involvement in the pentecostal tradition

8/19/2019 Involvement in the Pentecostal Tradition

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Karina Loayza Silva

NGO’s and Development in Missions

GORDON-CONWELL THEOLOGICAL SEMINARYDecember, 2015

Social Involvement in the

Pentecostal Tradition


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TABLE OF CONTENTS

1.

INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................. 2

2.

LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY ..................................................................................... 2

3.

THE BIRTH OF THE GLOBAL PENTECOSTAL MOVEMENT .................................. 4

3.1.

THE BACKGROUND OF PENTECOSTALISM ...................................................... 5

3.2.

THE BIRTH OF PENTECOSTALISM ...................................................................... 7

3.3.

PENTECOSTALS IN SOUTH AMERICA ................................................................ 9

3.3.1.

Pentecostalism in Chile ........................................................................................ 9

3.3.2.

Pentecostalism in Brazil ..................................................................................... 12

3.3.3.

General Panorama of the growth of Pentecostalism in Latin America .............. 13

4.

SOCIAL INVOLVEMENT OF PENTECOSTAL CHURCHES .................................... 16

5.

CONCLUSIONS AND REFLECTIONS ......................................................................... 19

6.

BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................................................................................ 20


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1. INTRODUCTION

“We need to be careful about not to mix the denominations”. These were the words of one of

the leaders in my local church previous an evangelistic campaign we did in conjunction with

other churches in Lima, Peru. Her concern was due mainly because a Pentecostal church was

part of the group and the other three were Baptist, ours included, so she did not want our

joined service to be disordered or messy. This ordinary situation may be helpful to show the

reader a pervasive and implicit understanding among many conservative middle-class

churches which is that Pentecostal churches do not have a solid theology in regards of

salvation, their services are very disordered because of their extravagant and ecstatic worship

style, and many practices in the church are considered legalistic. I think that this one-size-fits-

all conception of Pentecostalism is hindering not only an important learning experience but

also depriving us of the opportunity to enhance our ministries because after all the

Pentecostal church has proven to be the fastest growing denomination around the globe and

also the most engaged in social action. So the purpose of this research is to learn from the

Pentecostal tradition in order to extract some valuable lessons that could be apply in the

context of our local churches whether they are Pentecostals or not. In order to do so we begin

our discussion with the birth of the Pentecostal movement, then we will follow its growth and

discuss the theories that have tried to explain its exponential explosion around the globe.

Because the Pentecostal phenomenon is considered very adaptable to its context, this research

will focus its analysis in South America. Some examples will be given to show the social

engagement of the church in this context. Finally, this research will draw some valuable

reflections on the Pentecostal effort to walk with the poor.

2. LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY


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According to the estimations from the Center for the Study of Global Christianity there are

about 279 million Pentecostal Christians in the world which represents more than 12% of all

Christians and about 4% of the world’s total population1. Based on this fact, we will not dare

to put together the different Pentecostal traditions and orientations in one single group but

will focus on a type of Pentecostalism defined by Miller and Yamamori in their book “Global

Pentecostalism” as Progressive Pentecostals. Therefore, it is convenient to identify and

describe, following the research of Miller and Yamamori2, the five different organizational

types of Pentecostalism along with the four different orientations across these types.

Classical Pentecostalism which traces its roots to the religious revivals of the late 18 th

century and to the prayer meeting at Bethel Bible College in 1901. These events led to the

launch in 1916 of the Assemblies of God, a denomination that now has over 370,000

churches and more than 61 million adherents around the world3.

Indigenous Pentecostals traditions which are independent in their origin, their development is

spontaneous and they are not the result of any missionary effort from the West.

Independent Neo-Pentecostal churches which are started by charismatic and market-savvy

individuals in response of a perceived lack of vitality in the current religious environment.

These churches find their niche mainly among teens and young adults for whom they offer a

religious experience more attuned with their cultural background.

Charismatic Renewal Movement which includes mainstream Protestant and Catholics

congregations within a movement that adopts a more vibrant expression of worship and

prayer and practice of speaking in tongues, prophesy and healings.

1 Pew Research Center. December 19, 2011. http://www.pewforum.org/2011/12/19/global-christianity-exec/

(accessed November 28, 2015)

2 Miller, Donald, and Tetsunao Yamamori. Global Pentecostalism. London, England: University of California

Press, 2007.

