islamic versus western (2)
TRANSCRIPT
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Islamic versus Western Conceptions of Education: Reflections on EgyptAuthor(s): Bradley J. CookSource: International Review of Education / Internationale Zeitschrift frErziehungswissenschaft / Revue Internationale de l'Education, Vol. 45, No. 3/4, Learning,Knowledge and Cultural Context (1999), pp. 339-357Published by: SpringerStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3445231
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8/10/2019 Islamic Versus Western (2)
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ISLAMIC
VERSUS
WESTERN CONCEPTIONS
OF
EDUCATION:
REFLECTIONS
ON
EGYPT
BRADLEY .COOK
Abstract
-
Creating
an education
system
based
on
Islamic
principles
while also
meeting
the
demands
of
a
modem,
technological
world
s a
daunting,perhaps
mpos-
sible
task.This
paper
examines
the
contradictions
etween
Islamic
education
heory
and the Western-based
ducation
systems
found
in
most
Islamically
oriented
coun-
tries.
Egypt
s used
as
a case
study
o
illustrate he
complex
and
delicate
balance
policy
makers must achieve
in
meeting
the needs of
economic
development
while also
affirming
heir countries'Islamic cultural
heritage.
Zusammenfassung - Der Aufbau eines auf islamischen Prinzipienbasierenden
Bildungssystems,
das
gleichzeitig
den
Anforderungen
iner
modernen,
technolo-
gisierten
Welt
entspricht,
st
eine
entmutigende,
ielleicht
sogar
unmogliche
Aufgabe.
Dieses Dokument
untersucht
ie
Widerspriiche
wischen slamischer
Bildungstheorie
und den
in
den
meisten islamischen Landern
vorhandenen
westlich
orientierten
Bildungssystemen. Agypten
wird als
Fallstudie
verwendet,
um
das
komplexe,
Feingefiihl
erfordernde
Gleichgewicht
zu
verdeutlichen,
das
die Politiker
benotigen,
um den Erfordernissen
der
wirtschaftlichen
Entwicklung
Geniige
zu
leisten und
gleichzeitig
das islamische
Kulturerbe es
Landes
zu
starken.
Resume
-
L'elaboration
d'un
systeme
educatif
reposant
ur
les
principes
slamiques
et
repondant
n meme
temps
aux
exigences
d'un monde
modere
et
technologique
est une
tache
ardue,
sinon
impossible.
Cet
article
analyse
les contradictions
ntrela
theorie
de l'education
slamique
et les
systemes
educatifsa
caractere
ccidental,
qui
sont en
place
dans
la
plupart
des
pays
orientessur l'islam.
L'Egypte
est
l'objet
d'une
etudede cas qui illustre 'equilibre ragileet complexeauquel es decideursde poli-
tiques
doivent faire
face
pour repondre
aux besoins
du
developpement
conomique,
tout
en
respectant
e
patrimoine
ulturel
slamique
de leur
pays.
Resumen
-
Crear un sistema
educacional
basado sobre
principios
islamicos
que
tambien
umpla
con las
exigencias
de un
mundomoderno
tecnologico
es
un cometido
desalentador,
cuando no
imposible.
Este
trabajo
examina las contradicciones
que
existen
entre a
teoria
slamicade la
educaci6n
y
los sistemas
educacionales
de raices
occidentales
omprobados
n los
paises
de
orientaci6n
rinciplatmente
slamica.
Egipto
se ha tomado
como caso de estudio
para
ilustrarel
complicado
y
delicado
balance
que
los
politicos
tienen
que
realizar
para
satisfacer las
demandas
del desarrollo
econ6mico,
afianzando
al mismo
tiempo
el
legado
cultural slamico
de sus
paises.
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International Review
of
Education
-
Internationale
Zeitschrift fiir
Erziehungswissenschaft
PM
-
Revue Internationale
de
l'Education
45(3/4):
339-357,
1999.
A
1999 Kluwer
Academic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands.
-
8/10/2019 Islamic Versus Western (2)
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340
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Islam's
educational
response
to
modernity
Despite
its
glorious
egacy
of earlier
periods,
he Islamic
world seemed
unable
to
respond
both
culturally
and
educationally
to the
onslaught
of Western
advancement
by
the
eighteenth
century.
Contributing
o the
imbalanceof
power
was the
introduction
f
foreign
modes of
administration,
aw,
and social
institutions
by
the
expansionist
West. One
of the most
damaging
aspects
of
European
olonialism was
the deliberate
deterioration
f
indigenous
cultural
norms
by
secularism.
Secularism,
with its
venerationof
humanreason over
divine
revelation
and
precepts
of the
separation
of
mosque
and
state,
is
anathema o the
Islamic
doctrineof
tawhid
(oneness),
where all
aspects
of
life
whether
spiritual
or
temporal
are consolidated
into a harmonious
whole.
Further,
European
olonialism created
a "newclass of natives"
o
functionas
linguistic
intermediaries
between
their Western
colonialists
and
the local
masses. The
colonial
powers
exerted such
immense
leverage
over
the com-
mercialand
political enterprises
f theircolonies
that ocal
nationalshad
little
chance of anysocial mobilityunlessthey wereeducated n a Westernculture
and
language.
Western
nstitutions
of education
were
infused into Islamic
countries
n
order
o
produce
unctionaries
necessary
to
feed the bureaucratic
and
administrative eeds
of the
state.
Those
collaborating
with
their colonial
overlords were drawn to moder
Western nstitutions
because
of what
they
could offer in terms of
greater
opportunity
and
material amenities.
Islamic
education,
of
course,
existed
alongside
Western
education,
but
only
served
those on
the
political
and social
periphery.
Thus,
by
the turnof the twentieth
century,
most Muslim
countries
had
newly
created elites
who
had a vital
interest n
preserving
and
maintaining
Western
cultural raditions.
As Islamic
countries
gradually
emerged
from
their colonial
experiences,
political
eaders
sought
o modernize
heircountries
along
the lines of Western
developmentparadigms.
Government
bureaucrats
nd
officials
were
usually
moder educated lites who hadgrowncomfortable nd affluentwithWestern
material
culture. Most educational
policy
was
based
on
perpetuating
he
secularized
ystems
of
which
they
themselves
were
a
product
o as
to maintain
their
economic and
socio-political
advantage.
What the
early
educational
modernizers
did not
fully
realize
was the
extent to
which secularized
educa-
tion
fundamentally
onflicted
with Islamic
thought
and traditional
ifestyle
-
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341
(Mohamed
1993:
17).
