interfaith social justice coalitions and the faith at work movement
TRANSCRIPT
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INTERFAITH SOCIAL JUSTICE COALITIONS AND THE FAITH AT WORK MOVEMENT 1
Interfaith Social Justice Coalitions and the Faith at Work Movement
Jessica R. Dreistadt
LEAD 830 Leadership, Spirituality, and Mission
Eastern University
April 17, 2011
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INTERFAITH SOCIAL JUSTICE COALITIONS AND THE FAITH AT WORK MOVEMENT 2
Interfaith Social Justice Coalitions and the Faith at Work Movement
Introduction
In the United States, religious communities have traditionally been involved in social
justice initiatives; they have also been instrumental in large-scale social movements. The
relationship between faith and social justice is, in America, historical, extensive, and diverse.
Faith communities have been involved in struggles including abolition (Interfaith Worker Justice,
2010, p. 34), labor rights (Higgins, 2010, p. 42), and women‟s and civil rights (Putnam and
Campbell, 2010, p. 233).
Interfaith social justice coalitions recognize that the “„enemy‟ of religious people should
not be understood as the „other‟” but rather “the dehumanizing reality of poverty, backwardness,
oppression, ignorance, and other destructive social problems. (Munjid, 2008, p. 111). As diverse
groups, they expand the religious palette used to paint alternative visions of human interaction
and social organization. Through direct service, dialogue, advocacy, and direct action, interfaith
social justice coalitions work together to alleviate or eliminate the causes of social inequality.
Although they bring diverse groups together to achieve common goals, interfaith social
justice coalitions are also fraught with internal tensions. Differences in religion, political
ideology, race, and class can either divide or unite interfaith groups according to each coalition‟s
ability to embrace diversity.
Like interfaith social justice coalitions, the faith at work movement calls for integration
of religious beliefs and practices with intentions and actions – albeit in a different setting.
Through cross-analysis of interfaith coalitions and the faith at work movement, each can be
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strengthened. Both offer great potential for personal and social change realized through human
integration, enhanced relationships, understanding of interdependence, and transcendence.
Strategies and Tactics of Interfaith and Faith-based Social Justice Organizations
Interfaith social justice coalitions are typically organized to address a social problem
through advocacy and direct action. In addition, these coalitions also engage in intentional
dialogue and sometimes provide direct service. Because there is little published research related
to interfaith social justice organizations, some tactics used by single-based coalitions will also be
included with the assumption that many activities would be similar in interfaith coalitions.
Direct Service
While there is a greater emphasis on advocacy and public education, some interfaith
coalitions provide direct service to people in need. These services are sometimes, though not
always, part of larger social change initiatives. Campbell (2002) investigated eight coalitions
spurred by the federal faith-based initiatives program and found them to be ideologically and
programmatically diverse (p. 221). Within the labor movement, interfaith coalitions have created
130 workers centers to provide information, support, and services to nonunionized workers.
These centers also delve into advocacy by providing “safe places for workers to learn about their
rights and join with others to improve conditions in their workplace” (Bobo, 2010, p. 171).
Dialogue
Through the process of collaboration and social justice work, interfaith coalition members
engage in dialogue to gain deeper understanding and form stronger relationships. Each religious
group brings with it different tenets, traditions, and culture; these differences are sorted out,
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understood, and leveraged through dialogue.
Dialogue may reveal that “different words or misunderstandings merely hid commonly
shared positions” (Swidler, 2008, p. 17). Through this process, the coalition may create “a larger
identity that makes room for the distinctiveness of different traditions while encompassing them
around their shared, universal values.” (Patel, Kunze, and Silverman, 2008, p. 38). This does not
necessarily negate the possibility for each individual religion to flourish within that larger
community. Interfaith social justice coalition leaders can “weave the story of pluralism from the
threads of distinct traditions” so that followers can “conceptualize the pluralist identity as a
natural outgrowth of their subgroup identity” (Patel, Kunze, and Silverman, 2007, p. 237).