3

AG, General Secretary's office. Statistics on the Assemblies of God. 2014.http://ag.org/top/About/Statistics/index.cfm (accessed November 28, 2015).

http://ag.org/top/About/Statistics/index.cfmhttp://ag.org/top/About/Statistics/index.cfmhttp://ag.org/top/About/Statistics/index.cfm


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Proto-charismatic Christians which include congregations that may not belong to a

Pentecostal or charismatic church however their practices are similar to those of

Pentecostalism.

Within these different expressions of Pentecostalism we find also different orientations. First,

we find that some Pentecostal churches are legalistic in their effort to set apart themselves

from the world. However, there is a new generation within these churches that is looking to

leave these practices of the former generations. Second, we find the health-and-wealth

megachurches which their emphasis on the materialistic well-being of their followers. Third,

and the focus of this research, we find a more balanced orientation among Pentecostals who

Miller and Yamamori define with the term of Progressive Pentecostals. This movement

began to emerge in the 90s decade and modeled their faith in a more holistic and integral way

following the example of Jesus’ ministry and leaving behind their former otherworldly

mindset and engaging their communities through innovative social ministries. This third

orientation can be found in the Classical Pentecostal church type but more frequently in Neo-

Pentecostal churches which are more familiar with contemporary organizational structures.

Finally, we identify a group churches which follow a pattern and customs of Pentecostalism

but in a moderate way. Miller and Nakamori define this orientation as routinized

Pentecostalism.

3. THE BIRTH OF THE GLOBAL PENTECOSTAL MOVEMENT

It is not wise trying to understand a social phenomenon without going back to its roots in

order to discern the possible reasons or motivations behind its social involvement. For

instance, Pentecostal theologian Cheryl Bridget Johns asserts that from its historical


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beginnings among the poor in North America, Pentecostalism was always a movement of

conscientizacion4.

3.1. THE BACKGROUND OF PENTECOSTALISM

The turn of the 20th century in the United States found a fertile ground for revivalism in U.S.

society. First, the Second Great Awakening (1800-1850) had left open doors to the entering

of the social gospel. Second, the period of reconstruction after the Civil war led to a sense of

optimism and idealism that was embedded in people's response to the new challenges of the

new century. Third, there was a general response among American Protestants to social

problems through various programs. This response along with a strong call to evangelize the

non-Christian world made the 19th century be declared as the “Christian Century” 5. The

theological and doctrinal perspective of the church to address these issues was divided. On

the one hand, there was the holiness movement from which the Pentecostal movement

received its influence and inspiration. Since many of these holiness churches would become

Pentecostal after the Azusa Street Revival it is important for the purpose of this research to

understand their dynamics. Holiness believers of Methodist background were very committed

to perfectionism, a purity of intention and eradication of unholy desire, as an essential

Christian mark. While the other group of holiness churches without Wesleyan background

believe that power for Christian service was the principal fruit of sanctification, and

suppression of sinful desire instead of its eradication is the highest standard for Christian

life6. On the other hand, there was the response of the Social Gospel tradition which

emphasized a gradual work of sanctification in the life of the individual as well as there is a

4 Johns, Cheryl Bridget. Pentecostal Formation. Sheffield, England: Sheffield Academic Press, 1993

5 Wingeier-Rayo, Philip D. Where are the Poor? : a comparison of the ecclesial base communities and

pentecostalism -a case study in Cuernavaca, Mexico. Eugener, OR: Pickwick Publications, 2011. pp. 10.

6

McGee, Stanley M. Burgess and Gary B. Dictionary of Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements. GrandRapids, Michigan: Zondervan Publishing House, 1988.


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progressive revelation of God along with the pace of times which works toward social

changes in society.7 Some Scholars, like the Methodist historian Charles Yrigoyen, explain

the separation of many holiness churches from the Methodist Episcopal Church on account of

the incompatibility between the holiness movement and the Social Gospel tradition. Others,

like Johns B. explains the separation out of a perceived abandonment of Methodism to the

needs of the people and the quest for personal piety8. For Johns, “the experience of

sanctification brought about a new moral and social sensibility”9 and this in turn would lead

the holiness adherents to address issues like slavery, extreme poverty, and illiteracy.

Finally, as Johns B. points out, Pentecostalism has deep roots in black spirituality. African

American pastor William James Seymour who is considered by many as the father of the

Pentecostal movement was the son of former slaves. The black influence on Pentecostalism is

summarized by W. Hollenweger as follows:

Orality of liturgy,

Narrativity of theology and witness,

Maximum participation at the levels of reflection, prayer and decision-making andtherefore a form of community that is reconciliatory,

Inclusion of dreams and visions into personal and public forms of worship; they

function as a kind of icon for the individual and the community.