Religious
education
was
to remain a
separate
and
personal responsibility, having no place in public education. If Muslim
students
wanted
religious
training, they
could
supplement
their
existing
edu-
cation with moral instruction
in
traditional
religious
schools
-
the
kuttab and
madrasa. As a
consequence,
the two
differing
educational
systems
evolved
independently
with
little or no official
interface.
The
imposition
and
lingering
influence of Western secularist
approaches
to education
has been
vehemently
criticized
by
contemporary
Islamic schol-
arship
as
doing
immeasurable
damage
to the
moral,
spiritual
and ethical
values
of Islamic
culture and
heritage
(Ali
1984:
51).
Having
two
parallel
streams
of secular
and
religious
education
has drawn
virtually
unanimous
condemna-
tion
in the Islamic world
as a hindrance to national
development
and
"the
epitome
of
Muslim
decline"
(Faruqi
1982).
Two
prominent professors
of
Islamic education describe the current
situation
in
these
terms:
There are
at
present
two
systems
of education. The
first,
traditional,
which has
confined
itself
to classical
knowledge,
has not shown
any
keen interest
in new
branches
of
knowledge
that have
emerged
in
the West nor
in new
methods of
acquiring
nowledge
mportant
n
the Western
ystem
of
education....
The second
system
of education
mported
nto Muslim
countries,
ully
subscribed
o and
sup-
ported
by
all
governmental
uthorities,
s one
borrowed rom
the West. At
the head
of this
system
is the
modem
University,
which is
totally
secular
and hence
non-
religious
in
its
approach
o
knowledge. Unfortunately,
hese
people
educated
by
this new
system
of
education,
known as moder
education,
are
generally
unaware
of
their own traditionand
classical
heritage.
It is also not
possible
for
this
group
to
provide
such
leadership
s we have
envisaged.
Husain
andAshraf
1979:
16-17)
Many
Islamic
educators
point
inwards to the universal Muslim
Community
(umma) for the source of continued cultural dualism found in their countries.
Criticism
is
levelled at Muslim intellectual
or
political
leaders
who have
neglected,
intentionally
or
otherwise,
the
cultural
problems
associated
with
educational dualism found
in
most
educational
systems
in
the Islamic
world.
The current
leadership,
notes Ibrahim Sulaiman
(1985:
32)
has "continued
to
hold the
reins
of
government
in
all these
[Islamic]
countries
in
cynical
and
damaging
succession"
creating
a "neo-colonial status" which the umma cannot
escape.
According
to
some,
the
Islamic
leadership
not
only
lacks
the vision
necessary
for
meaningful change,
but
perpetuates
an education
system
that
produces
students
who
are
"deluded
hybrids"
(idem).
On one
level students
of
these
systems
remain Islamic in
performing
the
outward duties of
Muslims
(i.e.,
prayer, mosque
attendance,
etc.)
but
retain
the
trappings
of
Western
thought,
dress
and
language.
Criticisms of this ilk, along with the general rise in Islamic consciousness,
have forced
many
Islamic leaders
to take a different
strategy
towards
educa-
tional
policy.
The
"Islamic solution" has
gained
greater
popular
and emotional
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342
fore,
is
being given
to Islam
in
contemporary
ducation
policy
out of sheer
politicalexpediency.As is the case withEgyptandsome otherIslamiccoun-
tries,
policy
makers
pay
homage
to
religious
education
n
the
public
sector,
if
only
rhetorical,
n
order o
alleviate extremist
demands.
The resultant
ffect
has been
various
permutations
nd often
superficial
combinationsof
Islamic
and
Westerneducation
systems.
The First World
Conference
on Muslim Education
in Mecca
in
1977
Creating
an
education
system
based on
Islamic
principles
while also
accounting
or the
modernizing
needs of
contemporary
ociety
has not been
a
simple
process.
It
was
for this
purpose
hat
Muslim
scholars,
educatorsand
policy
makersfrom around he world
gathered
rom
31 March o 8
April
in
1977 for the First WorldConferenceon
Muslim
Education.
The conference
was a
landmark
n
Islamic
education or it was
the
"first
attempt
of
its kind
to
remove the
dichotomy
of
religious
and
secular
education"
rom the current
education
systems
of Islamic countries
(Al-Attas
1979:
v).
Fourteen com-
mittees were
formed to
discuss,
analyze
and
make recommendations
on
fourteendifferent
ssues.
Following
the conference
he Mecca
Declarationwas
drawn
up
and
signed by
all of the heads of Muslim
states
signifying
the com-
mitment o Islamiceducationat all levels of
government.
The conference
gen-
erated
several
follow-up
conferences and
inspired
a
number
of
initiatives,
organizations
and
specializedprofessional ournals
dealing
exclusively
with
the
problem
of
Islamic education.
Those
calling
for Islamization
of educa-
tionconsider t one of the
keys
to the revitalization
of Islam.
The conference
resulted n the mostcomprehensive ollectionof theoryandpracticalrecom-
mendations
or
Islamic education
found
anywhere
o date.
However,
monu-
mental as the Meccan conference
was,
and
important
as
the
philosophical
foundationswere that
it
laid,
problems
are
legion
when it comes
to formu-
lating
and
implementing
concrete solutions.
Indeed,
since
1977,
only
a few
isolated
examples
of successful Islamicized education
systems
can be cited.
Even
"that ancient bulwark of
conservatism,"
Al
Azhar,
can
only point
to
limited success in
eliminating
he
secular/religious
dichotomy
(Tibawi
1972:
120).
"Despite
a
widespread
and sometimes
deep
consciousness
of the
dichotomy
of
education",
ays
Fazlur
Rahman,
"all
efforts at
a
genuine
inte-
gration
have been
largely
unfruitful"
1982:
130).
Thus,
by
and
large,
no
system
has
really provided
a model which is
completely
satisfactory
rom a
Muslim
perspective.
The abundant
iterature and
academic discourse on
Islamiceducational heoryis persuasiveandcompelling,but thatappears o
be
where it
ends. How to solve
the issues related
to
modernity
and
develop-
ment while at
the same
time
maintaining
he cultural
and
religious
integrity
of the ummaremainsan elusive and monumental
ask. On a
pragmatic
evel,
modernIslamic nations still
struggle
to
meet the
scientific and
technological
changes
demanded
by
the
modern
period.
Modernity
and
development,
in
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343
the
minds
of
many
Muslim
policy
makers,
are
still
closely
linked to
Western
modes of doing things. In addition, with the resurgence of Islamic feeling in
many
countries,
many
leaders have had to make
efforts to
temper
the
radical
elements
inside
this movement.