Particular religious group beliefs may serve an important functional purpose within the
larger coalition. In her study of the Buddhist Peace Fellowship, Dugan (2007) found that the
Buddhist belief of interdependence led their leader to be “a strong voice for cooperation between
religious traditions” (p. 41). Indeed, many religious traditions encourage love and understanding
of those who are different; these beliefs support interfaith collaboration.
Some feel that there is a “need to reach beyond one‟s own community to dialogue and
connect with difference as essential to working on the complexity and conflict inherent in the
communal struggle for structural change” (McIsaac Bruce, 2005, p. 222). There are several
important differences that must be explored in order for interfaith work to be genuine and
effective. The word justice “is defined differently by the world‟s religious traditions” (Cilliers,
2002, p. 51). When coalitions engage with secular organizations, including activism targets,
additional communication obstacles may emerge. It can be “difficult to bridge differences
between the words and symbols that religious groups use to communicate and the means used by
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the secular” (Kegler, Hall, and Kiser, 2010, p. 674).
Interfaith dialogue must be intentional and carefully executed. Without dialogue, there is
a possibility for the group to “fall into traps created by the blind spots of unexamined cultural
assumptions” (Wood, 2002, p. 156). This could lead the coalition to experience internal conflict
and diminish the effectiveness of their work.
Advocacy
While dialogue serves an important purpose in interfaith social justice coalitions, it is just
the beginning of their collaborative work. “Dialogue provides an additional path on which to
accomplish social changes. It is a path that is full of positive and constructive joint energy and
that is based on creativity and trust” (Abu-Nimer, 2002, p. 15).
Faith-based organizations have a long history of engagement in political advocacy in
America (Bobo, 2010; Higgins, 2010; Interfaith Worker Justice, 2010; Putnam and Campbell,
2010). Faith-based groups and interfaith social justice coalitions utilize a different, more values-
based, approach to legislative work. These groups “focus on forgiveness as essential in social
policy;” (Magnani and Wray, 2006, p. 155) this possibility is largely absent from mainstream
political rhetoric. Politicians, who often engage in tenuous debate and struggle to direct the
allocation of scare resources, can also learn about conflict resolution practices from the religious
community (Weiman, 2008, p. 93). Interfaith social justice coalitions, by nature of their diversity
and inclusiveness, offer a particularly strong example of how divergent groups can peacefully
resolve conflict in order to achieve common goals.
Direct Action
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Direct action, which includes community organizing, protests, rallies, and demonstrations,
serve as a means to solidify participants‟ commitment to the group and its purpose and to make
progress toward realizing organization, coalition, and movement goals. Participating in direct
action gives “participants a strong sense of collective accomplishment and that proactively
respect particular religious identities” (Patel, Kunze, and Silverman, 2007, p. 240). It is a
“dialogue of the hands” through which groups “join hands with “the other” to heal the world”
(Swidler, 2008, p. 10).
Interfaith social justice coalitions bring a unique flavor to, and expand the repertoire of,
Alinsky tradition organizing techniques by connecting the group‟s mission and activities with
spirituality. These include “imagery (biblical references to the need for justice, the power of
redemption, the sanctity of the individual)” and “spiritual practices (prayer vigils, personal
witness)” (Bussel, 2003, p. 16). In Beverly Hills, clergy who participated in an interfaith march
organized to support unionization of hotel workers “deposited bitter herbs outside the …hotel
[that did not sign the contract]…and offered milk and honey to the two hotels which had”
(Reynolds, 2001, p. 38). These gestures symbolically integrate the Jewish and Christian
traditions with social justice work to communicate a spiritual, but also pragmatic, message. In
Miami, interfaith labor activists organized a public prayer in the middle of a street as well as a
hunger strike for which members “brought oil for anointing, choirs for singing, and prayers for
sustaining the hunger strikers” (Hawking, 2010, p. 184). These symbolic gestures imbue a sense
of spiritual morality and imply support from the significant religious institutions being
represented.
Involvement of religious groups in direct action can change the tenor of social justice
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work by reminding participants and activism targets of the fundamental goodness of humanity.
They can bring a general sense of “compassion to the process” and convey “a moral seriousness
to the discussion” by integrating “the language of justice, fairness, and equity” (Horwitz, 2010, p.