An understanding of the body/mind relationship that is informed by experiences of

correspondence between the body and mind; the most striking application of this insight

is the ministry of healing by prayer 10.

In summary, we find that Pentecostalism absorbed an emphasis on sanctification from the

holiness revivals which positively is seen into its intentional emphasis of showing God’s

kingdom like behavior and negatively into its developing an otherworldly mentality. Also,

7 (Wingeier-Rayo, 26)

8 Johns, Cheryl Bridges. Pentecostal Formation: A Pedagogy among the Oppressed. Melksman, Wiltshire:

Cromwell Press, 1993.

9

Ibid. 65.10 W. Hollenweger cited by Johns, Cheryl Bridges in Pentecostal Formation. p.67


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from black spirituality Pentecostalism kept the emphasis upon an oral and dynamic liturgy,

participation of the whole community and the freely practice of visions and dreams.

3.2. THE BIRTH OF PENTECOSTALISM

It has being said that from its origins Pentecostalism showed a radical and countercultural

equality between blacks and whites, men and women and rich and poor. The active presence

of the Spirit put everyone at the same level because we all are in need of salvation.

Pentecostalism stood against the established order of its day by putting together whites and

blacks in worship in total defiance of the Jim Crows laws11. These two facets of

Pentecostalism regarding countercultural social patterns and its ecstatic religious practices

gave many of its followers a “siege mentality”, leading them to apart themselves to the rest of

the “world”. But after the World War II, Pentecostals were gradually accepted by the more

traditional churches so much so that they were part of the formation on the National

Association of Evangelicals in 1943, and also started to receive second generation middle

class members. These changes according to Johns B. were a sign that Pentecostals were

losing its sect-like characteristics, however there is still a “corporate memory” of its

revolutionary roots12.

The roots of the early Pentecostal movement can be traced back to Bethel Bible School in

Topeka, Kansas, 1901. His founder, former Methodist and holiness preacher, Charles Fox

Parham (1873-1929) was an ardent believer that the baptism of the Holy Spirit was available

to all believers who lived a holy life, and that the gift of tongues meant the acquisition of a

foreign language without prior knowledge of it ( xenolalia). This would be the ultimate tool

for the task of world evangelization with which he was very committed to.

11 Synan, The Holiness-Pentecostal Movement, p.165 cited in Johns, Cheryl Bridges. Pentecostal Formation: A

Pedagogy among the Oppressed. Melksman, Wiltshire: Cromwell Press, 1993.12 Ibid. 70.


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In January 1906, William J. Seymour attended Parham’s Bible school for about six weeks,

and during this period Seymour was influenced by the teachings and ideas of Parham about

world evangelization, holiness, divine healing, premillennialism, and in particular his

teachings about the baptism of the Holy Spirit and the Bible evidence for the gift of tongues,

though Seymour was convinced that this gift was the evidence of baptism he was not fully

convinced that it consisted of a known human language meant for missionary purposes.

Neither had he agree with Parham’s doctrine of the annihilation of the wicked and the Anglo-

Israelite theory13.

Shortly after on 22th February 1906, Seymour travelled to Los Angeles where after initial

difficulties he began a Bible study group of few people in a small house and later, in need of

a larger space, they rented a building at 312 Azusa Street, popularly called as “Azusa Street

Mission”. The growth of the African American mission is well documented. Records from

period estimate that the congregants at Azusa Street Mission reached about fifteen hundred

people on any given Sunday during 190614.

One of the most important aspects of the Azusa Street Mission, according to Cecil M. Robeck

Jr. is that it continues to serve as an example for its outreach to the marginalized- the poor,

women, and people of color 15. The missionary zeal is also an aspect to consider as important.

The same year it was founded, the mission sent several evangelistic missions into many

different regions in U.S territory and even sent at least thirteen missionaries to Africa. By

early 1907, they already had missionaries in Mexico, Canada, Western Europe, the Middle

13 Parham’s racist theology states that the Twelve Tribes of Israel had gone into captivity, but only two had

returned to the land of Israel. Those once lost ten tribes could now be identified with the Anglo-Saxon people.

He viewed the Anglo-Saxon Protestants as in some way specially blessed by God, as superior people, and this

inevitably placed African Americans and other people of color at a distinct disadvantage. (Robeck Jr.,Cecil, 48)

14 Cecil M. Robeck, Jr. The Asuza Street: Mission and Revival. The Birth of the Global Pentecostal Movement.

Nashville, Tennesse: Thomas Nelson, Inc., 2001. 15 Ibid., 13.