The case of
Egypt
Egypt
is a
country
comprising approximately
90%
Muslims and
where secular
experiments
have
yielded
little relief from
unemployment
and
slow economic
production, increasing
numbers of Muslims are
turning
to Islam
as a
principal
means of
facing
an uncertain future. Since
it
was
declared
as the official
religion
of State
by
the 1964
Constitution,
Egyptian
policy
makers do not
underestimate the
potency
of a
politicized
Islam and the
emergence
of various
Islamic movements as
more
secular forces
appear
to erode Islamic
values
and ideals. On the other
hand,
Egypt
acutely
realizes that it cannot
exist
in
isolation and
a
considerable amount of Western aid and
technology
is
required
to achieve domestic and
regional
objectives.
Educational initiatives
that inten-
tionally target
Western economic
integration,
such as the
1995
Mubarak-Kohl
Agreement
for the
Development
of Technical Education
in
Egypt,
reinforce
pragmatic
links with a
technologically superior
West
(Arab
Republic
of
Egypt
1996:
68-72).
Egyptian
policy
officials
point
out:
We are
all
confrontedwith the
challenges
of the
twenty-first
century,
something
which we must
realize.
Furthermore,
e
have to absorb he
required
mechanisms
for
change,
and the
present
age
is characterized
y competition
and
diversity.
We
cannot
escape
this
reality
or violate its laws. It
is
a
reality
which
requires
each
and every one of us to absorb the facts of this present age and to prepareour-
selves
from
now onwards
Arab
Republic
of
Egypt
1995:
190).
Egypt's
national education
system
is
struggling
for survival
against
an
onslaught
of
overwhelming political,
social and economic
problems.
Rapid
urbanization,
rampant
population
growth,
inefficient
allocation
of
resources
and economic
dependency
all
combine
against
the successful
implementa-
tion of even the
most
carefully
designed
reform initiatives. Insufficient
funds
for
materials and
equipment,
the
lack
of
adequate
physical
facilities
and the
sheer
magnitude
of
class enrollments
severely hamper
educative
efficacy.
The
"educational crisis"
(al-azma al-ta'lim),
as
President Hosni
Mubarak
and other
leading
officials call
it,
is
manifesting
itself in the
growing
rates of
illiteracy,
unemployment
and
economic
underdevelopment.2
In
1991,
Egypt
launched its
National Project (Mashru' al-Qawmi) to address the infrustructuraland the
socio-economic
challenges facing
the
country's
education
system.
An area of
particular emphasis
has been on technical
and scientific
education,
since
moder education takes
place
under
conditions
imposed by
the
technically
adept
West.
Egyptian policy
makers
are
intensely
aware of this
fact and
are
making gestures
to
accommodate it.
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344
The
National
Project,
while
primarily
designed
to confront
Egypt's
socio-
economic woes, does exhibit caution in not offending the socio-religious sen-
sibilities
of
its Muslim
constituency.
In a
speech
to the
People's Assembly
in
1991,
President Mubarak said: "We
have to
agree
that the
coming
years
are
the
years
for
developing
and
promoting
culture
in
Egypt.
A
great
task lies
ahead of
us which can never
by
underestimated."3
Not
only
is
the task of the
National
Project
to
produce
a better
workforce imbued
with the
"principles,
values and labour
skills
needed for a
technological society,"
but also
for "rein-
forcing
the
values of
religion;"
(tarsiq
a-qiyam
a-diniya)4
a
daunting, perhaps
an
impossible
task,
as we will
shortly
see.
In
a document
outlining prescrip-
tive
measures for
confronting
the
"crisis,"
a statement reads:
Religious
and moral values should be
deeply ingrained among
our
children.
Religious
instruction hould
motivate our
children to adhere to desirablevalues
andmorals.... The curricula orreligiouseducation houldbe revisedand devel-
oped
to
match
the
changing
evels of
understanding
f
childrenat
various
stages.
(Arab
Republic
of
Egypt
1996:
55)
Herein
lies the awesome
challenge
of
the
Egyptian
education
system:
creating
a
system
which
gives adequate
attention
to
religious
instruction to
maintain
cultural
values,
while at the same
time
providing
education
and
skills
to students
so
they may
succeed
and contribute to
the needs of
a
developing
and
modernizing country.
A
system espousing
too
many
Western secular
values
might
introduce elements which are alien to the
spirit
of Islam and
spark
further
religious
opposition
from Islamists.
On the other
hand,
Islamic
education
of the old
variety
fails to
adequately prepare
students
for the
modem,
technological
world.
Furthermore,
too
much attention
paid
to
the
demands of conservative orthodox thinking could disenfranchize Egypt's
leaders from
the moderate
majority.
The
quest
is
obviously
modernization
without
Westernization,
and Islamization without extremism
-
a
complex
and
delicate
balance.
In
the
meantime,
the
current
fragmentation
and
superficial
mixture
of
secularized and
religious
courses in
Egypt's public
education
system
is
completely
alien to
the
fundamental
principle
of tawhid.
Islamists
in
Egypt
and
throughout
the Islamic world are
calling
for
edu-
cational
reform
of
a
revolutionary
sort
to
rejuvenate
their societies. The
governing
bodies of these countries
interpret
educational
reform
along
a
variant
Western-secular
conception.
Understanding
Islamic educational
theory
will
help
us understand the Islamist side
of the debate
and
appreciate
the extent
to which
they
see the
Islamization
of education as
a crucial factor
in
eradi-
cating
the
dichotomized,
Western-secular
influences
eroding
their
culture.
Aims and
objectives
of Islamic education
Three
terms are used in Arabic
for
education,
each
differing
in
connotation
but
embodying
the various dimensions of
the educational
process
as
perceived
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345
by
Islam.
The
most
widely
used word for education
in
a
formal
sense
is the
word ta'lim, stemming from the root 'alima (to know, to be aware, to perceive,
to
learn)
relating
to
knowledge being sought
or
imparted
through
instruction
and
teaching. Tarbiya, coming
from
the
root raba
(to
increase,
grow,
to
rear)
implies
a state of
spiritual
and ethical
nurturing
in accordance
with the
will of the
Lord,
al-Rabb.
Taadib
comes
from
the
root
aduba
(to
be
cultured,
refined,
well-mannered)
and
suggests
the social dimensions
of a
person's
development
of sound social behavior. What is meant
by
sound
requires
a
deeper
understanding
of
the
Islamic
conception
of
the
human
being.