195). Involvement of diverse faith groups expands the availability of such language and
demonstrates commitment to a process of understanding and inclusion in addition to the goals
being sought by the coalition.
Tensions within Interfaith Social Justice Coalitions
While interfaith social justice coalitions serve as a model for understanding, cooperation,
and peaceful coexistence, there are many emergent tensions within these groups. Such tensions,
if not examined and explored, can limit relationships, change the nature of group activities, or
undermine coalition effectiveness.
Religious Faith
Americans are divided in many ways, and religion is not an exception. The most
significant and meaningful differences are not related to the specific faith or beliefs of particular
individuals or groups. Rather, Americans are most divided by the strength of their beliefs
(Putnam and Campbell, 2010) and the degree to which they are accepting of others who belong
to a different religion (Patel, Kunze, and Silverman, 2007).
American culture tends to be individualistic and pluralistic; that is harboring, “the
conviction that people believing in different creeds and belonging to different communities need
to learn to live together” (Patel, Kunze, and Silverman, 2008, p. 38). Yet, not all Americans share
this conviction. “The most salient division lies between religious pluralists, who actively seek to
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build bridges of respect and cooperation across differing belief groups, and religious totalitarians,
who actively seek to destroy those who believe differently” (Patel, Kunze, and Silverman, 2007,
p. 233). Similarly, Americans are split according to devoutness. They are “increasingly
concentrated at opposite ends of the religious spectrum – the highly religious at one pole, and the
avowedly secular at the other.” (Putnam and Campbell, 2010, p. 3). In combination, there is an
infinite range of difference in Americans‟ religious perspective before even considering their
particular faith beliefs.
There are also significant differences within and among religions. Within Christianity,
and perhaps other religions as well, there can be a sense of disconnection across congregations
and among denominations that serve as a deterrent to working together (Kegler, Hall, and Kiser,
2010, p. 673). Those differences are even more pronounced when groups from different faith
traditions, whose beliefs, traditions, customs, and symbols may seem strange or contradictory,
PluralisticTotalitarian
Devout
Secular
X axis =degree of acceptance of others' beliefs; y axis = strength of personal convictions
x
y
Based on Patel, Kunze, and Silverman (2007) and Putnam and Campbell (2010)
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attempt to collaborate.
Our individualistic culture can also support the exclusion or suppression of religious
interchange, often as a means to prevent or resolve conflict. “It is commonly understood that if
you want calm, even-tempered conversations between groups, especially if they are from
different ethnic and cultural backgrounds, you should avoid bringing up the topic of religion
(Cilliers, 2002, p. 47). While interfaith social justice coalitions are operating within this larger
cultural context, they do not typically employ this strategy as they are comprised of faith-based
organizations. More often, they either encourage “participants to speak strongly from their own
traditions” or “ask all participants to pray in neutral terms that seek to avoid any language that is
not acceptable in other traditions” with the goal of “broadening this work while sustaining the
flow of commitment and motivation that underlie its dynamism” (Wood, 2002, p. 40).
Differences in religion can be complementary, analogous, or contradictory (Swidler, 2008,
p. 13-14). Bringing together religiously diverse groups can increase understanding and
compassion; it can also be a challenging process that unearths unintended consequences - even
when those groups are fully committed to a common purpose. Interaction can “provoke
intolerance of the religious narrative of others” and stir up “stereotypes and prejudices against
one‟s own group” (Smock, 2002, p. 127). Great sensitivity is needed to navigate the multiple
dynamics of religious differences within interfaith social justice coalitions or any religiously
diverse group.
Bringing together diverse groups also has the potential to amplify the impact of the
movement. “Leaders of different traditions, worldviews, and patterns of belief are invited to
confront common problems that no one religious community can solve, or even meaningfully
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address, on its own” (Smock, p. 5). Collectively, interfaith coalitions offer a spectrum of
understanding, strategies, and solutions not found in isolated faith-based social justice
organizations. Interfaith coalitions, by increasing contact and creating bridges among distinct
religious groups working toward a common goal, can help to reduce prejudice and improve the
way our society functions (Putnam and Campbell, 2010, p. 527).
