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Integration of Northern Ireland: A Concept of the Past or New Realty for the Future?

Westin Bolles

Dr. Michael Minch

Economical Development and How to Build a Sustainable Peace

Utah Valley University

08/07/11

Introduction

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Earlier this summer, I had the opportunity to not only visit Northern Ireland, but also

study and learn about a previous conflict that has slowly evolved from peace keeping into peace

building. Through the assistance of many, reconciliation became possible. As a result it gave

people hope for a better life. Peace building was accomplished through a variety of non-profit

organizations, professors, students, as well as volunteers from across the globe, and in 1998

professional politicians came together for the signing of the Belfast Agreement which

encouraged integrated schooling. Also, during a lecture at the University of Ulster, Cathy

Gormley Heenan stated, that the majority of Protestant and Catholic parents are in favor of

desegregation. Unfortunately, only 5% of the schools in the region are currently integrated which

has hampered social, economic and educational reforms. With a second rate educational system,

there will be less opportunity and even fewer jobs; thereby making life in Northern Ireland a

formidable challenge for generations to come. More importantly, as long as religious ideologies

and cultural identities continue to be a stumbling block in the educational system in Northern

Ireland, the children and its citizenry will be steeped in sectarianism and Northern Ireland will

not progress as a viable nation.

Prior to the 16th century, the Irish clans of the north had fought rigorously for nine years

against the English for their independence and retention of the island. In 1603, the Irish

surrendered. Shortly after, in 1610, to forebear pending rebellion, King James I, created a

plantation which consisted primarily of Ulster/Scots, who claimed to be Protestants that had been

sent by God. In reality, they were sent by the crown to settle some of the most fertile areas in

Northern Ireland. As a result many Irish families were forced to leave the land of their

inheritance and unfortunately, many individuals starved and later perished. Soon after the

enforcement of the plantation, the penal laws were designed to dehumanize the Irish/Catholic

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population to either change their religious beliefs or to continue as second class citizens while

their counterparts remained in control. The choice was theirs.

Despite the many injustices that Catholics had been dealt with by both a minority and

also a larger, more affluent nation, they chose to fight back. Unfortunately for them, this did not

resolve the problem. By losing their lands and also their culture it only made things worse. What

may have started as somewhat insignificant had escalated into total chaos over time. For

centuries men, women and children were killed on both sides. Although killings today are few

and far between, you can still feel the hurt and pain in their eyes for what has taken place over

the thirty year period, known as “The Troubles”. Luckily today there are rehabilitation centers

for victims who are in search for assistance.

Today, very seldom do both communities come together, when they do, things get rather

hostile. Typically this occurs every 12th of July during the marching season or during sporting

events. Due to a globalized economy, Northern Ireland must learn from the past while embracing

the present, by being technologically and socially informed to fit the norm of an affluent nation.

The radicals, a select number of religious leaders, and a few corrupt politicians are the

main basis to segregated school systems. Below shows examples of how the educational reforms

were passed by those who were in power to obtain the objective of sectarianism. As the nation

progressed, objection to desegregation was reformed.

In 1930, a new Education Act was established. According to Simpson (2004) it allowed,

“Clerical representation on regional educational committees and on the management boards of

those schools that ‘transferred’ from the Church authorities to the state” (p.169). By giving

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Church authorities clerical representation on management boards and committees, it allowed

them to control the educational system, thereby continuing segregation.

Prior to the Education Act of 1947 the great majority of people in Northern Ireland

experienced only primary education. Only through scholarships and fees, led by the Ministry of

Education, were minorities able to continue their educational pursuits. As a result, many eleven

year old transfer students were able to advance into secondary education. According the BBC,

“it’s now estimated that without the quotas, in mixed grammar schools, two thirds of all classes

would have been occupied by girls”. Now that girls have been given the opportunity to receive

an education they tend to outperform their male counterparts.

Following the Northern Ireland Act they organized three types of secondary schools:

secondary grammar, secondary technical and secondary intermediate. Other than limiting

education, the only down fall of this system was the failure to attract a significant number of

pupils to attend technical schools. By the early 1960’s a bilateral system for secondary education

was established. Today, there are only two educational establishments for secondary grammar

and secondary intermediate schools.