Recom-
mendations
made
by
the scholars
at
the First
World
Conference
on Muslim
Education
provide
this definition:
Man
according
o
Islam
is
composed
of soul and
body
... he is at
once
spirit
and
matter . . man
possesses spiritual
and rational
organs
of
cognition
such
as the
heart(qalb) and the intellect ('aql) and facultiesrelatingto physical,intellectual
and
spiritual
vision,
experience
and
consciousness.... His
most
important ift
is
knowledge
which
pertains
o
spiritual
as well
as
intelligible
and
tangible
realities.
(Al-Attas
1979:
157)
Education,
as
envisaged
in
the context of
Islam,
claims to
be a
process
which involves the
complete
person,
including
the
rational,
spiritual
and social
dimensions
of
the
person.
As discussed
previously,
Islam
provides
a
complete
code of life and strives for a
balanced,
harmonious
weltanschauung repre-
sented
by
the
concept
of tawhid. The
comprehensive
and
integrated
approach
to education
in
Islam
strives to
produce
a
good,
well-rounded
person
aiming
at the "balanced
growth
of the total
personality
. . .
through
training
Man's
spirit,
intellect,
rational
self,
feelings
and
bodily
senses ... such
that faith
is
infused into the whole of his personality" (Al-Attas 1979: 158). In Islamic
educational
theory
the
general objective
of
gaining
knowledge
is
the actual-
ization and
perfection
of
all
dimensions of the human
being.
Man is intended
to act as
the
vicegerent
of God
(khalifat
Allah)
who,
in order
to fulfill this
holy obligation,
must
submit
himself
completely
to Allah
(Abdullah
1982:
116).
Indeed,
it is
obedience
which is the summum
bonum
of
man's exis-
tence,
as
is
illustrated
in the
Quranic
verse: "I have not created
jinn
and
mankind
except
to
serve
Me"
(Quran
51:
56).
Perfection
then,
which is
the
ultimate aim
of
Islamic
education,
can
only
be achieved
through
obedience
to God. While education does
prepare
man for
happiness
in this
life,
"its
ultimate
goal
is
the abode
of
permanence
and all education
points
to
the
per-
manent world of
eternity
(al-akhirah)"
(Nasr
1984:
7).
Education
is,
or at least
should be in
Islam,
inseparable
from the
spiritual
life.
The perfect model for mankind to emulate from an Islamic perspective is
the education of the
Prophet
Muhammed
through
God's
final
message,
the
Quran.
The
Quran
and
the
Sunnah of
the
Prophet
are
the
immutable
sources
for
all
aspects
of
both
temporal
and
spiritual
life.
The
Quran
is,
as
the founder
of the International Federation of Muslim and Arabic
Schools
wrote,
"the
perennial
foundation
for Islamic
systems
of
legislation
and
of social
and
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346
economic
organization.
It is last but
not least the
basis of both
moral and
generaleducation .. and thecore, pivot andgatewayof learning" Al-Saud
1979:
126-127).
As
long
as the
Quran
emains
central
o the educational
ur-
riculum,
there
is
"a
guarantee
hat
the
Muslim umma
will
keep
its
integrity
and
authentic
haracter"
idem: 127).
The
Prophet
Muhammed
was
the
highest
and
most
perfectexample
of al-insam
al-kamil,
and
the function
of
education,
as
Al-Attas remarks
1985:
200),
"is
to
produce
men and women
resembling
him as
near as
possible."
The
teachings
of the
Quran
and
the
example
of the
Prophet
constitute the
spiritual
pattern
of
early
Islamic
education,
which
resulted n the
blossomingprosperity
f Islamic
civilization.
With
his
assump-
tion,
it follows
then
that the current
crisis in Islam
and the
erosion of the
spiritual
and moralfoundations
n
the
Islamic
world
is the result
of
the
umma
straying
rom
God's intended
course
and "from
he
program
of
[true]
Islamic
education"
Qutb
as found
in
Toronto 1992:
96).
If
the
goal
of educationis the balanced
growth
of
the human
character,
the
heart
(qalb)
(the
seat
of
the
spirit
and
affection,
conscience,
feelings,
intuition)
hould
receive
equal
attention
o theintellect
('aql),
reason
(mantiq)
and
man's rational dimensions.
To
ascertaintruth
by complete
reliance
on
reason
alone
is restrictive since both
spiritual
and
temporal
reality
are two
sides of the
same
sphere.
Indeed,
the
highest
form
of
knowledge
is the
per-
ception
of
God
(idrak),
which cannot
be realized
n
any
other
way
than
hrough
faith
(iman).
Revelatory
knowledge
is the most elevated
formof
knowledge,
not
only
because it relates
to God and the
understanding
f
His
attributes,
but
because
it
provides
an essential
foundation
or
all other forms
of knowl-
edge.
To favor
reason at
the
expense
of
spirituality
hampers
balanced
growth.
Exclusive
training
of the
intellect,
for
example,
is
inadequate
n
developing
andrefiningelements of love, kindness,compassionandselflessness, which
have an
altogether
piritual
ambiance
nd can
only
be
appealed
o
by processes
of
spiritual
raining.Separating
he
spiritual
development
of the
human
being
from the
rational,
emporal
aspects
of
the
same
person,
says
one
prominent
Islamic
educationalist,
"is
the main
cause for the
disintegration
f
the human
personality"
Ashraf
1993:
2).
Education s
thus
a twofold
process
-
acquiring
intellectual
knowledge
(through
he
application
of
reason
and
logic),
and
spiritual
knowledge
(which
is
derived
from
divine
revelationand
spiritual
experience).
According
to the
educational
weltanschauung
of
Islam,
provision
must be
made
equally
for
both.
Acquiringknowledge
n
Islam
is not meant
to be anendunto
itself,
but
only
a means to stimulatea more elevated
moral
and
spiritual
consciousness
leading
to
faith
and
righteous
action.
Inadequacies
of
Western/secular
education
from
an Islamic
perspective
According
to
many
Muslim
thinkers,
he
philosophical
shortcoming
of
most
modern
systems
of education
n
the
Islamic
world
is that
they
do not reflect
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347
the
fundamental
aims
and
objectives
of
Islamic education.
Contemporary
policy makers are simply products of the Western social and cultural milieu,
adopting
Western
modes
of
curriculum
development
administrative structures
and
pedagogical
tools. Shahed
Ali
(1984: 52)
comments:
Our intellect is
steeped
n the
norms and forms
evolved
by
the West.
Systems
of
education
n
our
schools,
colleges
and
universitiesare
mostly imported;
hese are
not
our own
systems;
they
are
fashionedafter the
outlook and
model of
Western
educational
ystems.
As
such,
they
do no
represent
the
religious
values
implicit
in
Islam
and
fall short in
educating
the
whole
person.