Race and Class
American society is also divided along race and class lines. Interfaith social justice
coalitions both mitigate those conditions through advocacy and replicate our larger society‟s
class structure.
While individual congregations are often segregated by race or class (Bobo, 2010, p. 174);
interfaith coalitions can “enroll a mix of congregations that together represent diverse ethnic
constituencies” (McCarthy and Walker, 2005, p. 103S). Because of coalitions‟ diversity, the
issues addressed and tactics used may be compromised. Thus, coalitions will often pursue
interests “around which broad consensus among member congregants can be mobilized”
(McCarthy and Walker, p. 103S).
When coalitions reach out to include secular organizations as well as religious groups, the
group‟s diversity may expand in terms of “race, ethnicity, economic status, class, gender,
educational background, and religion” (Albright, 2008, p. 72). Many interfaith social justice
coalitions have successfully brought people from diverse race and class backgrounds together to
work toward a common goal. The spiritual foundation of interfaith coalitions can help them
effectively “empower poor and disadvantaged communities…in such a way as to avoid the racial
and ethnic divisions that plagued earlier community organizing efforts” (McCarthy and Walker,
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2004, p. 101S).
Political Ideology
There is often disagreement among faiths, denominations, congregations, and individual
believers about the role of religious groups in social justice work. Should religious institutions be
involved in social justice work? If so, to what extent and in what ways? The responses to these
questions are often a matter of religious doctrine; however, political ideology also influences
approaches to integration, service, and action. In America, there is a tension between the
religious right and the liberal left. Americans “gradually, but continually, sort themselves into
like-minded clusters – their commonality defined not only be religion, but also by the social and
political beliefs that go along with that religion” (Putnam and Campbell, 2010, p. 4). These
dissimilarities “generate differences in convictions about how a society should be structured” and
increase “the potential obstacles to effective dialogue” (Smock, 2002, p. 9).
Religiosity is directly correlated with political ideology; “the most highly religious
Americans are likely to be Republicans” (Putnam and Campbell, 2010, p. 369). Funding for
faith- based initiatives has been supported by “conservative political and economic interests”
(Tangenberg, 2003, p. 385). This funding may “create financial incentives for religious
congregations to shift their focus toward social service provision instead of the more political
ministry associated with faith-based organizing” (Wood, 2002, p. 74). Conservative religious
groups are also involved in advocacy and have actively opposed progressive causes including the
Equal Rights Amendment and civil rights (Putnam and Campbell, 2010, p. 233). These groups
emphasize “individual and legislative moral change” (Wood, 2002, p. 4).
In contrast, liberal religious groups “struggle to improve the socioeconomic lot of poor,
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working-class, and middle-income Americans” (Wood, 2002, p. 4). They offer a “prophetic
challenge to public policy regarding poverty and inequality” (Wood, p. 74). These groups
emphasize structural change over individual choice within the existing oppressive system.
Religious and Business Institutions
The political positions of religious institutions often stand in opposition to the system of
capitalism and the businesses that profit from it (Tangenberg, 2003; Miller, 2007). Many
interfaith social justice coalitions direct their work toward changing unethical business practices
that negatively impact workers (i.e. Bussel, 2003; Bobo, 2010), implying an openness to
reformation and process change as opposed to radical system change.
Businesses can be important allies in social justice work. Through dialogue, businesses
can change their practices to more closely align with the religious ideals espoused by interfaith
groups. By being inclusive rather than divisive, interfaith groups can foster meaningful changes
that impact entire organizations. Because “businesspeople themselves may be objects of
oppression” (Miller, 2007, p. 85), it is essential that interfaith social justice coalitions exercise
the religious doctrines of understanding and compassion to all.
Faith groups can change the climate of business negotiations and practices, leading to
increased understanding on both sides. In one case, the interjection of spirituality created a “non-
hierarchical, roundtable atmosphere” through which laborers and business representatives were
able to deconstruct previously held beliefs about the other group (Bussel, 2003, p. 8). However,
many religious organizations are hierarchical and oppressive in their own right; “the added layers
of symbols, language and tradition (e.g. G-d the Father) that make them resistant to change,
worse, partners in justifying the status quo” (Hunt, 2000, p. 15). Both faith-based and business
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institutions have a myriad of codified beliefs and practices that influence their ability to interact.