In 1968, Simpson (2004) explains how the Department of Education “reinforced

segregation within schools, as it not only increased the building grants for Catholic schools from

65 per cent to 80 per cent, but also offered the schools 10 per cent funding for maintenance”

(p.170). Incentives were given for the continuation of sectarianism in public schools. A perfect

example of sectarianism would be when Cardinal William Conway spoke on behalf of the

continuation of segregation by saying that “the whole question was debated by the Second

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Vatican Council, which affirmed the duty of Catholics to send their children to Catholic schools,

when and where this is possible”.

In 1974, despite all of the opposition, All Children Together ACT became a movement. It

consisted primarily of Catholic parents who were already sending their children to non Catholic

schools. One of the main reasons for their defiance was that of ethos in both Catholic and

Protestant schools. For that reason ACT devised a plan which contained two solutions:

1) “Recognize the strengths and separate identities of existing schools which have, almost all,

strong links with the churches, and create a completely secular system with no church

involvement and no religious input to the curriculum” (NICIE).

2) “Recognize the strengths and identities of existing schools which have, almost all, strong links

with the churches, and create a completely new system of schools with no direct church

involvement, but with a strong Christian ethos, atmosphere, and an ecumenical approach to

religious education” (NICIE).

Though both solutions were logical and important, it was difficult to persuade existing

schools as well as their associated churches, to convert their schools into intergraded schools.

Eventually, in 1981, Lagan College was established as an experiment of what an integrated

school could be. It had a total of 28 pupils.

In 1984 the Belfast Trust for Integrated Education BELTIE was established. Shortly after

the group was created, it teamed up with ACT to create even more mixed schools. A year later

three integrated primaries were built. Since 1985, six other primary schools have now been

opened. “Between the two movements the Department of Education for Northern Ireland has

included a new Education Reform Order that contained a number of articles in support of

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integrated education and also claimed a statutory responsibility for the encouragement of its

growth” (Mullholland, 2002). Although in the past the Department of Education has made its fair

share of mistakes, it’s now making necessary changes for growth in the future. Shortly after, the

Northern Ireland Council for Integrated Education NICIE was formed in 1987. Their role was to

give parental support and also to develop new strategies in favor of integrated education.

In 1989 the Department of Education came out with a statement declaring, “It shall be the

duty of the Department to encourage and facilitate the development of integrated education, that

is to say the education together at school of Protestant and Roman Catholic pupils”. That same

year, the government agreed to provide state funding for all new integrated schools. Through

financial assistance, development was no longer an issue. Furthermore, the Legislation opened

up the opportunity to allow existing schools to transform themselves into integrated schools by

adding additional funding.

By the late 1980’s, an agreement was met by a group of educators and educational policy

makers. They believed that in order for them to be successful they needed to engage the youth,

rather than a few voluntary groups. And for that reason Fitzduff (2002) argues that “their

conclusion was that the existing educational system (despite its segregated nature) should be

used to facilitate understanding and respect between children and youth from divided

communities” (p.54). Since 1993, all Catholic, Protestant and integrated schools were obligated

to implement the new Cultural Heritage Programmes, also known as “Education for Mutual

Understanding”. Its purpose was to allow pupils to learn from each other’s traditions, history and

culture. Even though many experienced teachers may have had a difficult time accepting the new

history curriculum, it has played an important role of eliminating negative one-sided histories

from the classroom.

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At what age do children learn about sectarianism? According to Fitzduff (2002) “Pre-

school opportunities for children in Northern Ireland are also generally segregated, and research

undertaken in the early nineties showed that even pre-school children were expressing negative

attributes towards children and others from differing communities” (p.52). With this less than

merited start, it is very difficult for the people of Northern Ireland to come together and build a

country of progress and toleration. In reference to the de-humanization process among children

in Northern Ireland, prejudice and sectarianism, if not taught in the home or witnessed in the

community, is modeled in public schools as a form of segregation.

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Because Northern Ireland is part of the United Kingdom, it not only has similar policies,

but the same educational model.

(Source: Gallagher, A. Education and Religion in Northern Ireland. (p.1-4).

