Editor-i n-chiefProf. NataUa Prigarina

DeputyEditor-in-chief,Generalproject DirectorDr. Mirzo Dadokhonov

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Aida Soboleva

EDITORIALBOARD:Russian Federation

Academician(RASe)Ivan Steblin-KamenskyAcademician (RANSc)Magomet Isayev

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Contents

Emomali Rahmon To the Readers of Irano-Slavika: Navruz Greetings.

InterviewAn Interview with Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Republic of Tajikistan in Russia"Russia Has Always Been with us"

Modern Tadjikistan

5

Struan Stevenson The Project of President Rahmon should be widely supported 9

Modern IranN.M. Mamedova Electoral System in Iran and its role in Legitimation of Power. 10

The Avestav. Kryukova The Class of Near-water Creatures upapa in the Avesta: the Term and Mythology 13

22

"Russian Hafez" 26

32The Ilahi-nameh - Farid ad-Din Attar's «Divine book»

E.l. Kalinin The War Occured In our Lifetime.People and Destiny

36

PublicationsT. A. Minorskaya's Letters. Introduction and Publication by J.Dorri.

Ad memoriam

37

In Commemoration of Oleg Fyodorovich AkimushkinF. Abdullaeva-Melville About the TeacherM. Kurbanova The other AiniF. Abdullaeva-Melville Farewell to Iraj Afshar

42444849

50

istory, Part 2. 51Current Events

The Founder of Soviet Tajik Literature's Book.A.N. Boldyrev Given the International Rudaki Award."The Sasanids" - Russian «Book of the Year» in Iran

545557

News7th Session of the "Islam -Orthodoxy" Commission7th All-Russian Persian Language Olympiad.

Conferences and Exhibitions

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A Thousand Years with "Shahnarne" 61

64Authors of this Issue

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37

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Hoving in a Circuit: Alexander the Great inIran from pre-Islamic times to the presentJulia RUBANOVICH

In 334 BCEAlexander (III), son of Philip of Macedonia andOlympias the queen, led the Macedonian-Greek army against theAchaemenid Empire. In the three battles of Granicus, Issus andGaugamela the Persians were routed and the last Achaemenianking, Darius III, fled to the east of his vanishing empire, wherehe was assassinated by his satrap Bessus in 330. In the sameyear Alexander entered Persepolis, the major ceremonial andadministrative center of the Achaemenid Empire and "the rich-est city under the sun", according to an eyewitness accountfrom the time of Alexander, handed down by the first centuryhistorian Diodorus (cited in Wiesehofer 2006: 24). Alexanderburnt down parts of the Persepolis terrace, as a symbolic act rep-resenting the victorious end of his punitive campaign againstthe Persians and as a practical measure intended to preventpotential rivals to take possession of the treasures accumulatedin the royal capital (Wiesehofer 2006: 106). Alexander was nodoubt attracted by the concept of Persian kingship with itsemphasis on divine election, power transference within onefamily, and world domination. He saw himself as a successor ofthe Persian kings; he avenged Darius' death, executing his mur-derer Bessus; he honored and emulated Cyrus the Great thefounder of the Achaemenid Empire; he abode by Persian cus-toms, catering to his new subjects, much to the dissatisfactionof some of his Macedonian generals. t

Alexander's pro-Persian sympathies, however, were of no availfor improving his image in the long run. By the time of theSasanian dynasty at the beginning of the third century CE,Alexander was in ill repute, accused of the barbaric demolitionof Persepolis and the destruction of the Avesta, the holy book ofthe Zoroastrians. It did not matter that the former was only par-tially true: only certain sections of the vast complex were burntdown and Persepolis remained inhabited long after 330 BCE(Wiesehofer 2006: 25); as for associating Alexander with thedestruction of the Avesta, this was pure invention: the Avestawas not and could not be committed to the flames for the sim-ple reason that at the time of Alexander it had not yet existedin a written form. For centuries it had been transmitted orallyand was first written down most likely in the fourth century Be,under the Sasanian king Shapur II (Kellens 1989: 35-6). Historyhad been gradually giving way to myth, to the myth of Alexanderthe Great which over the centuries was to undergo modifica-tions, re-accentuations, would alter in meaning and function ina peculiar and at times seemingly bizarre fashion. In the pres-ent paper I would like to punctuate the most significant trans-formations of the Alexander myth, with the aim of elucidatinghow the figure was used (that is, transfigured) at the crossroadsof Iranian history to accommodate historical changes and cul-tural shifts.