They “have much to learn about each other‟s organizational structure, mode of operation, [and]
chain of command;” failure to bridge this gap in understanding “can lead to false expectations
and even disillusionment” (Higgins, 2010, p. 58).
Personal Risk
Social justice activists often experience conflict due to the divergence of their beliefs and
resultant activism and those of family, friends and colleagues, even when their practices are
rooted in commonly held spiritual beliefs. They risk losing relationships, professional credibility,
and even their physical safety. These risks solidify activists‟ commitment to the cause and help
them “know that they could be faithful to their values .” (McIsaac Bruce, 2005, p. 220). Activists
also risk suppressing or changing their own personal convictions when connecting with activists
of other faiths; “learning new information and skills requires people to take a certain degree of
risk and to abandon or suspend their existing knowledge and attitudes toward the other ” (Abu-
Nimer, 2002, p. 26). Taking personal risks can lead to increased self-awareness as well as greater
understanding of others.
Connections to the Faith at Work Movement
The faith at work movement recognizes that human beings are multidimensional and that
spirituality is an integral component of our lives. Similarly, interfaith social justice coalitions
intentionally connect spirituality with group activities in a way that embraces diversity. Both
offer a model for integration of self and spirit – one at work and the other in community.
Spirituality, Work, and Activism
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Spirituality is the “existential search for meaning and purpose in human life and the role
and feeling of linkage within the larger scheme of existence” (Pandey and Gupta, 2008, p. 66). In
an organizational setting, spirituality shapes “the way that sustained purpose, culture, and
identity can transcend and enhance an organization‟s performance and success” (Benefiel, 2005,
p. 9). Infusing spirituality into work and activism has many positive outcomes; leaders who do so
are able to “motivate followers, create a positive ethical climate, inspire trust, promote positive
work relationships, and achieve organizational goals” (Reave, 2005, p. 656). Religious practice
serves individual, dyadic, and communal purposes in the context of work and activism.
Religion encompasses values that often intersect with individuals‟ other belief systems in
dynamic ways. These values “build off of one another to reinforce and modify each other to
create a more global sense of principles” within each person (Morgan, 2008, p. 70). An
individual‟s morality and may or may not be attached to their religious beliefs (Morgan, 2008, p.
70). Nonetheless, a strong positive relationship has been found between religiosity and altruistic
values (Putnam and Campbell, 2010, p. 464); thus, religious Americans may be more likely to
support charitable or activist work.
Spiritual integration creates an environment where activists and workers can communicate,
interact, identify and develop common goals, and build a new future together without
jeopardizing the creation of positive relationships. Through the process of sharing multiple
spiritualties, individuals “make a deeper human connection with each other” and this “becomes
the main source for the individual‟s commitment to social change, peace work, and taking risks”
(Abu-Nimer, 2002, p. 17). The opportunities for developing meaningful connections with others
are enhanced through “the possibility for spiritual encounter” which “may enhance the
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participants‟ commitment to peace work and social change” (Smock, 2002, p. 127). The
integration of spirituality can also change the course of discussions or the nature of relationships
by inserting “ethical equations concerning fairness into negotiations” (Horwitz, 2010, p. 196).
Faith at Work, Faith at All Times
Human beings have a spirituality and the existence of this is often suppressed in secular
organizations. The Faith at Work movement takes a holistic approach to humanity by recognizing
the existence and importance of spirituality in people‟s lives. “For people of religious faith,
separating their faith from their moral values might well be impossible. For other individuals,
their sincere and meaningful beliefs may be rooted in value systems or in a spirituality based
upon something other than formal mainstream religions” (Cash and Gray, 2000, p. 127). Faith at
work initiatives bring together faith and work “in a reconstructive, dialectical, and holistic
fashion” (Miller, 2007, p. 74).