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All schools in Northern Ireland are divided into six categories:

(i) Controlled Schools: Are Protestant schools that are run by Protestant Churches who stand as

representatives on the Board of Governors. However, these institutions are owned by the

Education and Library boards.

(ii) Catholic Maintained Schools: Are Catholic schools that are owned by the Church and

managed by a Board of Governors. Unlike controlled schools the Education and Library Boards

only give some financial assistance. An example of this would be the employment of non

teaching staff members.

(iii) Other Maintained: Predominately consists of Protestant schools that are run by the Church

and managed by a Board of Governors. Funds are distributed through the Education and Library

Boards.

(iv) Voluntary Grammar: Are institutions that are owned by school trustee members and

managed by a board of governors. Likewise, they have the support of the Ulster Unionist Party

UUP and the Democratic Unionist Party DUP. According to the 1947 Education Act, the

Ministry of Education permitted the selection of students based on their academic performance.

Fortunately today, that is no longer the case in grammar schools.

(v) Grant Maintained Integrated Schools: Are a mix between Catholic and Protestant children.

They are owned by a group of trustees and managed by a Board of Governors. The recurring

costs are met by the Department of Education.

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Tony Macaulay and Macaulay Associates, the 2007-2008 report, “Churches and Christian

Ethos in integrated schools” there are 62 integrated schools and over 20,000 pupils in Northern

Ireland.

• 41 Primary schools.

• 19 Nursery Schools, most of which are linked to Primary Schools.

• 21 Second Level Colleges.

(Source: http://www.nicie.org/school).

In 2008, 831 applicants had to be turned away due to the lack of available locations

(NICIE). If the Department of Education were to integrate the school systems, then many schools

would be left vacant. No longer will availability be an issue and never again would any child be

neglected or left behind. Also by integrating the school system they would save a tremendous

amount of educational funds. By so doing, those in power will have the option of either paying

off a portion of their dept each year or they can invest in the children by improving education.

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Integrated schools balance figures 2001/2 and 2002/3

Religious Status 2000/1 2002/3

Catholic 40.9% 40.8%

Protestant 48.07% 44.8%

Other 11.03% 14.4%

(In Support of Integrated Education,.Wardlow, M. (NICIE)).

According to following statistic Protestants are more than likely to attend a mixed

institution over the Catholic population.

(vi) Higher Education: All Universities, minus private institutions are combined.

(Source: Gallagher, A. (2005). Majority Minority Review1, Education in a Divided Society: A

Review of Research and Policy, 2nd edition).

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Based on the results above, for over eighteen years the Protestant community had

dominated academically. As of 1993, the Catholic pupils had finally caught up. The rapid change

occurred through a political equilibrium between the Unionist/Democratic community and the

Nationalist/Republican community. What happened was it gave the Catholics an equal

opportunity to build their faculties.

In the article “Education as a mechanism for conflict resolution in Northern Ireland”

Hayes does a wonderful job at explaining the advantages of gaining knowledge by saying,

“Educated individuals are significantly more likely to hold a more optimistic view of future

relations between the two communities than their less-qualified counterparts” (p.446). Not only

are educated individuals more positive, but also those who had attended an integrated school are

significantly more optimistic as well (p.446).

Notwithstanding the huge increase of Catholic students in Northern Ireland over the

years, Cathy Gormley Heenan from University of Ulster claims in a public discourse, that many

young loyalists have a tendency to leave Northern Ireland and study in the United Kingdom. The

reason for this is still unknown.

Throughout history, religion, has and will continue in some areas to be a factor in

conflict. Typically when conflict occurs there is a minimum of two groups that come together

and are culturally diverse. Naturally people tend to either hate or fear difference rather than

accepting and embrace it. What I’m trying to say is religious beliefs and convictions vary from

person to person and church to church. For some, religion is part of who they are, but for others

it’s simply a title or form of identity within a particular group or community. In Northern Ireland,

who you are and where you come from is something to take pride in. Being proud can be a good

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thing as long as cultural identities and religious ideologies are not used as a mechanism for

segregation.

An example would be the negative effects of segregated schools.