I shall start my "Alexander journey from the past to the pres-ent" with the Sasanians, the last great pre-Islamic Iraniandynasty, which ruled from 224 to 642 CEoThe Sasanians shared acommon geographical basis with their distant Achaemenianpredecessors: both dynasties originated in the region ofParsjFarsjPersis in the southern part of the Iranian Plateau.Their knowledge of the Achaemenians was restricted to a gener-

al awareness of the existence of a great Persian power in thesame area in the remote past to whose grandeur monuments andcarved reliefs bore eloquent testimony (Wiesehofer 2006: 223-224). Notwithstanding their very limited information, theSasanians claimed direct succession to the Achaemenids bycommemorating their own political and military achievements inthe same sites and locations as their predecessors. Thus theyanchored themselves in Persian collective memory, conferinglegitimacy on their own kingship (ibid.: 165-168). The territori-al-political continuity was only one of the two pillars on whichthe Sasanians based their legitimacy. The other was theZoroastrian religion which acquired official status under theSasanian kings. The priestly hierarchy was established, theAvesta was committed to writing, the vast exegetical literaturearound the holy book flourished. It is during this period that theperception of Alexander assumed an unambiguously negativecoloring as an evil destroyer of the Sacred Scripture (cf.Yamanaka 1993). In the Zoroastrian text Arda Viraz-namag, akind of visionary treatise, it is written: "... the accursed Evil-spir-it the wicked one, in order to make men doubtful of this religion,instigated the accursed Alexander, the Ruman, who was dwellingin Egypt so that he came to the country of Iran with severe cru-elty and war and devastation; he also slew the ruler of Iran, anddestroyed the metropolis and empire, and made them desolate.And this religion, namely, all the Avesta and Zand, written uponprepared cow-skins, and with gold ink, was deposited in thearchives, ... he burnt them up. And he killed several desturs andjudges and herbads and mobads and upholders of the religion,and the competent and wise of the country of Iran. And he casthatred and strife, one with the other, amongst the nobles andhouseholders of the country of Iran; and self-destroyed, he fledto hell" (The Book of Arda Viraf1872: 141-143).

The Sasanian royal and religious establishments' concern tocultivate the myth of Alexander as the destroyer of Iranian civ-ilization seems to have been prompted by the prevalent politi-cal-ideological situation of the time. The unceasing confronta-tion of the Sasanians with the Roman and then the Byzantineemperors, of whom Alexander the Great was perceived an ances-tor, made the definition of the Same and the Other (or theSameness and the Otherness) as acute as never before. Pursuingtheir desire for self-identification, the Sasanians created (orreinforced; see Shahbazi 2005) the idea of Eranshahr ("Empireof the Aryans") as a political concept to be counterpositionedto "Aneran" ("Lands of non-Aryans"), the latter designatingboth the non-Iranian territories conquered by the Sasaniansand those beyond their reach (MacKenzie 1998; Gignoux 1987).Another important concept much promulgated by the Sasanianswhich would prove of the utmost relevance to the further evolu-tion of the Alexander myth in the Iranian domain, concernedthe idea of xvarrah (in Middle Persian) or farr (in Neo-Persian),that is "divine grace". Only rulers of Iranian descent whoascended the throne in an orderly manner of succession withinthe royal family could be invested by the divine grace, and thuslegitimized. In the case of misdeeds,farr would depart from theruler, leaving him unprotected and exposed to the vagaries offate and the enmity of evil-doers. Such was the fate of the

1. The article is a revised version of the paper given at the 1st German-Israeli Frontier of Humanities Symposium 2009 "On the Move: People, Ideas, Artifacts." Much has been writ-ten on Alexander's Iranian politics and the significance of his adoption of Persian court ceremonial. See, e.g., Briant 2002: 851·855, 869·870, 875·876; Bosworth 1980.