Modern/Western
education
and
research,
are
insufficient
in
Islamic
society
because
they
"have been
totally
cut
off
from the
spiritual
roots"
(ibid.).
The
source of
any system
of
educa-
tion, according to Ali,
shouldbe
traced o its
philosophy
of
life,
and a
system
of education s
organically
connectedwith the
ethical and moralvalues
that
spring
from that
philosophy....
When such a
short-sighted
policy prevails,
social
cohesion and collective
initia-
tive
for the
well-being
of the
community
becomes a far
cry.
(Ibid.)
Egypt
and other
countries like
it,
according
to
Islamic educational
theory,
cannot modernize
their education
systems
along
Western
lines without
seri-
ously
compromising
their essential
Islamic
character. Western
philosophies
of
education are
fundamentally
at variance with Islam
because
of the absence
of
properly
integrated religion
in
the Western
curriculum.
Scathing
attacks
on the dissonant
influences of
Western educational
theory
on the Muslim
world
have featuredprominently in the literature on Islamic educational theory.What
most Muslim
theorists take
particular
issue with
are the Western notions
of
liberalism and
secularism,
which aim at
delivering
man
"first from the
reli-
gious
and then
the
metaphysical
control over his reason and his
language"
(Al-Attas
1985:
15).
A
characteristic of
Western/modem
education is
its
primary
reliance
on the
rational faculties
for the
discovery
of truth.
Reality
is restricted to
sensual
experience,
scientific
procedure
or
processes
of
logic.
Secular
education strives
principally
for the
"development
of the rational
life of
every
individual"
(Hirst
as cited
in
Halstead
1995:
35).
Islam is not
unique
in
claiming
that this
sort
of
posture
represents only
one
level of
reality.
The debate between
secular
scientists and
Christians,
for
example,
has been
raging
for centuries
over
whether
spiritual
experience
is a
legitimate
means of
determining
truth.
In
Islam revelatory experience, intuition and faith are not only valid, but are
absolutely
necessary
in
ascertaining
the
highest
of
truths,
the nature of God.
Al-Attas,
in
particular,
has
expounded
on
the
weaknesses of
the secular
sci-
entific
method,
claiming
that
its
preoccupation
with natural
phenomena
prevents
unnecessarily
the
discovery
of whole truth.
Fixating only
on observ-
able
objects
and
events,
says
Al-Attas,
limits truth
because
they "point
to
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themselves as the
sole
reality
and not
any
other
Reality"
(1985: xix).
Secular
science tries to interpret reality only with the empirically verifiable. In Islam
this definition
of science has its defects because
direct observation
is no more
than
"outward
appearances, perceived
through
human senses"
(El-Nejjar
1986:
59-63),
which
by
the standards
of
experimental
science
are
innately
limited.
Therefore,
human senses can
perceive
evidences
of
truth,
but
not the truth
itself.
Islam
does not
reject
science and
technology
per
se,
but
rather the
per-
vading
Western
philosophy
of secular science.
After
all,
at the
height
of
its
glory,
the Islamic
empire
was considered the
vanguard
of science
and tech-
nology.
However,
science and
technology
as
they
are
presented
today
bear the
distinct
mark
of a Western social and
intellectual
milieu,
causing
some
Muslims to mistrust it. Badawi
explains:
This suspicion s well founded.Westernscience, it must be remembered, as, for
historical
easons,
developed
n an
atmosphere
f
hostility
owards
eligion
and
has
acquired
a
negative
attitude towards
religion
and
has in the
process
acquired
a
negative
attitude
owards
all
non-empiricalaspects
of belief.
The
basic
assump-
tions
of Western science are
in
reality
a
greater
menace
to Islamic
culture than
any
hostile work
by
orientalists .. moderneducation
s
by
definition
hat
type
of
education
nspired
by
the West ... the
onslaught
of
science
upon
our basic belief
and
values is indirect and therefore oo obscure for
the
ordinaryperson
or even
the
educated o measureand rebut.
(Badawi
1979:
114-115)
Sayyid
Qutb,
an influential thinker
in
contemporary
Islamic
thought,
argues
that
science itself
should not be
rejected,
but its
acceptance
should be
quali-
fied.
"Islam",
he
says,
"is
in
harmony
with the laws
of the universe and the
nature
of existence
(fitrat
al
wujud)"
(Qutb
as found
in
Moussalli 1990:
322).
Science, pure and applied, can be accepted on the condition that it does not
exceed
its limits
by trying
to
interpret philosophically
what exists.
Qutb
argues
that
"man neither
has
knowledge,
nor
the
ability
to know the
entire order of
this
universe,"
and
hence,
neither
empiricism
nor
rationalism
is
satisfactory
instruments for the
expression
of
complete
truth
(idem: 324).
Islam
empha-
sizes the
concept
of
tawhid,
and as
Qutb
states,
"the universe is a
unity
composed
of visible and the invisible unknown.
Life is
a
unity
of material and
spiritual energies
whose
separation
results
in imbalance or disturbance"
(idem:
323).
Consequently, any system
or
philosophy
that
does not
embrace the
unity
of the
universe is
incomplete
and
fragmentary.
The
Western liberal
perspective
of education
also conflicts
with
Islamic
educational
theory
in its
heavy emphasis
on
relativism.
There is a
tendency
in
liberal
theory
to
accept
a
pluralism
of
personal
private
beliefs
and that all
beliefs are equally justifiable (Hirst 1974: 4). Making claims to the absolute
truth
is avoided in
liberal education at almost
every
level.
In
a recent document
on
how
to
handle
controversial
subject
material
in British
schools,
the
inspec-
tors stated that: "It can
be
very
helpful
for
pupils
to know their
teachers'
views,
provided
these are
offered as one
among
many possible
perspectives
on
an
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issue
with no more
weight
or
'truth' than
any
other"
(Inner
London Education
Authority 1983: 48).
The
basic
assumption
in
this relativist
approach
is that there
are no
absolutes and that all truth as
subjective.
Islam considers this sort of rela-
tivism
overtly
damaging.
If
all
positions
are relative
and
all
opinions
are con-
sidered
as
good
as
the
next,
on what basis can a
society
build a reliable
and
stable civilization? What will
inevitably
occur is that "the
one
who
shouts
loudest
and
longest
will
prevail"
(Watson
1987:
29).
Islam
claims to
embody
absolute
truth,
with an
innate
universal
truth within each
person.
Humans
are
able to
tap
into
this
universal truth
by
virtue of their
perfect
essence
(al-insan
al-kamil),
which
is borne within
the
depth
of one's
being.
While
Islam
can
show
tolerance for
differing
moral,
aesthetic and cultural
perspectives,
"it
never considers
all
views to be
equally
valid"
(Ashraf
1987:
11).
