف غاب. من ذكرى يخلدوا أن األحياء واجب من بها آمن وعادلة، أخالقية قضية حمل بطالً غاب من كان ليس عملً التخليد الحال يغدو بها... يف هذه وافتدى نفسه فرديًا وتكرميًا شخصيًا لألبطال، بل يصبح حفظًا للتاريخ ومنارة

لألجيال...

العملية: عملية الخالصة

الزمان: ١١ نيسان ١٩7٤املكان: مستعمرة كريات شمونة، الخالصة، التي تقع يف شامل

فلسطني املحتلةاملنفذون: الشهيد البطل منري املغريب )ولد يف دمشق(

الشهيد البطل أحمد الشيخ محمود )ولد يف حلب(الشهيد البطل ياسني موىس املوزاين )من مواليد واسط ـ-جنوب

العراق(

بعض املعلومات عن العملية:

الشجعان املقاتلني من مجموعة اقتحمت ١٩7١١-٤-٤ يف عىل وسيطرت فلسطني، شاميل شمونة كريات مستعمرة من عدًدا واحتجزت شقة -١5- من تتكون وبناية مدرسة

الرهائن اإلرسائيليني بعد معركة مع قوة إرسائيلية.

تقدم الفدائيون بطلب اإلفراج عن مائة من األرسى الفدائيني السجون اإلرسائيلية حسب قدمهم يف األرس منذ املعتقلني يف ١٩66، ومن بينهم الفدايئ الياباين كوزو اوكاموتو املحكوم عليه

بالسجن املؤبد واملشارك يف عملية مطار اللد عام ١٩72.

رفضت سلطات االحتلل اإلرسائيلية مطالب الفدائيني، وعززت الذي املبنى عىل هجوًما شّنت ثم املستعمرة، يف قواتها

تاريخك إعرف رفيقي... يا اإلستشهادية الخالصة عملية

سومر كيش

يحتجز فيه الرهائن. وجرت معركة عنيفة بني مقاتيل الوحدة االنتحارية وقوات العدو. وقد نفّذ الفدائيون إنذارهم وقاموا بتفجري املبنى بعد أن زرعوا العبوات الناسفة يف أماكن مختلفة

منه. -١8- ومقتل الثلثة الفدائيني استشهاد عن العملية أسفرت

إرسائيليًا وجرح -١5- آخرين إضافة إىل الخسائر املادية.

هجومهم خلل وزعوا الثلثة األبطال أن بالذكر الجدير الصهاينة املستعمرين بني والعربية العربية منشورات باللغة أبًدا لنا ميكن »ال األول: املنشور يف شمونة. وجاء كريات يف نحب وإننا االستيطاين.. بتواجدكم االستعامري نقبل أن السلم، ونحارب من أجله.. أمامكم أيها الصهاينة خيارين: إما الرحيل، وإما املوت.. فارحلوا لنعش بسلم.. وأنبذوا قيادتكم العربي البيان املوت خدمًة ألهدافها.« أما لكم اختارت التي دولة إقامة لنضاالتنا هو املركزي الهدف »إن فيه: جاء فقد

فلسطينية دميقراطية عىل كل الرتاب الفلسطيني.«

وصية البطل أحمد الشيخ محمود

الشيخ أحمد البطل وصية مشاركتكم األول عددنا يف نختار محمود :

»من مواليد منطقة إعزاز ـ حلب عام ١٩5٤. سوري الجنسية...مدرسة يف ثم ميسلون، مدرسة يف اإلبتدائية املرحلة درست

ناظم الطبقجيل يف القامشيل.

حلب، يف رشد إبن مدرسة يف اإلعدادية املرحلة أكملت يف األول وكنت ١٩72 عام الفدائيني صفوف إىل وانضممت

دوريت.

قبل أن أبدأ خطواطي باتجاه الهدف، ويف اللحظات التي أبدأ الرحيل نحو املجد، فإن عيل أن أخاطبكم جميًعا يف كل فيها

مكان.

لقد امتزج طموحي بطعم الحرية، وغنيت منذ طفولتي للثورة. قرأت التاريخ، وحلمت بوطن عريب كبري موحد.

وحكومات وبلدان أقطار عىل عيوين فتحت عندما تأملت مجزأة، ووطن تنهشه الكلب.

عرفت جيدا ما هي »سايكس بيكو«، وملاذا الصهاينة يف قلب وطني.. تأملت جًدا حيث اإلضطهاد ميارس عىل شعبي واألنظمة

HISTORICAL EVENT

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issue one - december 2012

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