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( ltl PAHO-CnABltl KA )===mythological king Jamshid: in his arrogance he dared comparehimself to God; the divine grace left him and he was cruelly putto death by the Arab king Dah hak, Iran thus falling prey to theunlawful rule of the usurper (Khaliqi-Mutlaq 1988-2008: 1,41-52). In Sasanian writings the historical Alexander the Greek andthe mythological Dah hak the Arab are often mentioned togeth-er, forming an accursed pair that brought calamity upon Iran(cf. Yamanaka 1993, 1999).

This negative perception however did not remain dominantfor long. The Arab conquest of the seventh century put an endto the Sasanian Empire, and Iran became a part of the Islamicoicumene. The Alexander myth continued to evolve. Only thestaunchest medieval Arabic and Persian historians and men ofletters, e.g., al-Maqdisi, Ibn al-Jauzi, Nizami, Abu al-Fida', main-tained the historical descent of Alexander from Philip ofMacedonia (see respectively Huart 1899-1919: III, 152; 'Ata and'Ata 1412/1992: 1,424; Tharvatiyan 1368/1989: 117-118, esp.ll. 34-37; Fleischer 1831: 76). By far the most common and wellestablished version of Alexander's origin and birth became theaccount of an Iranian parentage, epitomized by the poetFirdausi in the late 10th century in the chapter on Alexander inhis monumental epic poem Shah-nama (The Book of Kings).According to this account, Alexander was born of the marriageof Darius with the daughter of Philip. The marriage quickly andabruptly came to an end because of the newly-wedded's badbreath, which made her repugnant to the Iranian sovereign. Thepoor girl was sent back to her father, already pregnant withAlexander who thus qualified as a direct descendant of the royalIranian lineage in possession of the [art. the divine glory(Khaliqi-Mutlaq 1988-2008: V, 520-526). In due course, after anumber of conflicts and difficulties, Alexander legitimatelyascended the throne of Iran, though spending most of his shortlife in travelling the world in search of wonders (Khaliqi-Mutlaq1988-2008: VI, 3-129).

In the absence of the necessary sources, we are unable totrack how and when the Iranian version of Alexander's descentcame into being. This notwithstanding, two points can be rathersafely made. First, the idea to Iranicize Alexander, as well as thepattern for doing so, must have taken shape under the influenceof the Pseudo-Callisthenes, the Greek Alexander Romance, com-piled in Alexandria in the third century by a Hellenized Egyptianand finding its way into the Iranian domain already under theSasanians. The Greek Alexander Romance makes Alexander anEgyptian by concocting his descent from an Egyptian king andmagician called Nectanebo, and Olympias, Philip's wife(Stoneman 1991: 35-44). Secondly, the endeavour to IranicizeAlexander and therefore - at least partiaLLy- to legitimize hisconquest of Iran was necessary in order to introduce him intothe official cycle of Iranian national history, thus ascertainingits continuity. The emphasis on orderliness and continuity, theeffort of presenting the history of Iran from mythological timesto the Arab conquest in terms of an uninterrupted succession oflegitimate Iranian rulers, as exemplified in Firdausi's Shah-nama, was alLthe more important in view of the severe blow tonational Iranian feelings as the result of the Arab conquest andthe rising awareness of a new Muslim Iranian identity usheredin by the emergence of the first Iranian dynasties in the 10th -early 11th centuries, which were de-facto independent of theIslamic Khalifate (cf. Safavi 1364/1985: 39-41).

