inuit traditional knowledge, modernity and climate change in the arctic

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8. Outline and discuss traditional knowledge in relation to Arctic subsistence practices and/or climate change Contents INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................................. 2 OUTLINE I: SUBSISTENCE AND TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE .......................................... 3 OUTLINE II: CLIMATE CHANGE AND TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE ................................ 5 DISCUSSION I: CULTURE, CHANGE, LIVING .................................................................................... 6 DISCUSSION II: HUNTERS IN MODERN GREENLAND........................................................... 8 CONCLUSION .................................................................................................................................. 10 REFERENCES .............................................................................................................................................. 11

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A brief outline of the history of change in the Arctic region, and a discussion of Inuit traditional knowledge in contemporary Greenland and of the role anthropology plays in research in the area.Sent in on the 15th of June 2015 as the final paper of the course 'Regional Theme' about the Arctic and Greenland in Anthropology at Aarhus University.

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Page 1: Inuit Traditional Knowledge, Modernity and Climate Change in the Arctic

8.  Outline  and  discuss  traditional  knowledge  in  relation  to  Arctic  

subsistence  practices  and/or  climate  change  

 

 

 

Contents  

 

INTRODUCTION  ..............................................................................................................................  2    

 

OUTLINE  I:  SUBSISTENCE  AND  TRADITIONAL  KNOWLEDGE  ..........................................  3    

OUTLINE  II:  CLIMATE  CHANGE  AND  TRADITIONAL  KNOWLEDGE  ................................  5    

DISCUSSION  I:  CULTURE,  CHANGE,  LIVING  ....................................................................................  6  

 DISCUSSION  II:  HUNTERS  IN  MODERN  GREENLAND  ...........................................................  8  

   

CONCLUSION  ..................................................................................................................................  10  

   

 

REFERENCES  ..............................................................................................................................................  11    

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Introduction    

In   this   article,   I   will   outline   and   discuss   traditional   knowledge   in   relation   to   the   effects   that  

climate  change  has  had  and  might  continue  to  have  on  the  lives  of  the  residents  in  the  Arctic  and  

Greenland  as  well  as  their  subsistence  practices.  

 

I   will   address   two   main   points   for   discussion   of   the   consequences   of   the   on-­‐going  

climate  change  in  the  Arctic  region:   I  will  briefly  outline  the  history  of  change  in  Greenland,  

the  impact  of  the  “modern”  way  of  life  and  the  challenges  that  the  Inuit  are  facing  as  sea  ice  

gets  thinner  and  thus  more  unsafe  to  use  for  travel,  transport  and  hunt.  I  will  also  touch  upon  

the   literature   that   dismisses   the   discourse   of   a   ‘vulnerable’   Arctic   region,   where   climate  

change   reduces   people   to   a   reactionist   role,   and   instead   regards   the   Inuit   as   fully   capable  

persons  that  can  stand  up  for  themselves  and  make  their  way  through  life  in  an  ever-­‐changing  

environment,   and   how   they   deal  with   this   change   using   creativity   and   skill.   Finally,   I   shall  

conclude  the  article  by  reassessing  the  points  addressed  in  article.    

 

The   Arctic   and   Greenland,   are   particularly   ideal   for   archaeologists,   geologists,  

ethnographers,  anthropologists,  etc.,  to  do  research  in  because  it  is  seen  as  a  “pristine,  semi-­‐

isolated,   self-­‐contained   ‘island-­‐like   system.”  This   fact  means,   that   scientists   not   only   can   go  