While many observers have long pointed to its potential harmful effects on community relations, religious authorities, most notably the Catholic Church, remain unconvinced. Not only does the Catholic hierarchy in Northern Ireland strongly support segregated schools, but it also suggests that they are just as well placed as integrated schools to promote reconciliation. (Catholic Bishops of Ireland, 2001)

Perhaps religious leaders fear for the loss of power and faith within their communities. The loss

of authority is a difficult concept to give up, but as long as the majority of people want an

educational reform, they must address the concerns of the minority and compromise. Everyone

regardless of their political, religious or academic standing must be on the same page and move

forward together. Although unintentional, what religious leaders need to understand is that they

can’t build faith when sectarianism is used as their foundation. If only the Catholics and

Protestants would live their religion without biases and prejudices, than there would be no

struggle. Even though we may not be perfect, as Christians our goal is to be like Christ. In order

that to happen one must keep the commandments and to repent constantly. Perhaps the problem

may not lay with those who are practicing their religion, but maybe the issue lies with those who

aren’t living and abiding by its precepts. A plausible solution would be to implement Protestant

and Catholic seminaries across the street from public schools.

Another important issue that I would like to address is that of second class citizenry

among the religious minorities in Northern Ireland. The reason why this is a problem is because

minorities typically get ignored and mistreated. According to the Later Day Saint LDS mission

network and British histories, there are approximately 5,400 LDS members residing in Northern

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Ireland. They, as well as other congregations who don’t classify themselves as Catholics or

Protestants, are considered minorities. After speaking with a handful of LDS members, I learned

that as minorities they are treated as second class citizens. In order for them to be accepted and

protected by a particular group, they too must choose an identity of whether they are loyal to the

Catholics or Protestants. There is no middle ground.

Through surveys, American author John Darby (2011) was able to analyze the difference

between teachers who were considered part of the religious majority and minority. Based on his

statistics,

71% of the schools responding to the Education and Community questionnaire all the children came from only one of the two major religious groupings, and only one school in thirty-three had more than 5% of their pupils from the religious minority group. The teaching profession was even more polarized: only 41 of the 2,751 teachers from responding schools (1.5%) taught in schools where they were in a religious minority. (p.5)

Discomfort and discrimination among teachers can be the deciding factor for polarization. A few

years ago, Paul Arthur from the University of Ulster, was the only Catholic teacher to teach at a

Protestant school. After all those years of learning and teaching Catholic “ethos”, he was

required to stop. For him that was not an easy adjustment, nor would it be for anyone who is

placed in a segregated environment.

During a lecture Brandon Hamber, a Professor of the University of Ulster, mentioned

that in order for desegregation to occur we need to not only focus on teachers and parents, but we

need to bring them together as well. Through Darby’s (2011) research we can see that,

In both school systems the educational qualifications of teachers were roughly similar; the work profiles of principals – how much they taught, the proportion of their time spent interviewing parents or in administration etc. – were almost indistinguishable; most classrooms practices too are common to both systems – they stream pupils to similar

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extents and are equally likely to practice some form of integration within the curriculum. (p.7)

With little variation, both the Catholics and the Protestants have much in common to begin the

process of integration.

In 1989, the European Union donated 800 million Euros to the International Fund of

Ireland IFI. The purpose of the project was to use economics to bring people together through

integrated education, employment and other nonprofit organizations. Earlier this summer

William McCarter gave a lecture on IFI and how they distributed a small percentage of the fund

as an additional incentive to integrate public schools. The fund itself led to Economic

Development. In 2005 the World Bank made a statement on behalf of education and how it “has

a critical role to play in the wider reconstruction of society, from building peace and social

cohesion to facilitating economic recovery and getting the country onto accelerated development

track” (p.27). Based on the educational system of a country, you can tell if they’re affluent or

not. According to a lecture given by John Hume “one thing all poor countries have in common is

education”. Without economic growth, there are no jobs and no progression. Education is an

investment that provides opportunity and opens doors.

In the book Beyond Violence, Mari Fitzduff writes “In 2000, the Catholic training college

based in West Belfast began to develop programs for their students and their surrounding

communities, on Conflict Resolution” (p.54). Develop programs provide awareness and

knowledge that can be used as a tool to build reconciliation. When peace building transpires,

paradigms are transformed and new perspectives are gained. In 2008, Millward Brown of Ulster

conducted a survey showing “that 84% of people in Northern Ireland believed that Integrated

Education is important to the peace and reconciliation process of Northern Ireland”. Because the

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majority of people in Northern Ireland are in favor of integration, the key is to continue to

encourage and incentivize desegregation.