An additional stage in Alexander's metamorphosis in thePerso-Arabic tradition was his Islamization. This became possi-ble thanks to the exegetic process revolving around the myste-rious character of Dhu al-Qarnayn (''The Two-Horned"), whomakes an appearance in the 18th sura of the Qur'an (verses 82-102). According to one interpretation, ultimately accepted asauthoritative, Dhu al-Qarnayn was identified with Alexander theGreek - Iskandar al-Rumi - who was sent by God to subdue the

KnaCCM'4eCKa1l c1JMnonOrM1I

peoples of the World, calling them to the monotheistic faith.The Islamization of Alexander signified the culmination of histransformation into a metahistorical, semi-mythic figure thataccumulated around itself a host of heterogeneous cultural tra-ditions, a figure highly receptive of additions and modificationsand easily subject to re-accentuation of meaning and function.In its basic structure the medieval Islamic Alexander myth canbe summarized as follows: an exemplary Islamic ruler of Iraniandescent, a paragon of justice, who associates with philosophersand sages and becomes an accomplished philosopher himself;he subjugates the universe; as the last stage of his personaldevelopment he is invested by the prophetic mission of prosely-tizing the true religion among the unbelievers, which he suc-cessfully fulfills until his premature death.' At the same timethis ideal image is tinged by the motif of human conceit andvanity, forgetful of the inevitability of death, expressed inAlexander's futile search for the Water of Life (cf. Khaliqi-Mutlaq1988-2008: VI, 91-96; Tharvatiyan 1368/1989: 508-528; Safa1344-46/1965-68: II, 584-591). Immortality is to be found nei-ther in world conquest nor in the quest for universal power, butin the good name which a ruler leaves after himself upon hisdeparture to the other world and which can be obtained by justand benevolent deeds alone (cf. Kappler 1996, 2000).

The ambivalence of the Alexander myth brought out the top-ical relevance which accounted for its wide and variegated rep-resentations. Thus, the concept of Alexander as Cosmocrator,the Ruler of the Universe, was exploited by Muslim sovereigns ortheir milieu to allude to their own success and might; again, itwas widely used in didactic and religious, especially Sufi, mysticliterature to admonish potentates of their religious obligationsand the necessity of piety (Rubanovich (forthcoming)).

The twelfth century was a focal point in the development ofthe legendary Alexander material in the Persian domain. It wit-nessed the evolution of alternative or complementary accountsconcerning Alexander's birth and upbringing. More precisely, inthe twelfth century we see an active process of fixing in writingthe oral tradition about Alexander. This development is wellillustrated by an account found in a popular prose romancetitled the Darab-nama (The Book of Darius), ascribed to AbuTahit-i Tarsusi (Safa 1344-46/1965-68).

As the story goes, after being expelled by the finicky Darius,Philip's daughter Nahid returned home to her mother. The twodid not dare tell anybody about the girl's pregnancy. When thetime of delivery approached, the mother launched her plan.Nahid is sent with her wet-nurse to set up a tent at the foot ofa mountain where a sage, Aristotle by name, dwells in his hut.The girLgives birth to a beautiful boy, breast-feeds him till hebecomes strong enough, and then, heart-broken, departs, leav-ing the boy in the tent with a bundle of rich clothes and asignet-ring (Safa 1344-46/1965-68: I, 389-391).

In a nearby town there lived an old woman who had a she-goat. For several days her goat came back from pasture without adrop of milk to give. One day the perplexed woman decided to putan end to the mystery: she followed the goat, which led her to atent guarded by a lion. As soon as the lion saw the goat, he wentaway. Entering the tent, the woman saw her goat suckling a babyboy. Taken aback, she goes to the sage Aristotle for advice. At firsthe tells the woman to take care of the boy; however, discerningthe divine grace (farr-i izadl) emanating from the child, he real-izes that the child must be a royal offspring. Aristotle then bringsAlexander up, teaches him all the sciences, fortune-telling andastrology among them, till the boy reaches his tenth year (Safa1344-46/1965-68: I, 391-394). Alexander's dexterity at fortune-telling and dream-interpretation makes him the talk of the town,but at the same time it brings upon him troubles of every sort.After a long period of wanderings, adventures and hardshipsAlexander chances on his mother, is recognized by her and at last