“back   in   time”   because   of   permanent   frost,   but   also   that   they   can   study   how  people   in   the  

region   have   responded   to   and   dealt   with   climate   change,   migration   and   other   phenomena  

alike.  This  part  of   the  world  has  an  extreme  climate  and  climate  change   is  more  outspoken  

here  than  anywhere  else  (Sørensen:  37).  I  will  discuss  how  the  peoples  of  the  Arctic  and  Greenland  have  shown  resourcefulness,  

when  dealing  with   climate   change,  maintaining   livelihoods   and   anticipating   the   future.   The  

discussion   will   draw   on   multiple   texts   that   deal   with   global   crisis   narratives   vs.   local  

narratives  (Tejsner;  Hastrup  &  Olwig),  social  resilience  in  the  Arctic  region  (Hastrup  &  Olwig;)  

and,  of  course,  climate  change  as  well  as  flexibility  and  anticipation  (Hastrup;  Nuttall).  Finally,  

I   will   address   the   hunter’s   way   of   life   in   modern   Greenland   and   discuss   the   role   of  

anthropology  in  the  region.  

 

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Outline  I:  Subsistence  and  traditional  knowledge  Since  contact  with  Greenland  was  resumed  on   the  Danish  part   in   the  early  18th  century,   the  

region   has   seen   missionaries,   traders,   European   whalers;   colonial   administration,  

transnational   companies   and   global   politics   impact   the   society   of   the   once   very   dispersed  

people   in   Greenland   (Caulfield:   168).   The   economy   of   Greenland   was   entirely   based   on  

subsistence   and   reciprocal   trade   between   families   and   communities   during   the   non-­‐

communication,   which   lasted   from   the   Middle   Ages   until   the   18th   century   until   Danish  

missionaries  started  entering  the  region  and  Euro-­‐American  culture  made  contact  and  impact  

on  the  trade.  Up  until  that  time,  Greenlanders  would  hold  “trade  gatherings”,  a  sociable  event  

where   next   of   kin   and   communities   could   get   in   touch.   However,   the   interaction   with  

colonists,  and  later  the  global  market,   transformed  the  trade  and  commercialized  it.  Though  

the  Inuit  population  did  not  see  it  as  a  threat  to  cultural  values,  their  local  produce  was  soon  

part   of   a   market   economy   and   therefore   dependent   and   vulnerable   to   fluctuating   prices  

(Marquardt  &  Caulfield:  108).  

Centralization  was  prompted,  first  by  the  Danish  government  through  the  G-­‐50  and  G-­‐60  

reforms,   then   by   the   Greenlandic  Home  Rule   government;  waves   of  migration   into   villages  

and   settlements   started   a   change   in   lifestyle   for   many   Arctic   people.   While   many  

Greenlanders  used  to  depend  on  their  own  hunting  skills  or  the  skills  of  other  hunters  in  the  

community,  now  the  larger  towns  have  transformed  the  life-­‐world  of  many  from  being-­‐in  an  

active  renegotiation  with  the  icy,  rocky  environment  as  you  went  to  hunt,  while  now  you  are  

in  being-­‐inside  town  environments  where  jobs  and  store  found  goods  imported  from  the  rest  

of  the  world  form  your  livelihood  (Hastrup:  255;  Aporta:  30).  

Nuttall   (2010)   praises   the   “mobility”   of   Arctic   hunters,   but   as   Hastrup   outlines,   the  

sedentary   way   of   life   has   marked   Greenland   demographics   for   many   years   now.   Hunters  

started   to   settle   trade   stations  because   their  way  of   life  meant   they  were   “flexible”   so   they  

“might  as  well   live   there  as  anywhere  else”  (ibid:  253).  She   laments   the   loss  of   “traditional”  

way  of   life,   i.e.  hunting,  and   the   increasing  dependency  on   “modern”   lifestyle  goods  such  as  

guns,  coffee,  sugar,  etc.  These  have  become  everyday  items,  if  not  necessities,  for  the  Inuit  in  

the   settlements.   This   on-­‐going   process   of   centralization   also  means   that   residents   of   Thule  

now  belong  to  a  district  with  the  capital,  Ilulissat,  being  2000  kilometres  to  the  south,  and  a  

“modern”   lifestyle   requires   ships   to   bring   in   items   during   the   summer,   “locally   defined   by  

open  water”,  and   the  population  are  dependent  on  goods  we  know  all   too  well   in  Denmark  