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East, West Africa and several countries in Asia. By 1908, they had presence in South Africa,

Central and Eastern Europe, and Northern Russia16.

3.3. PENTECOSTALS IN SOUTH AMERICA

The history of the Pentecostal movement in Latin America is not well documented since most

of the pioneer leaders left very few records and even those who did so they were not

meticulous in compiling and analyzing the events17. In addition to this, the progress of the

movement is very different in each country, Pentecostalism has been described as a very

adaptable movement and dependent on the particular context in which it develops. Therefore,

we will focus on Chile and Brazil where the history of the movement is best documented.

Then finally we will present a general panorama of the growth of Pentecostalism in Latin

American countries.

3.3.1. Pentecostalism in Chile

According to the PewForum’s 2006 Pentecostal survey18, the Protestant population in Chile is

one of the most “pentecostalized” in Latin America. Roughly two-thirds of all Protestants are

either Pentecostal or charismatic, and approximately one quarter of all Catholics are

charismatic.

In Chile, the history of the movement began with the efforts of American Methodist

missionary William Taylor who since 1877 promoted the developing of self-supported

churches by recruiting missionaries in the United States who would come then to Chile and

there sustain themselves by working in English-speaking schools. His efforts were well paid

because the Methodist church grew tenfold during 1897-1908 and mainly among the lower

class and uneducated people. Taylor’s recruiting was successful among Methodist of

16 Ibid., 8.

17

Justo Gonzales; Ondina Gonzales. Christianity in Latin America. New York: Cambridge University Press,2008. 18 The Pew Forum. Spirit and Power: A 10-country survey on Pentecostals. Washington: Pew Forum, 2006.


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revivalist tendencies of the lower classes without high education, they were more comfortable

working among the poor and the uneducated in Chile. This was a cause of critics and

humiliation on part of some mainline Protestant missionaries saying for instance that “the

Presbyterian Church was far ahead the Methodist church, among other things, in culture and

education” referring in particular to Methodist pastor William Hoover 19. He brought in the

experience of “baptism of the Holy Spirit” to his church. He was trained by William H.

Durham, who had been baptized by the Holy Spirit at Azusa Street in 1907, at the North

Avenue Mission in Chicago20.

The Pentecostal revival began in the eve of New Year in 1909 at Hoover’s Methodist church

in Valparaiso where according to the account of Hoover himself was a “manifestation of the

Holy Spirit”. The events at Hoover’s church were not the only ones, other Methodist

churches in the city of Santiago found this new religious fervor. Some believers who claimed

to have the gift of prophecy asked the pastor for an opportunity to speak to the congregation

when he refused to do so many conflicts started within the church. Seeking to address the

recent events, the entire governing body of the Methodist church in Chile gathered in the

Annual Conference at Valparaiso. Charges of insubordination bordering on heresy were

brought against Hoover who, though he was acquitted, finally left the Methodist church two

months later with five hundred members in order to create the “Iglesia Metodista

Pentecostal”21 with Hoover as its pastor. Unfortunately, this pattern of schism within the

church became a routine even until today not only in Chile but also in most Latin American

countries. Two other churches in Santiago followed the lead and created the “Primera Iglesia

19 Ibid. 272.

20 Wingeier-Rayo, Philip D. Where are the Poor? : a comparison of the ecclesial base communities and

pentecostalism -a case study in Cuernavaca, Mexico. Eugener, OR: Pickwick Publications, 2011. p.15.

21 Translated in English as “Methodist Pentecostal Church”


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Metodista Nacional” (First National Methodist Church), and the “Segunda Iglesia Metodista

Nacional” (Second National Methodist Church). Later, Hoover agreed to become the

superintendent of the created denomination. The term “National” attached to the new created

churches is an indicator that the conflict was beyond doctrinal differences and forms of

worship. It was also a conflict between the more recently arrived and foreign missionaries

who valued more education and order and also whose vision was to work among the middle

class that they represented and the new and developing national leadership along with earlier

missionaries who preferred to work among the marginalized in the urban centers of Santiago

and Valparaiso22.