Values
in
the secular
conception
are
ever
changing
and
tentative.
For a
completely
balanced
development
of
a
child's
moral,
spiritual
and
intellectual
dimensions,
and
for a
society
to be
built on a foundation of
righteousness
and
justice,
"basic universal
unchanging
norms
are
necessary"
(idem: 7).
Liberal education is
also characterized
by
a
predominant
stress on
indi-
vidualism and the freedom
of individual choice. "What
[liberal
education]
liberates
the
person
from,"
comments
one
noted
liberal
theorist,
"is
the
lim-
itations of the
present
and
the
particular" (Bailey
1984:
20).
According
to
most liberal theorists there
are
no
absolute authorities
in
matters
of
morality
or
how to best
live,
and
therefore education must avoid authoritarian
posi-
tions
(White
1982,
1984).
Bailey goes
on to
say
that a
liberally
educated
person
is released from the
restrictions
placed
on
him
or her
by
the
limited
and
specific
circumstances in which he
or she is born. Liberal
education,
according to Bailey (1984: 21), allows for "intellectual and moral autonomy,
the
capacity
to become a
free
chooser
of what is to be believed and
what is
to be
done,
a free
chooser
of beliefs
and
actions
-
in
a
word,
a free moral
agent,
the kind of
entity
a
fully-fledged
human
being
is
supposed
to be and
which
all
too few are "
Islam,
on the
other
hand,
puts
must less stress on
individual
autonomy
than
it does
on
the
consensus
(ijma)
of the
community
(umma)
and
respect
for
the social
contexts and
traditions
in
which an individual
originates.
Education
and the
acquisition
of
knowledge,
then,
are
good
only
if
they
serve
to
engender
virtue
in
the
individual and elevate the
whole
community.
Islamic
educators criticize the
"freedom"
implicit
in
liberal
theory
because,
as
Ashraf
comments:
By denyingfaith andby creatinga conglomeration f multiplechoices . . . with
no norm to be
guided
by,
except
reason or social values or . . .
fashions,
the
secularist educationalistscreate an
unsettled situation for
children. Doubts
and
scepticism
are
preferred
nd even
encouraged.
As a
result
children
have
no norm
of
good
and
evil,
right
and
wrong, ustice
and
njustice,
ruthand falsehood
Ashraf
1987:
11).
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350
Western liberal education
encourages
people
to
align
their
religious
beliefs
with rational principles, helping children to become free agents independent
of
the
pressures
of socialization. Without
this
ability
to
make
independent
rational
choices,
people
tend toward
"blind reliance
on
authority"
(White
1982:
50).
In
Islam,
however,
encouraging
students
to
question
their moral beliefs
may
merely
make
them
confused and
"unmeshed
with
society
as it is"
(Barrow
as cited in
Halstead
1995:
40).
The
unhealthy
material
fixation
of
the West can
be
directly
related
to
this
sort of
individualism.
Shahed
Ali
states that
Western forms of
education
"create
a
capital
'I' in
the
psychology
of man to
the exclusion of
the
rest
of
the
world. Self before
everything
is the
only
truth,
disguised
as
"enlightened
self-interest"
(Ali
1984:
53).
Ali claims
that if education
becomes secular
or
irreligious,
material
progress
and
prosperity
become
the end all and be all of
life.
And if an
education
system
focuses
on
material
pursuits
to the
exclusion
of
spiritual
and
moral
training,
it will fail to "nourish the
human soul . . .
enrich
human
life with noble virtues of
love,
service
and sacrifice"
(idem).
Strengthening spiritual
faith and virtue is
imperative
in
any
education
system
which seeks
to
posses
an
Islamic
character.
Secularist
critique
of Islamic education
The
Islamic
conceptions
of education as
outlined above
have featured
promi-
nently
in
the
educational debate
in
Egypt,
but have had
generally
negligible
success in
actual
implementation.
The
secular/religious
dichotomy
in
Egypt's
education
system
remains
entrenched,
and the
integration
of an Islamic
per-
spective into the curricula has yet to materialize in any substantial form.
Contemporary
Islamist
thinking
has done
little in
regard
to educational reform
beyond
the level of
sloganization.
Fazlur
Rahman assesses
the
current
situa-
tion in
the Islamic world
in
these
scathing
terms:
neorevivalism
has reoriented he modern-educated
ay
Muslim
emotionally
oward
Islam.
But the
greatest
weakness
of
neorevivalism,
and
the
greatest
disservice
it
has
done to
Islam,
is an
almost
total lack
of
positive
effective
thinking
and schol-
arship
within
its
ranks,
its intellectual
bankruptcy,
nd its substitutionof cliche
mongering
or
serious
ntellectualendeavor
.. the neorevivalisthas
produced
no
Islamic
educational
ystem worthy
of the
name.
(Rahman
1982:
137)
Substantial
educational reform
in
accordance
with a unified Islamic
con-
ception
has in
most
cases
been
reduced to
theoretical
platitudes
from the
Islamic scholars (ulama) themselves. The rhetorical ideals of a universal
Islamic
system
of education
solving
the
plight
of Muslims
is
widespread
in
Islamist
literature.
An
example
of such
sweeping
utopian
and even
naive
language
is:
The
entire
educational
ystem
of
Muslim
countriesshould be
saturated
with
these
values
of Islam. ... It is
the
need of the hour for
the Muslims to ...
have
only
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351
one
educational
ystem,
to be
compulsory
or
every
man
and
woman....
This edu-
cation will bringa quick revolutionin the thinking,feeling and actions of the
Muslims
(Ali
1984:
55).
The
Islamic
movement
generally
fails to address how an Islamic
educa-
tion
system
with universal
application
could overcome
the formidable
barriers
of the
political,
cultural
and
linguistic diversity
of the umma.
Nor is
it clear
how
such a
system
would
operate
in a
pluralistic
society
with the
sentiments
and
needs of
religious
minorities.
There
has also been a
lack of clear
thinking
on how an "Islamic Alternative" could
manage
the infrastructural
problems
endemic
in
most
Islamic
countries,
i.e.
overcrowding,
lack of
resources,
crum-
bling
facilities
and
inadequate
equipment.
Disparate
visions
among
Islamic
thinkers
themselves as how to achieve
meaningful
Islamization
of education
creates further barriers.
While some
general agreement
exists
on a
philo-
sophical
level,
there
is
significant disagreement among
the
ulama as to
the
pragmatic
issues of
organization,
administration,
and curriculum
development.