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such  as   “baby-­‐food,  socks”  or   “beer,  birthday  cards”  and  “windows,  dishwashers”,  etc.   (ibid:  

255-­‐256).   Even   though   the   government   helps  marketing   the   country   foods   so   that   hunters  

and  fishers  can  provide  for  themselves,  and  for  the  trade  in  Greenland  to  be  less  dependent  on  

import  (Marquardt  &  Caulfield:  113),  the  global  restrictions  on  game  are  perceived  as  a  threat  

to  cultural  survival,  hunting  traditions  and  Inuit  autonomy.  Just  two  examples  are  the  quotas  

on  “traditional”  subsistence  such  as  whales,  seals,  fish  and  skins  to  sell  at  the  local  market,  as  

well   as   the   government  policy   that   urges  people   to   eat   healthy,   i.e.   “vegetables,   rye  bread”,  

and,  thus,  discourages  the  hunters  from  eating  their  “traditional  food”  (Hastrup:  256-­‐257).  

The  growing  presence  of  the  central  government  through  policies,  game  restrictions  and  

judicial  administration  is  seeping  into  the  life-­‐worlds  of  residents  in  northern  Greenland  and  

creating   an   atmosphere  of  mistrust   for   authority   and   sense  of   loss   of   control,   as   expressed  

through   a   dim   view   of   the   future:   “in   ten   years   we   are   no   longer   here”   (ibid:   257).   The  

“anonymous”  rationale  of  Greenlandic  government  and  the  everyday  lived  experience  of  local  

residents   in  Thule,  Hastrup  argues,   serve  as   two  very  distinct   “environmentalities”,  when   it  

comes   to  economic  subsistence,   climate  change  and  sustainability   (ibid:  258).   It  also  means  

that   while   central   government   is   trying   to   create   policies   to   protect   local   or   traditional  

methods,   the  policies   can  be  perceived  by   the  people   as   an   attempt   to   control   them:   “With  

each   regulation,   the   hunters   have   become   more   integrated   into   the   state,   colonial   or  

otherwise,   yet   at   the   same   time   they   have   become  marginalized   from   their   own   histories”  

(Hastrup:  257).  

The   policies   to   deal   with   “overfishing”   are   a   clear-­‐cut   example   of   the   “biologist-­‐

protectionist”   rationale.   The   government   use   “biologist”   frames   to   define   overfishing,  while  

local  residents  of  Thule  perceive  it  to  be  a  moral  concept,  describing  a  person’s  conduct,  “not  

killing   more   than   is   strictly   needed   for   survival.”   One   informant   proved   to   have   a   very  

distinctive  perception  of  fish  population  numbers:    “How  many  is  many?”  (ibid:  260).  Hastrup  

also  describes  how  the  biologist  framing  of  narwhal  population  puts  qualitative  measures  in  

the  background;  locals  do  no  overfish  if  they  feel  a  population  needs  time  to  regenerate,  and  

when   it   comes   to  narwhal,   they  need   their  mattak   (blubber)   to   “fight  off  depression”   in   the  

harsh  winters.  Between  biologists  and  Inuit  residents,  it  is,  thus,  a  conflict  “between  points  of  

view,  and  not  between  long-­‐term  interests”  (ibid:  263).    

 

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Outline  II:  Climate  change  and  traditional  knowledge  Scientific  models  of  climate  change  tell  of  a  pending  “threat”  to  Arctic  peoples  livelihood.  But  

the  “envisioned  future”  for  the  global  climate  is  a  “model”  and  is  not  experienced  on  “ground  

level”  (Tejsner,  47;  Hastrup  &  Olwig:  5-­‐6).  The  extensive  use  of  “poster-­‐child  animals”  such  as  

polar  bears  by  the  global  media  is  a  phenomenon  that  has  very  little  to  do  with  the  everyday  

worries  of  hunters  (Tejsner:  50).  Nuttall  (2010:  28)  considers  “[w]orries  over  the  loss  of  polar  