2. For discussion, see, e.g., Abel 1966; Bbrgel1995, 1999; de Polignac 1996; Genequand 1996; Piemontese 1995.

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becomes the heir apparent of his grandfather Philip, the ruler of The later, Islamic reception of Alexander demonstrates the pat-Rum (Safa 1344-46/1965-68: I, 394-422). tern of Appropriation, articulated first and foremost in his

The folk origin of the narrative can hardly be mistaken. The Islamization. Alexander's essential activities, such as discover-folk motifs are easily identifiable: "An abandoned child saved" ing and occupying new lands, mastering a strange, alien space(Aa-Th R 131); ':'\n old shepherdess saves an abandoned child" by founding great cities, the Alexandrias (ct. de Polignac 1987;(El-Shamy 1980: R 131.3.5§); ':.\nimal as guard" (Th B576); Doufikar-Aerts 1994), his quest for universality, were rethought"The boy adopted by tigers (animals)" (Type 535); ':'\ dreamer- and assimilated within the Muslim tradition through continuityinterpreter is punished for an unwanted prophecy. The prophe- and not through negation. This pattern of response becamecy comes true" (El-Shamy 1980: J 815.5.1§). possible due to the absolute universality at the core of Islam

What could be the significance and the import of this alter- itself, counterposed to the confessional limitation ofnative sequel to Alexander's birth? From a young prince brought Zoroastrianiasm. The Islamic world-view is of a cumulativeup at court and educated in a courtly spirit, Alexander is trans- nature: Islam embraces in a hierarchical order the two olderformed into a foundling suckled by an animal, whether goat or monotheistic religions, turning them into "additional" compo-sheep (cf. Huma'i [1333/1954]: I, 209), and reared by a sage nents rather than considering them as alien.who teaches him the most non-courtly skills - fortune-telling In the course of the nineteenth century, as a result of inten-instead of polo and dream-interpretation in place of the martial sive interest in the languages, religions and mythologies of thearts; and it is only after enduring perilous adventures and East, the concept of a proto-Indo-European language washumiliations that Alexander ascends the throne. launched, with the term "Arya/Aryan" designating this supposed

Placing the alternative account of Alexander's upbringing in common linguistic entity that later broke up into language fam-a wider perspective of Iranian mythology, a set of significant ilies, the Indo-Iranian languages being one of them. At the samerelationships emerges: the mythological king Faridun who time, the first important discoveries in Achaemenian andeliminated the vicious usurper Dah hak and restored the legit- Sasanian history and culture were made. With the rise to powerimate rule, was suckled by a brindled cow, Barmaya, and spent in 1925 of Reza Khan, who adopted Pahlavi - the name of thehis childhood in the hut of a pious man who dwelt on Mount Middle Persian language - as his last name and the name of hisAlburz (Khaliqi-Mutlaq 1988-2008: I, 62-64); the hero Zal was dynasty, the ethno-racial connotations of the Aryan concept,reared by the mythological bird Simurgh (idem.: I, 164-168); explicated in the Essai sur l'inegalite des races humaines ofthe illustrious king Kay-Khusrau spent his childhood among the Count Joseph Arthur Gobineau (1816-1882) and taken up byshepherds in the mountains (idem.: II, 364-370). One can mul- Nazi ideologues, came to the fore. In 1934 Persia was officiallytiply examples, citing legends about historical figures such as renamed Iran, "the country ofthe Aryans"; the Persian languageCyrus, Darius, Sasan, the eponymous founder of the Sasanian was elevated to the status of the national and only official lan-dynasty, let alone characters from world folklore. It seems that guage of the educational system; a committee was establishedwe are dealing here with a different mode of legitimizing hero to purge Persian of Arabic words; the nationalistic idea of oneand king, one rooted in the oral tradition and functioning country, one language, one nation resulted in the attemptedinstead of, or perhaps parallel to the official Zoroastrian notion eradication of any signs of ethnic and linguistic diversity in theof legitimacy, based on the ethno-religious identification of a multiethnic and multicultural Iran, starting from forbidding non-ruler as one of the most important prerequisites for his posses- Persian ethnic groups to give their children indigenous ethnicsion of forr. names and ending with a brutal anti-tribal policy. The 30s' and