In summary, the Pentecostal movement grew in the first place among Protestants who left the

mainline denominations in order to join the Methodist Pentecostal church or another similar

denomination. But later, it started attracting converts from among the Catholic population in

the urban centers. The appeal of the Pentecostal movement seems related to its impression of

being a caring community and that for a population marginalized by its poverty was a direct

help to a need that the Catholic Church was not attending at that moment. This along with the

attraction of the miraculous healings and the experiences with the Holy Spirit convinced

people to join the emergent Pentecostal church.

The evangelistic zeal that we have already seen after the events at Azusa Street are also found

in the Iglesia Metodista Pentecostal which from its very beginnings sent workers to open new

places of worship, usually in a rented home. In this way they opened new congregations, or

sometimes people who moved to another area would start gathering in their home. We can

see that theological training of the leadership was not a requirement and this is congruent

with the emphasis of the movement on emotion, freedom and spontaneity with the same

possibility to attain positions of leadership. However, as J. Gonzales notes, one of the

22 Justo and Ondina Gonzales; Christianity in Latin America. p. 276.


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problems that have frequently plagued Pentecostalism elsewhere in Latin America is the

authoritarian attitude of some of its pastors and leaders.

3.3.2. Pentecostalism in Brazil

Since its time as a Portuguese colony, Brazil has been a strongly Catholic country. Even

today, Brazil has the highest Roman Catholic population in the world. However, this

panorama is been changing in recent decades. The last Brazilian census in 2010 shows that

the percentage of the Brazilian population who identifies as Catholic has been dropping on a

constant rate from 92% in 1970 to 65% in 2010. On the other hand, the percentage of the

protestant23 population has been rising rapidly from only 5% in 1970 to 22% in 2010.

In particular, the growth of Pentecostalism in Brazil has been noticeable. In 1991, the census

indicated that about 6% of the Protestant population belonged to a Pentecostal church, and by

2010 this percentage grew to 13%24.

The early history of the Pentecostal movement in Brazil is very similar to what we have

already seen in Chile. Its founder was Luigi Francescon, an Italian immigrant who while

living in Chicago was attending a church deeply influenced by the Azusa Street Revival. Not

long after he and his wife were "baptized in the Holy Spirit", they felt the Lord were calling

them to South America to work among Italian immigrants. They arrived to São Paulo in 1909

and started working in a Presbyterian church. A schism happened when his speaking of

tongues and inviting others to seek the baptism of the Holy Spirit were not well received. He

left the congregation taking the dissident group with him and with them, and others from a

different mainline protestant congregations and even Catholics, founded the Congregação

Crista no Brasil (Christian Congregation in Brazil) which according to the national census in

23 “Protestant” in Latin American context include evangelical mainline denominations as well as those who

belong to traditional and independent Pentecostal denominations.24 The Pew Forum. Brazil's Changing Religious Lanscape. Washington: Pew Forum, 2013.


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2010 is the third biggest denomination with about 2.2 million members25. According to the

Hispanic historian Justo Gonzales, its growth was mostly urban as it is the case with most

other Pentecostal churches in Latin America.

Another important Pentecostal denomination is the Brazilian Assemblies of God which was

founded by independent missionaries from the United States. As Francescon, the founders of

the Missão da Fe Apostolica (Mission of the Apostolic Faith) were two Sweden immigrants

who joined the Pentecostal movement in the Midwest and then felt a call to go to Brazil.

Daniel Berg and Gunnar Vingren arrived in Brazil in 1911 and shortly after started their

ministry in a Baptist church in Belem do Para that only in few months went through a

division when the pastor did not agree with the teachings of the Sweden missionaries. In

1918, the Missão da Fe Apostolica decided to establish links, so changing its name, with the

Assemblies of God in the United States, a young denomination founded in 1918 that joined a

number of churches affected by the Azusa Street Revival26. This denomination is the largest

in Brazil with about 14.4 million members by the beginning of the 21th century.

3.3.3. General Panorama of the growth of Pentecostalism in Latin America

Pentecostalism in Latin America during its early period became the church of the poor, “the

haven of the masses” as sociologist C.L. D'Epinay has qualified the movement. Furthermore,

its initial evangelistic zeal, its offering of a caring community for the marginalized along with

the creation of spaces where they have access to positions of leadership and authority since it

is the Holy Spirit which empowers the believers to be used by God, all made of it

25 Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística. s.f.

http://www.ibge.gov.br/home/estatistica/populacao/censo2010/caracteristicas_religiao_deficiencia/default_c

aracteristicas_religiao_deficiencia.shtm (último acceso: 8 de December de 2015).