bears  and  their  habitat  and  talk  of  the  last  days  of  the  Arctic  hunter”  to  “have  captured  public  

attention  and  provoked  the  alarm  of  conservationists  and  Indigenous  activists.”  In  the  “public  

imagination”,  that  is  media,  NGO’s,  environmental  and  animal  rights  organisations’  perceived  

image  of  Arctic  climate  change,  “Greenland  has  become  one  of  the  starkest  examples  of  global  

climate   change.”   Despite   the   fact   that   media   coverage   portrays   glacial   retreat   as   a  

consequence   of   global   warming,   not   only   have   Danish   expeditions   in   the   1940’s   whose  

purpose   it  was   to   investigate   the  melting  of  Greenlands’   glaciers,   concluded   that   this   is  not  

best   understood   as   global   warming,   there   is   also   in   the   Inuit   communities   a   common  

knowledge  of  glacial  retreat.  An  elderly  hunter  reports  that  “[t]he  ice  is  always  moving”,  and  

this  gives   the   impression   that   “[m]ovement   is  an  everyday   fact  of   life,  whether   in   the  social  

worlds  of   the   Inuit   communities,   in   the   sudden  migratory   shifts  of  beluga  whales,   or   in   the  

behavior  of  glacial  ice”  (Nuttall:  28).  

Nuttall   calls   attention   to   how   the   Arctic   peoples   historically   have   been   perceived   as  

human  beings  that  are  especially  well  suited  to  adapt  to  climate  change  (2010:  22).  He  argues  

that   the   Inuit  have  been  able   to  survive  and  adapt   to  not   just   to   the  Arctic  climate,  but  also  

extreme   climate   change   by   creatively   finding  means   of   livelihood   in   a   constant   relation   to  

animals   and   the   environment,   “anticipating,   waiting,   hoping,   pondering,   and   imagining   the  

movements  of   seals,  narwhals,   fish,  and  other  animals   to  be  caught”   (ibid:  25).  Tejsner  also  

experienced  this  during  his  fieldwork  with  hunters  in  the  Disco  Bay  area.  His  focus,  however,  

is   on   the   “crisis   narratives”   that   has   ”framed”   Arctic   residents   as   being   exposed   to   global  

warming,  which  in  turn  does  not  necessarily  form  part  of  the  lived  everyday  experience  and  

knowledge  of  the  local  population.  As  he  points  out  when  citing  Kelman:  “in  Inukitut  […]  there  

is   no  word   for   ‘vulnerability’”   and   instead   the   “local   sense   of   vulnerability   revolves   around  

emotions   [and]   the   value   of   intangibles”   (2013:   54).   Tejsner’s   interaction   with   the   local  

residents  show  how  knowledge  of  the  environment  helps  people  survive  and  creatively  find  

solutions  to  problems  “places  along  the  coast  […]  will  always  tell  you  where  you  are  and  how  

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far  you  need  to  go.”  These   local,  or  coastal  narratives   tell  of   the  “enduring  hardship”   that   is  

coupled   with   “enduring   confidence”   and   that   local   hunters   in   Disco   Bay   perceive   their  

environment  as  one  that  “has  always  provided  [them]  with  what  [they]  need”  and  at  the  same  

time   they   “will   continue   to   find   ways   of   making   a   living”   because   that   is   what   they   “have  

always  done”  (ibid:  58).  Instead  of  concern  about  consequences  of  global  climate  change,  what  

really  concerns  Inuit  hunters  on  an  everyday  level  is  the  sea  ice  getting  more  and  more  unsafe  

(Aporta:   24;   Nuttall:   28).   Ice-­‐edge   hunting   is   making   hunters   “more   nervous   than   ever”,  

because   it  has  become  “more  slippery”  and  some  have  gone  over   to  using  dogsled  on  shore  

fast  ice.  At  the  same  time,  the  snow  cover  is  also  changing  and  making  transport  with  dogsled  

and  snowmobile  less  easy  (Nuttall:  28).  