To my mind, the sequel to Alexander's birth marks a kind of 40s' of the 20th century signified the dawn of nationalistic his-watershed in the perception of the figure of Alexander in the torical writings in Iran. As an example, I shall mention the workPersian-speaking realm. From the twelfth century onwards the of Hasan-i Pirniya Iran-i boston ("Ancient Iran"), published inIranian overtones of the Alexander legend had been gradually on 1930, which combined major European philoloqical, historicalthe wane. Emphasis came to be placed on Alexander's religious and archeological findings about the ancient periods of Iranactivity in proselytizing Islam; he emerged first and foremost as with a nationalistic method of historiography. Discarding all thea God-fearing and pious ruler and the identification with the age-old Islamic views of Alexander and reluctant to deal with theQur'anic figure of Dhu al-Qarnayn was hardly ever questioned. The complexity and ambiguity of Alexander's representation acrosstransformations which befell the theme of Alexander's birth and the centuries, but unable or unwilling to scrutinize historicalupbringing seem to me closely related to contemporary historical evidence concerning Alexander, Hasan-i Pirniya insists on thereality: by the twelfth century and later the Persian-speaking Alexander's Greek origin and treats him as a womanizer, a cruelrealm was ruled mostly by dynasties of non-Iranian origin, often conqueror and a sworn enemy of Iran.without any illustrious pedigree. The figure of Alexander did not Ironically, the same approach to the historical Alexander islose its attraction and became well adapted to suit the purposes characteristic of the prevailing contemporary attitude in theof various Turkish and Mongol rulers, from the Il-khans of Mongol Islamic Republic of Iran, notwithstanding the antithetical ideo-origin in the thirteenth century to the Safavids of Turkish tribal logical premises of the two systems. A brief aside is necessarydescent in the sixteenth. The emphasis on the Iranian descent of here. It would be a mistake to regard the period from the incep-Alexander ceased to be significant; instead, the touching story of tion of the Islamic Republic up to the present as homogenoushis difficult rise to power might have had more appeal for the and static as far as the attitude to the history of Iran is con-non-Iranian rulers and their subjects. cerned. The common tendency has been to marginalize and

If we conceptualize the perception of Alexander presented minimize the significance of the pre-Islamic history of Iran andhere in general theoretical terms, two patterns can be dis- to present the inhabitants of Iran in terms of an Islamic com-cerned. The pre-Islamic Sasanian pattern is that of negative munity (ummot-i is/ami) as opposed to the Iranian communityAlienation, or Estrangement, where the Other is localized at the (ummot-i ironi) which is associated with the secularism of thefarthest end of the relative scale "Sameness-Otherness" and is Pahlavis, a tendency expressed in school textbooks. Radicalgrasped in the present case, as an absolute evil, aggressive and manifestations of this tendency were the attempts, albeiteven irrationaL For the Sasanians the construction of the nega- unsuccessful, to demolish the grave of Cyrus and the memorialtive perception of the Other functioned for the purpose of to Firdausi, both being among the prime symbols of Pahlaviclaiming and reasserting their own exclusivity and superiority, monarchic rule. Since the 90s' of the last century, however, con-with two dominant aspects: the ethical-religious (hence the cern with Iranian Islamic identity begins to reappear, with somelegend of Alexander's destruction of the sacred writings) and intensity. The approach is mostly highly revisionist. Thus, in athe ethnic (hence the emphasis on Alexander's Greek origin). book entitled "The False Biography" iKomama-yi bi-durugh) a