26 Justo Gonzales; Ondina Gonzales. Christianity in Latin America, p.281.

http://www.amazon.com/s/ref=dp_byline_sr_book_1?ie=UTF8&text=C.L.+D%27Epinay&search-alias=books&field-author=C.L.+D%27Epinay&sort=relevancerankhttp://www.amazon.com/s/ref=dp_byline_sr_book_1?ie=UTF8&text=C.L.+D%27Epinay&search-alias=books&field-author=C.L.+D%27Epinay&sort=relevancerank


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Pentecostalism a very powerful movement27. This could be seen in contrast to the mainline

Protestant churches in Latin America who have attracted principally middle-class members

and, as we have seen in the early history of the movement, the first Pentecostal churches were

formed out of dissident members of the mainstream protestant traditions and then started their

outreach among lower classes in the urban areas. From this point on the expansion of the

Pentecostal movement has proved wrong Western scholars about the death of Christianity,

and the impact of its growth has changed the center of gravity in the Christian world shifting

from the West or the so-called First world to the South, to Latin America, Africa and Asia 28.

Many scholars have discussed the possible factors for the exponential growth of

Pentecostalism. But as we already have mentioned, the movement takes a different form in

each context, then we only can make some general statements about the bigger picture and

then try to evaluate if our theories make sense into a particular context. Historian Justo

Gonzales in his book “Christianity in Latin America” presents seven characteristics of

Pentecostalism that he considers are present, at least in some extent, in most Latin American

countries. We are going to take some of his insights as a starting point and then try to

interpret how some of these particular characteristics may be related with the involvement of

Pentecostals in social ministries.

First, there are three periods in the history of Pentecostalism in Latin America: (1) 1909-

1929. The beginnings, as we have already seen in Chile and Brazil, (2) 1930-1960.

Stabilization and Organization, where the new created church finds its character, develops or

establish forms of government, sets its statement of faith. (3) 1960 – present. This is the time

for multiplication and exponential growth. Unfortunately, it is a time of the rise of “heretical

Pentecostal movements”. It is very interesting to note that not all the South American

27

(Wingeier-Rayo 2011), p.26.28 Jenkins, Philip. The Next Christendom. New York: Oxford University Press, 2007.


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countries are in the same stage of development. For instance, in Peru29 the start of Pentecostal

growth dates from the late seventies.

Second, Pentecostalism in its first generation was born among the poor in the urban areas

then moving into small and rural areas. But later in the second and third generations, not only

it began attracting the middle class but also its members began to improve economically.

The social perspective gained from a personal experience with poverty is definitely a decisive

factor for the awareness of the need of the poor.

Third, even though it is true that some Pentecostal churches have legalistic and otherworldly

orientations, they seem to develop a social sensitivity as they mature and then they become

increasingly involved in “mercy ministries” as they usually call their outreaches to help the

poor. Also, along with its numerical growth comes an interest in politics since their presence

in society in some countries is very relevant.

Along with the maturity and numerical growth of the church come many challenges that the

church faces when it became more involved in its community. For instance, most mercy

ministries have as a goal to relieve an immediate need.

Fourth, the freedom that from the birth of Pentecostalism was provided to all believers to

attain positions in leadership has resulted in the break of the traditional roles for men and

women in the church in several denominations and independent churches.

The emphasis on the empowerment of the Holy Spirit and the bestowing of gifts to all

believers gives a new set of values that give dignity and worth to all people without

differences of race, sex, or economic status. This unity of the body creates a caring

community just as it was in the early church.

29

Edited by Barbara Boudewijnse, Andre Droogers, and Frans Kamsteeg. More than Opium. London: TheScarecrow Press, 1998.


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Fifth, some sociologist and historians of religion have noted a connection between

Pentecostalism and Latin American religiosity which is a mix between the Catholicism

inherited by the colonist and the ancient native spirituality. For instance, the very rhythmic

style of worship and repetitive phrases, the appeal for physical healing, the traditional vows

characteristic of the Catholic tradition that are somewhat similar to Pentecostal testimonies.

Sixth, the strong tendency to schism within churches that gives a total picture of

Pentecostalism in Latin America of a few very large denominations as well as thousands of

independent churches and minor denominations.

Finally, and to give a critical evaluation of the movement, J. Gonzales calls to our attention

that there is often a strong note of triumphalism among Pentecostals that Latin America

would become “Christian” and that eventually and naturally will lead to a better social order.