The   discourse   of   “vulnerable”   animal   species   and   peoples   in   the   Arctic   has   created   a  

sympathetic   attitude   towards  dealing  with   climate   change   and   the  well-­‐being  of   the  people  

living   there,   but   simultaneously   creating   a   view  of   ‘exposed’   and   ‘endangered’   cultures   and  

nature   (Tejsner;   Nuttall;   Hastrup).   Caulfield   even   wrote   his   essay   for   a   book   called  

Endangered  Peoples  of   the  Arctic.  While  we   outsiders  might   consider   “threats”   to   the  Arctic  

region  to  be  the  loss  of  biodiversity,  rising  sea  levels  and  pollution,  the  hunters  themselves  are  

perhaps  more  concerned  with  winds  that  makes  you  drift  away  from  shore,  thin  and  slippery  

ice   and   changing  migratory   patterns   of   animals   and   thus  making   it  more   difficult   to   hunt:  

“From  outside   the   risk  may   look   the   same,  but   seen   from  within  a  particular   life-­‐world   the  

threat  becomes  altogether  different”  (Hastrup  &  Olwig:  6;  Nuttall:  28).  

Maybe   in   the   future,   as   Tejsner   anticipates,   cod   fishing  will   become   a   big   industry   in  

Greenland  as  seawater  temperature  rises  and  leads  certain  types  of  fish  migrate  further  north.  

Transport  across  water  becomes  easier,  as  more  open  water  lets  boats  and  bigger  ships  pass  

through   the   straits   and   bays   (ibid:   53).   This   has   been   the   case   before,   for   example,   in   the  

1920’s   and   the   1930’s   when   ocean   temperatures   rose   and   made   cod   fishing   a   profitable  

industry  (Caulfield:  169).  

 Discussion  I:  culture,  change,  living  Culture   can   appear   “time-­‐less”   and,   thus,   culture   contact,   for   example,   as   when   Europeans  

began  traveling  to  the  Americas,   is  often  seen  as  “ruptures”  (Agrawal:  422).  But,  as  Agrawal  

underlines,   when   people   meet,   new   knowledge   is   shared   and   created,   and   knowledge   of  

technology  switch  hands  between  persons  and  is  incorporated  into  the  daily  life  of  the  other  

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persons.  He  finds  that  it  is  meaningless  to  talk  about  “scientific”  and  “indigenous”  knowledge  

and  the  ways  in  which  they  differ  and  complement  each  other;  it  is  all  knowledge.  Therefore  

we   cannot   talk   about   any   ‘authentic’   Inuit   hunting   culture   just   because   they   use   kayaks,  

harpoons,   etc.   Culture   is   not   a   fixed   deposit   of   features.   As   soon   as   it   is   used   for   purposes  

outside  its  everyday  use,  it  becomes  abstract  or  theoretical,  for  example,  for  tourist  purposes  

such  as  giving  an  ‘authentic  Arctic  experience’  or  visiting  the  Boras  in  the  Peruvian  Amazon.  

Their  campsites  have  most  of  the  necessities   like  other  small  towns,  they  wear  Nike  t-­‐shirts  

and   they   use   motorboats   for   transport   on   the   river,   but   for   your   touristic   visit   to   be  

‘authentic’,  it  means  your  ‘ambassadors’  dress  in  ‘traditional’  clothing  made  up  of  palm  leave  

hats,  straw  skirts  and  with  orange  fruit  paint  in  their  faces.  Same  thing  goes  for  the  hunters  of  

Thule  who  are  required  to  hunt  whales  and  seals  only  using  ‘traditonal’  technology,  i.e.  kayaks  

and  harpoons,  even  though  in  other  places  they  are  allowed  to  use  guns  and  therefore  have  an  

advantage.   Fortunately   for   the  hunters   of  Thule,   they   take  pride   in  using   their   “traditional”  

hunting  methods  using  kayaks  and  harpoons.  Paradoxically,  they  use  motorboats  to  get  to  the  

whale   spot   and   the   narwhals   are   shot   with   rifle   (Hastrup:   263).   The   reason   that   the  