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( lt1PAHO-CnABlt1KA )===writer, poet and a popularizer of history, Puran Farrukh-zad,came to the conclusion that there were two Alexanders: one wasthe Greek Alexander who ruled only for 12 years and during thisbrief period could not conquer the land of Iran; he was stub-born, ill-tempered, a drunkard and a libertine who died ofsyphilis; the other was the Iranian Alexander - Iskandar-iUrumi, a native of Anatolia, a pious Muslim who built the Wallagainst the Impure Nations of Gog and Magog as described inthe Qur'an, and who was thus represented as waging an inner-Iranian war against the Achaemenids. Alexander's invasion istherefore none other than an invention and a plot on the part ofthe Westerners, both ancient and modern, to humiliate thenoble and audacious Iranian nation who would never submit toforeign rule. Although there are more nuanced variants of thissomewhat eccentric handling of Alexander's figure in contem-

porary Iranian historical writing, the emphasis is still on thesubstantial superiority of the Iranian constituent as against theWest.

Despite the different motivations - the Pahlavi dynastywishing to praise the Iranian past and including itself in theline of legitimate Iranian monarchs; the Islamic regime aimingat the denial of any significant Western influence on Iran, -their vision of the historical Alexander the Great appears to bea reductionistic ideological construct, enveloped in a quasi-sci-entific fabric and averse to historical facts and findings. TheAlexander journey from the past to the present ends here, hav-ing completed a circle: whatever the motives, the pattern ofAlienation has dominated the perception of Alexander in mod-ern Iran, creating a curious continuity between the Zoroastrianpast and the Islamic present.

8i bliogra phyI. Abel 1966 - Abel, A. "La figure d' Alexandre en Iran." Aui del convegno sui tema: La Persia e il mondo greco-romano (Roma 11-14aprile 1965). Roma: Accademia azionale dei Lincei pp. 119-134.2. 'Ata and 'Ata 1412/1992 - Ibn al-Jauzi, Al-Muntazam fi ta'rikh al-muliik wa al-umam. Ed. 'Ata, M.'A. and M.'A. 'Ata. Beirut: Dar al-kutub al-'ilmiyya. 18 parts in 16 vols.3. Bosworth 1980 - Bo worth, A.B. "Alexander and the Iranian ." The Journal of Hellenic Studies 100, pp. 1-21.4. Briant 2002 - Briant, P. From Cyrus to Alexander. A History of the Persian Empire. Trans. Daniels, P.T.Winona Lake, Indiana: Eiseonbrauns.5. Biirgel 1995 - Biirgel, J.e. "Conqerant, philosophe et prophete: I'image d'Alexandre Ie Grand dans l'epopee de Nezarni." Pand-osokhan. Melanges offerts a Charles-Henri de Fouchecour, Ed. Balay C., C. Kappler e. and Z. Vesel. Tehran: Institut francais de rechercheen Iran, pp. 65-78.6. Biirgel 1999 - Biirgel, 1.Ch. "L'attitude d' Alexandre face a la philo ophie grecque dan trois poernes epiques persans: Le romand' Alexandre de izarni I' A'ina-i I kandari de Arnir Khu raw Dihlawi et Ie Khiradnama-i I kandari de Djami". Dans Alexandre Ie Granddans litterature occidentales et proche-orientales. Actes du Colloque de Paris, 27-29 novembre 1997. Reunis par Harf-Lancner, L., C.Kappler, et F. Suard. anterre: Universite Pari X Centre de Science de la Litterature, 1999, pp. 53-59.7. de Polignac 1987 - de Polignac, Fr. "L'imaginaire arabe et Ie mythe de la fondation legitime." Alexandrie entre deux mondes. La Revuede I 'Occident Musulman et de la Mediterranee 46/4, pp. 55-62.8. de Polignac 1996 - de Polignac, Fr. "Co mocrator: 1'1 lam et la legende antique du souverain universel." The Prob/ematics of Power.Eastern and Western Representations of Alexander the Great. Ed. Bridges, M. and J.Ch. Biirgel. Bern: Peter Lang, pp. 149-164.9. Doufikar-Aert 1994 - Doufikar-Aert , F.e.W. 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