A
further
constraint
for the
Islamization
of education is that
governments
in most Islamic
countries,
while
paying lip
service
to
the idealism of
Islam,
actively
resist
the
drive toward Islamization.
The
Mubarak
regime
in
Egypt
has
had to
navigate
a
careful,
gradualist
course
that
simultaneously
reinforces
"the
values of
religion"
(al-qiyam al-diniya)
while
avoiding
"fanaticism
and
extremism"
(ta'ssub
wa
tatarruf) (Arab
Republic
of
Egypt
1995:
61).
The
Mubarak
government
acquiesces
to the
Islamization
of
education
on a
cosmetic level
but
sternly
limits its encroachment
upon
actual school
curricula
and
policy.
More concessions
to
Islamism on
actual
policy
would
only
desta-
bilize
the
existing
social order and increase the
political
turmoil
through
greater
inroads
by
extremism.
The vigorous argument that religion and spirituality should be infused into
education
is
by
no means an issue found
only
in
Islamic countries.
Religious
education,
or at least moral
education,
features
high
on the
agenda
of
most
national education debates
-
even
in
the West. The
debate
differs
in
Egypt
in
an
important
way
because
it
is not characterized
by
polar
differences
between
believer and
nonbeliever,
as is the case
in
the
West,
but
ratherbetween
believer
and believer.
The salient
question
when
looking
at the
educational
debate
in
Egypt
is
"what Islam" and "whose Islam"
we
are
talking
about
when
discussing
the
appropriate
role of Islam
in
the
public
sector.
Differing interpretations
on
the
degree
to which Islam offers an absolute
and
"complete
way
to life" is
at
the
heart of the issue. The
conception
of
education as
outlined
by
Islamic
educational theorists would
be
rejected
by
certain
segments
of
Egypt's
more
secularized; many of them claiming that it represents only one interpretation
of Islam
and not universal Islam as
such. Even
among
many
'ilmaniyyum
(secularists)
in
Egypt,
Islam constitutes
a
deep
and
meaningful
way
of
life,
but
should,
in their
opinion,
be confined to
the
appropriate
private
spheres
of
life,
i.e. the home and
the
mosque. They
diverge
from
he more
asaliya
(traditional)
idea that all
spheres
of life
should be
unified and
inseparable.
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352
How
Islam
translates into
public
education has been a
particularly vexing
issue
between the two camps; a dialectic one Egyptian educator characterized as a
"debate between the
deaf."5
Western-oriented secularists constitute
a
high
percentage
of those
in
policy
making
positions;
a
fact
which most Islamists would
see as one of the
greatest
hindrances to
the
Islamization
of official educational
policy.
By
virtue
of
being
products
of
a
Westernized
educational
system,
most
secularists have been
influenced
by
Western
humanist
thought,
predisposing
them a
perpetuate
the
dichotomy
between secular and
religious
education. Secularists
not
only
differ
from
Islamists on
education
in the
interpretation
of
Islam,
but
also consider
Islamic education
theory
to
be
seriously
flawed
from an
epistemological
perspective.
I
will now
turn to
evaluating
some of the counter
arguments
which
secular
policy
makers make
against
Islamic education.
Liberal,
secular educational-
ists'
primary
criticism of Islamic educational
theory
has been its
rigid
abso-
lutist
posture
on truth. Such a
dogmatic
position,
from
a
secularist
perspective,
can
only
breed intolerance toward other
religious
or
nonreligious
ideologies.
By claiming
that
one has infallible
whole truth one
implies
that
all other beliefs
are
false,
skewed,
or
only
partially
true.
Clearly,
from
an
absolutist
perspec-
tive,
differing ideological
positions
cannot
all be
presented
as true "since
accepting
the truth of
one tradition
requires
that other
traditions be dismissed
as mere truth
claims"
(Halstead
1995:
37).
When those
espousing
a
position
of asala
want
to make Islamic
education the
norm,
do
they
account
for
minority
positions,
religious
or otherwise?
Egyptian
policy
makers
perceive
the
inherent
risks of absolutist
thinking
in
these
terms:
The perceptionof absolute ruth al-haqiqaal-mutliqa)becomesdeeplyrooted n
the
minds
of the
students,
who
eventually
ome
to
believe
there s
only
one
possible
solution
or
answer
to
any problem,
and that
in
every
situationthere
is
only
one
answer
or
truth,
n
spite
of the fact that there
might
be
several correct
answers.
We have
suffered
a lot from
the idea of absolute truth.
It
has for
many years
confinedour
thinking
and has
resulted n
paving
the
way
for extremism
a-tataraf)
bigotry
and
addiction.
Arab
Republic
of
Egypt
1996:
52-53)
From
a
liberal
perspective,
Islamic education is
problematic
because it
assumes a
primacy
of
religious
belief that
is based
on what Barrow would call
"unprovable
propositions"
(Barrow
1981:
147).
Nor
is it
open
to critical
scrutiny;
both
positions
are
contradictory
to the
process
of
educating.
If
schools seek to
initiate students
into a
particular
Islamic
conception
of the
world with the
intention
of
committing
them
to those
beliefs,
this is not edu-
cation,
according
to secularists, but indoctrination.
Indoctrination is
objectionable
according
to White
because it
prevents
the
recipient
from
questioning
beliefs
and
prevents
them
from
critically analyzing
the
status of
beliefs
(1982:
127).
The
question
of freedom arises
when there
is a
contrived
religious
agenda,
tending
toward
constraining people's
belief
along narrowly
conceived or
doctrinaire line.
Within the liberal
conception
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353
of
education,
children should be
allowed to
develop
into
morally
autonomous
people without external constraints. Islamic education "moulds" students into
a
predetermined
conception
of
how
they
should lead their
lives
and incul-
cates
"specific
kinds
of
dispositions",
which
does little to "liberate
pupils
from
ignorance
and
misconceptions"
(White
1982:
126).
One of
the
primary
dicta of
education
in
a modern context
is to
prepare
people
for
productive
employment.
The
relevance
of
religious
education
from
this
perspective
is unclear since obvious
priorities
should be
given
to those
subjects
furthering
usable
skills in
the work
place.
The
problem
with
including
religious
education
in
an
already
overcrowded school schedule
is
that
there
is
simply
not
enough
time to
address
it in
the
integrated
and
comprehensive
way
Islamists conceive
it.
The General
Director
of
Religious
Education
at
the
Egyptian
Ministry
of Education
had
this to
say
about
dedicating
more reli-
gious
instruction
to core curriculum time:
There
are
thirty
hours
a week of
study
(for
all
subjects),
and of
these,
elementary
studentsreceivethreehoursof
religion,
while
preparatory
nd
secondary
tudents
receive two hours
a week.