“traditional”  methods  are  being  upheld  by  the  Inuit  themselves,  I  presume,  must  be  because  in  

doing   so   it   lives   up   to   the   idea   they   have   of   the   hunter’s   way   of   life   and   people   living   off  

subsistence   feel   respectful   and   can   claim   moral   high   ground:   “Skills   at   travelling   and  

wayfinding”  are  “socially  valued,  and  a  source  of  personal  pride”  (Aporta:  31).  

The  problem  that  anthropology  faces  when  trying  to  assert  the  consequences  of  climate  

change,  in  for  example  the  Arctic  region,  is  that  “anthropological  knowledge  and  practice  help  

to   shape   policy   of   climate   change”   (Nuttall:   23)   and,   thus,   the   findings   and   the   resulting  

discourse   affect   political   decisions,   indigenous’   rights   claims   and   cultural   self-­‐perception   of  

the  people  it  investigates.  Nuttall  argues  that  we  need  to  consider  people,  not  just  in  the  Arctic  

but  everywhere,   to  hold  “intentionality  and  action”  as  well  as  “agency,   imagination”  and  the  

ability   to   consider   “possibility”   and   make   “choices”   that   affect   their   lives.   Put   differently:  

“adaptation   is   reactive  whereas  anticipation   is   predictive  or  proactive   [and]  helps   to  orient  

human   action”   (ibid:   23,  my   emphasis).   Travelling   is   another   way   to   deal   with   change,   in  

search   of   subsistence   or   for   the   “love   of   change”,   and   other   reasons   such   as   exploration,  

visiting  relatives,  marriage,  social  pressure  and  nostalgia  (Aporta:  14),  which  for  me  seem  like  

very   ordinary   human   reasons   to   make   a   “change   of   scenery”.   In   South   Greenland,   sheep  

farmers  benefit  from  more  land  for  their  animals  to  graze  on.  Politicians  and  business  leaders  

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look  forward  to  prospects  of  possible  easier  access  to  gas,  oil  and  other  raw  material.  In  the  

midst  of  this,  the  impact  of  global  climate  change  and  fear  of  emissions  of  carbondioxide  (CO2)  

are  not  on  the  minds  of  the  people  of  Maniitsoq  in  western  Greenland.  They  hope  that  possible  

mining  sites  in  the  area  will  create  jobs  and  economic  development.  There  is  also  the  prospect  

of  becoming  an  independent  nation,  breaking  with  the  Kingdom  of  Denmark,  and  it  is  in  this  

perspective,  that  climate  change  does  not  “threaten  Greenlanders”  so  much  as  it  “empowers  

them”  (Nuttall:  29).  

Both   Tejsner   and   Nuttall   point   out,   that   climate   change   is   not   a   threat   to   human  

livelihood  and  survival,  but  it  can  become  another  horizon  of  the  future,  which  in  turn  incites  

to   dealing  with   change.   A   change   in   public   vocabulary   is   needed:   one   that   uses   not   a   risk-­‐

hazard  frame  but  one  that  underlines  the  agency,  intentionality  and  creativity  of  the  peoples  

of  the  Arctic  (Tejsner:  55;  Nuttall:  23).  In  this  manner,  not  only  will  the  residents  of  the  Arctic  

be  torn  out  of  the  passive  role  as  spectators  to  their  destiny,  as  perceived  in  the  public  image,  

we  will  also  be  able  to  perceive  them  as  agents  and  creative  human  beings  that  take  their  lives  

into  their  own  hands.  