Just as faith and spirituality cannot be separated from work, they cannot be separated from
community involvement. Indeed, it is often what motivates individuals to get involved in
community change work. For example, Stout (1996) was propelled into activism by her Quaker
faith, both through learning about the history of her denomination through interpretation and
application of the faith‟s values in her own life. “The moral values of equality and justice…are
now the basis for my political action” (p. 15). Activism is also inspired by relationships formed
at houses of worship. “Having close friends at church, discussing religion frequently with your
family and friends, and taking part in small groups at church are extremely powerful predictors
of the entire range of generosity, good neighborliness, and civic engagement” (Putnam and
Campbell, 2010, p. 472).
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When multiple beliefs are welcome at work or in community, a new culture may emerge.
Groups may “create their own rituals and symbols through the dialogue process to celebrate a
„third culture‟” (Abu-Nimer, 2002, p. 18). This new culture “creates an atmosphere of trust that
encourages meaningful interaction” and “ gets participants moving toward the process of
exploring religious differences as well as political positions” (Abu-Nimer, 2002, p. 21). This
culture still recognizes and allows room for differences. While there may be commonly held
beliefs or values, they may be interpreted or experienced differently according to “the context
and uniqueness of each religious tradition” (Cilliers, 2002, p. 50).
Application of Miller’s Integration Box
Miller‟s integration box has four components: ethics, evangelism, experience, and
enrichment. Each element is expressed through the work of interfaith social justice coalitions.
Ethics concerns “connecting biblical ethics to concrete applications…to discern and
culturally transpose biblical teachings or principles to the complex ethical dilemmas faced and
work in contemporary society” (Miller, 2007, p. 76). Interfaith social justice coalitions often
draw from religious teachings, including the Bible as well as other texts, to illuminate modern
social problems and possible solutions. Activists draw from these traditions to articulate values,
morality, and ideals.
Through evangelism, workers and activists have the opportunity to directly express their
faith (Miller, 2007, p. 76). Social justice activists use this as a strategy when engaged in direct
action to demonstrate the connection between faith and social justice. Interfaith coalition
members may also share their particular faith beliefs in an attempt to better understand others
and to identify and build upon common ground. Some faith-based organizations participate in
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“reverse evangelism” through which they “intend to reinvigorate the church‟s sense of mission
and put insulated congregants in touch with the realities of poverty” (Campbell, 2002, p. 224).
Ebaugh, Chafetz, and Pipes (2006) found that the “more socially active the coalition, the less
religiously expressive it is in its service delivery, but the more religious it is in its public face” (p.
2270). Expression of faith, in interfaith social justice coalitions and other faith-based work, can
be manipulated to reflect the intended organizational purpose and goals. Evangelism should unite
rather than divide people working together toward common goals. It can be “like a shared home
where each family member can have privacy in his or her room but also have public space in
which one may speak freely and fully about any common problem – and thus cooperate in
making the space a safe and comfortable home for everyone” (Munjid, 2008, p. 118). Expression
of faith can bridge differences; “rather than a wedge pushing Americans apart, public expressions
of religion often serve to pull them together” (Putnam and Campbell, 2010, p. 494). Expression
can also unite people across ideological differences. “By drawing on religious motivations and
teachings, faith-based organizing can and does transcend ideological divisions between left and
right” (Wood, 2002, p. 179).
Through experience, individuals find “intrinsic meaning and teleological purpose in their
work” (Miller, 2007, p. 77). Many social justice activists intentionally pursue activism as a
means to manifest their spiritual purpose. Social justice work provides an opportunity for people
of faith to connect their relationship with a higher power to the everyday experiences of people
in their community.
The fourth component of the integration box, enrichment, includes “spiritual disciplines,
therapeutic healing, and transformation” (Miller, 2007, p. 77). Interfaith social justice activists
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may find that participation in a diverse group working toward social change provides this
nurturance.
Potential for Social Change
Interfaith social justice coalitions unearth and develop the skills, relationships, and
common goals necessary to build bridges across, and transcend differences related to, religion,
class, race, and other areas. Potential for change exists in four interrelated domains: human
integration, relationships, interdependence, and transcendence.