This perspective, J. Gonzales says, led many Pentecostals leaders in Guatemala to support

General Rios Montt30 who was a first a lay Pastor at the Iglesia Pentecostal del Verbo

(Pentecostal Verbo Church) before assuming the presidency of his country (1982-83) and

then later in 2013 was facing charges of genocide and crimes against humanity31.

4. SOCIAL INVOLVEMENT OF PENTECOSTAL CHURCHES

Various scholars of Pentecostalism in Latin America have characterized the movement as a

religion which identifies with the needs of the poor 32. In addition to this, as Johns B. proposes,

Pentecostalism offers an environment conducive to conscientizacion that includes the spiritual-

affective and oral dimensions of human interaction33.

30 Christianity Today. s.f. http://www.christianitytoday.com/gleanings/2013/may/guatemalas-evangelical-

dictator-found-guilty-of-genocide.html (último acceso: 9 de 12 de 2015).

31 Federación Internacional de Derechos Humanos. Genocidio en Guatemala: RIos Montt culpable. FIDH, 2013.

32

Mariz, Cecilia Loreto. Coping with Poverty. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994.33 C. B. Johns, Pentecostal Formation, pp. 26


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Therefore, if these observations are true then we should certainly find them in action among

the many Pentecostal churches spread around the world, or for the purpose of this study, in

South America. This is what Miller and Yamamori did for about 4 years among fast growing,

indigenous and self-supportive Pentecostal churches located in the developing world. Their

findings would give us a clear picture of how Pentecostal social ministries look like in everyday

life. The following examples are given to portray the outreach of these ministries.

Renascer Church34 (Reborn in Christ) in Sao Paulo, Brazil. The church feeds about 2,500

people every night. This ministry is partially subsided by from offerings, but people also buy

and bring food to the church for distribution to the poor.35 Volunteers work among the

homeless in the urban area of Sao Paulo on a regular basis, they do not preach but pray with

the people and their ministry is done without calling the attention of media, or for political

interest.

Resurrection 2000 church in Santiago, Chile. On a weekly basis, except Sundays, volunteers

from the church serve a sit-down meal for 200-250 people. They shelter the people for lunch

regardless of church membership, the one stipulation is that adults need to bring a child with

them. Again, there is no preaching during lunch and funds for the ministry are raised through

radio advertisings and members also bring food to share with the poor.

Feeding the people is a very conventional way to address a specific need of the community.

But hunger and poverty are not the only challenges the church finds within a community, and

most of the time these needs are the compass they use to direct their efforts. For instance, in

Argentina and Chile many programs deal with domestic violence and family-related issues. A

Pentecostal church in Chile have a Youth Encounter program that seeks to break generational

34 Renascer church was involved in a serious investigation for mishandling of money. Its two founders, Estevam

and Sônia Hernandes, appeared in court in the US accused of trying to smuggle $56,467 in cash through Miami

airport. Source: http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/19/world/americas/19brazil.html?_r=0. 35 Miller and Yamamori, Global Pentecostalism, pp.45

http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/19/world/americas/19brazil.html?_r=0http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/19/world/americas/19brazil.html?_r=0http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/19/world/americas/19brazil.html?_r=0http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/19/world/americas/19brazil.html?_r=0


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bridges between teens and their parents. In addition to this, they run Marriage Encounter

weekends. In the barrios36 of Caracas, Venezuela. Miller and Yamamori found sister

Marlena, a woman who became a Pentecostal Christian after the killing of her son. She

founded a mission among teenagers and young adults which life conditions are devastating

and life-threatening. These youth finds in her a surrogate mother, and in their faith expressed

through Pentecostal practices, a way out from their daily temptations. An interesting note

about this community is that it is very effective in transforming the libidinal energies of this

youth into the act of worship. Miller and Yamamori say that “religion seemed to be bringing

order to their lives at the very time that it was allowing for ecstatic release. This may be the

unique genius of Pentecostalism.37

The Church of the Open Door in Buenos Aires, Argentina. The youth group of this church

grew from 90 people to 350 in only 5 years. Its growth seems due to the fact that the Bible

study of Saturdays finds a real connection through the community service in which these

young people are involved on a weekly basis. They have found that being disciples of Jesus

give a real purpose and a meaning to their life. Their ministries include feeding the homeless,

visiting the elderly, join church leaders in taking mental patients from the psychiatric hospital

on day trips. Along with these activities, there are the more usual programs for youth that we

are all used to see in our churches, contemporary music, physical activities and Saturday

outings.