 Discussion  II:  Hunters  in  modern  Greenland  Climate   change   that   brings   about   “topographical   change”   is   happening   simultaneously   as  

Greenland   nation-­‐building   politics   are   taking   shape.   Cartographic   changes,   such   as   the  

creation  of  “hunting  districts”,  means  that  hunters  that  depend  particularly  on  their  ability  to  

navigate   through   the   environment   and   use   their   knowledge   of   places   must   also   define  

themselves  and  their  environment  in  relation  to  the  Greenlandic  state  politics  (Hastrup:  252).  

Even   though   “[f]lexibility   has   been   the   hallmark   of   local   resilience   in   a  world   of   flux”  

(ibid:  267),  the  challenge  for  Arctic  communities  is  not  only  dealing  with  climate  change,  but  

the  increasingly  felt  changes  in  “political  and  ecological  order”,  i.e.  the  government  programs  

and   policies,   and   the   globally   agreed   quotas   that   inhibit   hunters   from   practicing   their  

“traditional”   way   of   regulating   and   sharing   the   catch   (ibid.)   Political   restrictions   not   only  

affect   the   economy,   but   have   also   created   physical   boundaries   of   the   “so-­‐called   hunting  

districts,  ”Upernavik,  Thule,  Ammassalik  and  Ittoqqortoormiit.  This  means  that  Greenland  is  

becoming   divided   into   “traditional”   hunting   grounds   and   “modern”   urbanized   districts  

(Marquardt  &  Caulfield:  113).  Residents  of  towns  may  start  to  perceive  the  hunting  districts  

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as  an  unfamiliar  “nature”  landscape  as  opposed  to  their  familiar  “town”  landscape.  This  could  

also  mean  that  the  Greenlandic  hunters  and  townspeople  will  become  alienated.    

Piniartoq,   the   Greenlandic   word   for   hunter,   translates   literally   as   “one   who   wants”  

(Nuttall:  33).  The  hunter’s  anticipation  of  weather  and  the  environment   is  key  not  only  to  a  

successful  hunt,  but  also  to  survive  the  trip.   In  order  to  anticipate  such  changes   in  weather,  

“[h]unters  and  fishers  do  not  talk  about  the  sea  as  a  featureless  surface  of  ‘broad  water’  [as]  

the  seascape  is  in  constant  flux.”  To  be  a  successful  hunter  in  Greenland,  one  must  be  able  to  

evaluate   one’s   hunting   environment   and   the  weather   conditions   of   said   environment.   This  

means   to   anticipate   “subtle   changes   in   the   mood   of   the   sky   and   their   effects   on   the   sea”  

(Nuttall:   31).   Tejsner   discusses   his   Qeqertarsuarmiut   hunters’   situation,   living   with  

uncertainties  when   dealing  with   bad  weather   and   increasingly   thinner   sea   ice   on  which   to  

hunt   and   transport   cargo   and   people.   Qeqertarsuarmiut   way   of   life   takes   place   along   the  

coastal   areas   of   the   Disco   Bay,   and   it   is   a   life   “lived   alongside   fluctuating  weather   and   ice  

conditions  as  these  make  themselves  felt  during  harvesting  efforts”.  They  perceive  themselves  

to  live  in  a  “familiar  and  benevolent  life-­‐world”  (Tejsner:  55).  Because  residents  of  the  Disco  

Bay  are  living  in  and  with  an  environment  that  is  constantly  prone  to  change,  their  everyday  

activities,  and  therefore  their  life-­‐world,  form  part  of  a  relationship  that  understands  that  sea  

ice  “is  not  an  object  of  concern  as  the  crisis  narrative  often  implies”  it  is  rather  an  “existential  

condition  of  being”  (59,  emphasis  original).  