Human Integration
Interfaith social justice coalitions encourage members to infuse their spirituality with
their activism. Spiritual leadership integrates “the four fundamental forces of human existence
(body, mind, heart, and spirit) so that people are motivated for high performance, have increased
organizational commitment, and personally experience joy, peace, and serenity” (Fry, 2003, p.
718). These objectives can be realized through interfaith social justice work, whereby faith
propels people into action and sustains their commitment to the cause.
Relationships
Spiritual leaders build relationships by “integrating his or her being with that of others via
collective images, thoughts, feelings and behaviors to create shared purpose and meaning”
(Kriger and Seng, 2005, p. 798). Leaders can also encourage expression of faith within the
coalition. “The leaders‟ role is to model this type of literacy in their own tradition and then
encourage followers to achieve a similar literacy in their own respective traditions” (Patel, Kunze,
and Silverman, 2007, p. 238).
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Inclusion of multiple perspectives provides opportunities for “sharing of different
perspectives, access to diverse sectors of the community, and connections to powerful players
within communities” (Kegler, Hall, and Kiser, 2010, p. 671). Faith affiliation serves as a
connecting point with potential partners and activism targets. Religious institution affiliation
adds credibility to social justice work; they are seen as important community resources that,
“have strong reputations, and…serve as the “center of life” for many people” (Kegler, Hall, and
Kiser, 2010, p. 670).
Relationships often inspire participation in social justice work. By offering “affirmation
and support to the participants and they provided inspiration through their commitments,
spiritual depth and integrity.” (McIsaac Bruce, 2005, p. 218). New relationships are also built as
a result of coalition involvement. These relationships may not have been created outside of the
context of social justice work and commitment to a particular cause; sometimes “the people
working together are ‟unlikely‟ in that they share little more in common than a commitment to an
important social issue” (Hunt, 2000, p. 16). This basis can serve as a means to further the work
of the coalition. Bridges are built through a common “commitment to justice, reconciliation,
truth, and forgiveness” (Cilliers, 2002, p. 58). New people are engaged in the work by leveraging
activists‟ existing relationships; they “activate preexisting networks within the congregations, to
extend those networks more broadly by reaching out to new people, and to cross-link preexisting
networks more densely” (Wood, 2002, p. 35).
Interdependence
As relationships develop, community is built and members recognize the deep
connections among members. This is “important as a resource for liberation in that it provides a
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INTERFAITH SOCIAL JUSTICE COALITIONS AND THE FAITH AT WORK MOVEMENT 20
challenge to attend to the connections between and among us that can move us forward to
mutuality and commitment to the good of others in community” (McIsaac Bruce, 2005, p. 224).
Members are reminded that, “we have to take care of each other. This command is in all our
religions, and following its imperative is our only chance for survival as a human race ” (Patel,
Kunze, and Silverman, 2008, p. 35).
Transcendence
Interfaith social justice coalitions redefine social problems in a spiritual context and
connect activist work with divinity. “In responding to challenging circumstances, the leaders‟
actions say “yes” to a higher purpose/moral principle/inner G-d, and “no” to societal
norms/authority structures/laws that get in the way… the leaders‟ actions imply a “no” to an
unjust reality and a “yes” to their higher purpose” (Parameshwar, 2005, p. 701). Activists are
inspired by the love and goodness found in their religion. “The paradigm we envision cannot be
driven by fear. The real work lying before us is spiritual and calls us to nothing less than
fundamental change” (Magnani and Wray, 2006, p. 2). Activism is a manifestation of spirituality
experienced in a diverse community.
Conclusion
Interfaith social justice coalitions offer an example of how the faith at work movement can
be realized. Though many tensions arise when diverse groups are brought together and
encouraged to share their distinguishing beliefs, the potential for individual, dyadic,
organizational, and social change is paramount. Differences can be bridged through dialogue and
focus on a common purpose. The faith at work movement can gain insight from the experience
of interfaith social justice coalitions, which have for decades understood that faith is an integral
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part of our humanity and that spirituality both motivates and shapes individual beliefs and
activities.
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