The
numberof hours
spent
in
religion
is sufficient.
I
don't
think
we
need more
religious
education
han have. It is a
tiny minority
of
the
population,perhaps
hree
percent,
hat
demandmore. But more
hours hanthis
would
simply
not be
appropriate
munasib)
or
Egypt.
If
we addtwo
to
these,
every
subject
will
also ask
for two
more,
and
we
would need
more
than
24
hours a
day
to fill
requests.6
Liberal educational
theory
would
also take
issue with Islam's
narrow
tran-
scendental
justification
of education.
Education as conceived
by
Islam
is
only
good
if it
inspires
virtue
in
the individual or
uplifts
the
community.
The liberal
theorist would
say
that education and
knowledge acquisition
need no
justifi-
cation. Education can be valued in and of itself and does not need to further
any
other
agenda.
Downie asserts that:
"The
simplest
justification
for educa-
tion,
and
perhaps
the
one
which in
the
final
showing
is the most
satisfactory
-
is that its
intrinsic
aims,
those
states
of
mind
which
constitute
it,
are
good
in
themselves or desirable for their own
sakes"
(1974: 50).
Since
religious
belief is a
private
and
subjective
matter,
it must
not be
allowed to "determine
public
issues
such
as education"
(Hirst
1974:
3).
If
one
particular religious position emerges
as
the
norm,
then
it also becomes
the standard
by
which the other
religious
and
nonreligious
positions
are to be
judged. Consequently, says
Cox,
"there is no
objective way
of
choosing
between
them. All
are based on
belief,
not on
demonstrably proven
fact,
and
so,
ideally,
each
is as
good
as
the other"
(Cox
1983:
117).
If
religion
is
going
to be studied at all in
public
education,
liberal
proponents
such
as
Barrow,
would argue that it needs to be within an academic framework only. Education
in a
public
forum
must
not
teach
religion,
but about
religion.
According
to
Barrow,
religion
can
only
be
taught
in
public
schools as an academic
exercise;
for
comparative
or historical
purposes.
Religion
should not be
taught
if the
intention is to
propagate
its
ideas to
the
students
(Barrow
1975:
150).
This
particular
position
has
been
adopted
by
the American
public
school
system.
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354
Conclusions
The
purpose
of this
paper
has been
to
illustrate
the
conflicting
and
incom-
patible ideologies
between
the
two
camps
of asala and
'ilmaniyya
when it
comes to aims and
objectives
of education
is Islam
in
general
and
Egypt
in
particular.
On the one
hand,
secular
forces
in
Egypt
comprising
of well-
educated
professionals,
intellectuals
and those
holding
the lion's
share of
political
influence,
advocate ideals
of a
modem
democratic,
pluralistic
society.
This
group, along
with the Mubarak
government,
make
conciliatory gestures
to the
demands of Islamic
reform
by
allowing
religion
courses
to
be
mingled
in with
the
required
curriculum. But
this
group
tenaciously
maintains
the
educational
status
quo
so as to
avoid
intolerance
and fanaticism.
On
the other
hand,
Islamists
adamantly
insist
that the
government
does not
go
far
enough
in
providing
an
education
system
of an Islamic
character.
They
argue
that
a
short-sighted
education
system
that consists
of
both
Western
and
Islamic
elements
destroys
social cohesion.
Egypt,
by
virtue of
being
an Islamic
nation,
requires
an
education
system
that is
comprehensive,
integrated
and in
alignment
with
the
doctrine
of tawhid.
Social cohesion
and
public
well-being
are
compromised
by
Egypt's
current
Western
hybrid
form of education.
On
the other
hand,
extremist
Islamic
inter-
pretation
is
highly
unrepresentative
of
the
vast
majority
of
Egyptians
and
also
casts
its own cancerous effects
on
social cohesion.
Neither secularism
nor
extremism
embodies
the
principles
on
which
Islamic
education
should
be constructed.
Islamic
education
in
Egypt,
Islamists
would
argue,
is irrele-
vant
only
if
Islam
is not true.
Either God's
final
message
to
mankind was
revealed in its
entirety through
Muhammed
and
enshrined
in the
Quran,
or
it
was not. If it was, then it is incumbent upon Muslim leaders everywhere to
mould their
education
systems
to
an Islamic
conception.
If the truth
of
Islam
is
established,
then its relevance
follows
as
a
matter
of course
(see
Mills 1874:
69).
"What is
Islam?"
asks
Rosenthal,
Is it a
personal
aith,
piety,
and
devotion,
or is it
a
religious
and
political
unity
for
the
community
of
believers?
If
the
former,
then Islam
has
no role to
play
in the
public
life of
a modem
Muslim
state,
and
it
is
unnecessary
o
confirm
or
refute
the
views of
individuals
who
thinkso. ...
But if
Islam is both
a
system
of
beliefs
and
practices
and
a law
for
the
community
of
believers,
then
its relevance
to the
modernMuslim
state
and
society
is
uncontestable.
Rosenthal
1965:
xi)
The
two educational
positions
of asala
and
'ilmaniyya
exhibited
in
Egypt
are
fundamentally incompatible
a
fact
that
unfortunately
does not
bode
well
for Egypt's educational future.
Notes
1.
Cowan,
J.
M.,
editor,
The
Hans
Wehr
Dictionaryof
Modern
WrittenArabic
(Ithaca,
New
York:
Spoken
Language
Services,
Inc.,
1976).
For a more
in-depth
study
of
-
8/10/2019 Islamic Versus Western (2)
18/20
355
these two terms
see
Azzam,
Maha,
Islamic Oriented Protest
Groups
in
Egypt
1971-1981: Theory, Politics And Dogma (D. Phil Thesis, Oxford University, St.
Catherine's
College), pp.
50-51.
2.
Egyptian
President
Hosni Mubarak
in
a
speech
to the
People's
Assembly
and Shura
Council
on
14
November,
1991
in
Arab
Republic
of
Egypt
1995
(7).
3. President
Mubarak,
speech
to the
People's
Assembly
and Shura Council
on
14
November,
1991, ibid.,
p.
7.
4.
Ibid.,
p.
61.
5. Interview
with
Sami
Nasser,
a
professor
of Adult Education
at the Institute
of
Educational Studies at Cairo
University
on 7
September,
1996.
6.
Interview
with
the General Director of
Religious
Education
in
the
Egyptian
Ministry
in
1991,
in
Toronto,
J. A.
(1992)
The
Dynamics
of
Educational
Reform
in
Contemporary Egypt
(Ph.D.
dissertation,
Harvard
University), p.
136.
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