Nuttall   holds   that  Greenlandic  hunters   are   “flexible”,   “mobile”   and   able   to   “anticipate”  

(climate)  change.  Just  as  the  Qeqertarsuarmiut  “will  continue  to  find  ways  of  making  a  living”  

(Tejsner:   58),   Nuttall   argues   that,   in   Greenland,   the   concept   of   anticipation,   translated   to  

“isumalluarneq”  or  “ilimasunneq”,  holds  connotations  not  only  to  “reason”  and  “expectation”,  

but   also   to   “hope”   and   “uncertainty”,   etc.   When   “[n]othing   can   be   expected,   much   can   be  

anticipated,  and  surprise  is  […]  certain”,  residents  of  the  Arctic  are  in  a  constant  negotiation  

with   their   environment   and,   simultaneously,   they   need   to   be   alert,   assess   and   anticipate  

future  challenges  when  harvesting  and  making  their  way  through  the  landscape  (Nuttall:  26;  

Aporta:  31).  This  shows  how  the  life-­‐worlds  of  Greenlandic  hunters  are  a  “work  in  progress”  

where  they  “acquire  intimate  knowledge  (ilisimassuseq)  of  their  environment”  (Nuttall:  26).      

In  most  of  the  articles  I  refer  to,  there  are  descriptions  of  how  Inuit  hunters  will  spend  

considerable  amounts  of  time  discussing  weather,  ice  and  wind  conditions.  This,  Ingold  holds,  

is  because  the  many  hours  that  hunters  talk  about  and  observe  change  in  their  environment  is  

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an   engagement   with   said   environment.   They   are   engaged   with   their   environment   because  

they   live   in   it   and   it   supports   their   livelihood,   and,   therefore,   they   must   constantly   be  

respectful   of   it,   because   they   know   if   you   do   not   engage  with   it   properly,   you   are   putting  

yourself  at  risk,  and  that  is  why:  “hunters  and  gatherers  consider  time  devoted  to  forays  in  the  

[environment]   to   be   well   spent,   even   if   it   yields   little   or   nothing   by   way   of   useful   return”  

(2000:  47).  To  deal  with  climate  change,   Inuit   residents  discuss  weather  conditions  so   they  

can  make  “an  alignment  of  harvesting  efforts  to  match  the  intentions  of  nonhuman  forces”  as  

these  are  felt  along  the  coast  (Tejsner:  59).  

One  problem  with  anthropological  literature  dealing  with  indigenous  people,  according  

to   Ingold,   is   the   constructionist   perspective.   Drawing   on   phenomenological   philosophy   and  

the   work   of   Bird-­‐David   (1992),   he   discusses   hunter-­‐gatherers   and   their   perception   of   the  

world,  and  comes   to   the  conclusion   that   they  dwell  in  an  environment,  and   this  means   they  

are  integrated  into  that  particular  environment,  and  it  is  part  of  their  life-­‐world.  This  in  turn  is  

the   complex   result   of   learned   socio-­‐historical   knowledge   and   biological   perception.   Our  

everyday  activity  makes  us  skilled  in  an  environment,  and  it  in  turn  affects  us  (Ingold:  55).  

   Conclusion  This   article   has   addressed   the   opportunities   and   difficulties   that   the   peoples   of   the   Arctic  

region  has  faced  and  will  continue  to  face  in  the  coming  years  as  climate  change  is  affecting  

the  foundation  for  people’s  way  of  life.    

Some  points  of  concern  were  the  “vulnerable”  people  of  the  Arctic,  and  how  this  image  

does  not  match  reality;  how  the  “modern”  way  of  life  has  impacted  the  demographical  reality  

in   Greenland,   and   how   the   urbanization   might   create   parallel   societies   within   this   vast  

country;  how   the  use  of   “modern”   technology   in  parts  of   the  Arctic  are   restricted  and  what  

measures  are  taken  to  deal  with  these  challenges;  and  I  also  addressed  that  change  is  a  fact  of  

Arctic  life,  and  how  people  use  this  change.  

We  have  seen  how  flexibility,  mobility,  anticipation,  and  creativity  are  human  qualities  

that  shine  bright  when  put  to  the  test  in  the  Arctic  environment.  I  have  outlined  the  advances  

of  the  state  policies,  and  anthropological  research  shows  that  Greenlandic  hunters  care  about  

their  skills  when  it  comes  to  dealing  with  change  in  its  many  aspects.  

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