Even though there are still many Pentecostal churches which has not move out from the old

tradition of personal holiness and otherworldly mentality, there are many others, like those in

our examples that are engaging their communities, facing the challenges that come from

everyday life within the barrios. They create their ministries to attend the need in front of

36

“Barrio” is a low-class neighborhood. It is usually very crowded and dangerous for outsiders.37 (Miller and Yamamori, 87)


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them, they need to be innovative in facing the challenges of this broken world, and their

Christian faith is put to the test in ways that do not occur with the same frequency in the so-

called first world countries.

5. CONCLUSIONS AND REFLECTIONS

When we go back to the roots of Pentecostalism in the revival of Azusa Street

Mission we can find the seed of integration, the feel of community and the zeal for

reaching the world with the gospel. It is possible that many Pentecostal churches,

especially those legalistic and otherworldly, do not share the beliefs which once

founded the Pentecostal movement. However, its legacy is there after all and so, we

can understand the reason why the mercy ministries are at the heart of its actions.

The emergence of the movement, at least in the countries where we find reliable

accounts, show us that the Pentecostalism in Latin America is a particular expression

of its own culture and an answer to the cry of the many marginalized sectors of

society which the mainline Protestant traditions were not reaching out to or attending

to their physical needs. In this sense, Pentecostal churches are in a best position to

help the needy just for a matter of proximity. And this also comes with the challenge

of approaching the social matters with more structured organizations. I believe that

the more traditional churches developed in the middle class areas of the urban cities

have much to offer to their fellow churches. We, in Latin America, need a global

vision of the church without the walls of social and economic classes. We need to see

the church as a whole, and our neighbors beyond our comfort zone.

From the characteristics of its development, we see how Pentecostal churches in their

second and third generation have more resources on the one hand, but on the other

hand and more important they do have the first-hand experience of poverty. They see


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the need because they were there. Their past experience may help them to understand

the need if they keep sensitive.

Most countries in Latin America have are blessed with religious freedom, so

Christians can engage in many different social activities. I believe that many times we

take this for granted and do not seize the opportunity to be more involved in reaching

out our communities not only with the Gospel but also by helping the poor.

The latent challenge for Progressive Pentecostals is whether they can creatively

incorporate ideas from other religious traditions. They need to learn how to think

institutionally without losing their passion to reach out the poor 38

In the examples seen in this brief study we can see the power of transformation that

social ministries have in the life of Christians. It may be that the Pentecostal church is

growing faster because the more people get involved in helping others the more their

hearts are transformed and their witness become powerful so others are attracted to

the church through their love in action.

6. BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. Cecil M. Robeck, Jr. The Asuza Street: Mission and Revival. The Birth of the Global

Pentecostal Movement. Nashville, Tennesse: Thomas Nelson, Inc., 2001.

2. Edited by Barbara Boudewijnse, Andre Droogers, and Frans Kamsteeg. More than

Opium. London: The Scarecrow Press, 1998.

3.

Federación Internacional de Derechos Humanos. Genocidio en Guatemala: Rios

Montt culpable. FIDH, 2013.

4. Jenkins, Philip. The Next Christendom. New York: Oxford University Press, 2007.

5.

Johns, Cheryl Bridges. Pentecostal Formation: A Pedagogy among the Oppressed.

Melksman, Wiltshire: Cromwell Press, 1993.

38 (Miller and Yamamori, 67)


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6.

Justo Gonzales; Ondina Gonzales. Christianity in Latin America. New York:

Cambridge University Press, 2008.

7. Mariz, Cecilia Loreto. Coping with Poverty. Philadelphia: Temple University Press,

1994.

8. McGee, Stanley M. Burgess and Gary B. Dictionary of Pentecostal and Charismatic

Movements. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan Publishing House, 1988.

9. Miller, Donald, and Tetsunao Yamamori. Global Pentecostalism. London, England:

University of California Press, 2007.

10. The Pew Forum. Brazil's Changing Religious Lanscape. Washington: Pew Forum,

2013.

11. The Pew Forum. Spirit and Power: A 10-country survey on Pentecostals.

Washington: Pew Forum, 2006.

12. Wilkinson, Michael, y Steven M. Studebaker. A Liberating Spirit: Pentecostals and

Social Action in North America. Eugene, Oregon: PICKWICK Publications, 2010.

13. Wingeier-Rayo, Philip D. Where are the Poor? : a comparison of the ecclesial base

communities and pentecostalism -a case study in Cuernavaca, Mexico. Eugener, OR:

Pickwick Publications, 2011.

involvement in the pentecostal tradition

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