By examining the struggle that the United States had with integrating its school system,

one can gain much insight into the problems, similarities and plausible solutions for Northern

Ireland. Granted, the conflict of race was an issue in the United States versus a conflict of

religious ideologies and cultural identities in Northern Ireland, but upon analysis of the American

experiment, one can discern important principles that could be incorporated into an integrated

school system in Northern Ireland.

In the early 1950’s, racial segregation was the norm in the United States. Despite the

norm, segregation became an issue for the Black community in Topeka, Kansas. What initiated

desegregation was a black third-grader by the name Linda Brown. In order for Linda to get to her

elementary school, she needed to walk one mile through a dangerous railroad switchyard. To

prevent an accident and also due to the proximity of a nearby white elementary school, Linda's

father, Oliver Brown, tried to enroll her, but the principal of the school refused. Shortly after Mr.

Brown went to McKinley Burnett, the head of Topeka's branch of the National Association for

the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and asked for help. According to Lisa Cozzens

“The NAACP was eager to assist the Browns, as it had long wanted to challenge segregation in

public schools” (pp.2). Timing became a deciding factor for Brown's complaint. Through his

plaintiff, Brown gained the support of other black parents, and in 1951, the NAACP requested an

injunction that would forbid the segregation of Topeka's public schools.

On May 17, 1954, Chief Justice Earl Warren read the decision of the unanimous Court:

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Does segregation of children in public schools solely on the basis of race, even though

the physical facilities and other "tangible" factors may be equal, deprive the children of

the minority group of equal educational opportunities? We believe that it does. We

conclude that in the field of public education the doctrine of 'separate but equal' has no

place. Separate educational facilities are inherently unequal. Therefore, we hold that the

plaintiffs and others similarly situated for whom the actions have been brought are, by

reason of the segregation complained of, deprived of the equal protection of the laws

guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment. (pp.7)

Although, “The Supreme Court's Brown v. Board of Education decision did not abolish

segregation in other public areas, such as restaurants and restrooms, nor did it require

desegregation of public schools by a specific time. It did, however, declare the permissive or

mandatory segregation that existed in 21 states unconstitutional” (pp.9). The following court

decision was a crucial stepping stone for desegregation throughout the country and also led up to

what would take place in Little Rock Arkansas, three years later.

On September 4, 1957 Arkansas Governor Orval E. Faubus sent a National Guards unit to

Central High School in Little Rock to prevent the enrollment of African American students at an

all-white school. According to Anderson (2004):

At that moment Little Rock became a national and international symbol of violent resistance to federal authority and to racial change. The governor’s decision initiated a round of legal and political maneuvering that ended with a federal court decision enjoining Faubus, the Arkansas National Guard, and specific others from interfering further with the admission of black students to Central High School. (p.603)

On September 23rd, shortly after the removal of state troops, the police department made

an attempt to maintain order, while African American students entered the school. This did not

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last long. As a result of a segregationist mob, the local police had no choice but to evacuate all

black students. He continues by saying, “in order to enforce federal authority, President Dwight

D. Eisenhower federalized the Arkansas National Guard and sent the 101st Airborne Division of

the U.S. Army to Little Rock. With the assistance of the troops, the nine African students entered

again on September 25, eight of them for the duration of the academic year” (p.603).

On May 1958 Ernest Green became the first black student to graduate from Central High.

Although this may have been a milestone for the black community, the crisis continued both in

and outside the classroom. An example of the continuation of the crisis would be the

deterioration of discipline by school officials, through harassment and intimidation of white

students towards African American students. The reason for such a treatment was to drive them

out. Also, “school officials confronted frequent bomb threats and spent inordinate amounts of

time dealing with the disciplinary and political problems that arose in the wake of massive

resistance” (p.603). Later that fall, following a referendum, all public high schools were closed

by the refusal to vote for integration by local citizens. At that moment the future of education

seemed rather grim.

In regards to economics “The national business elite were unwilling to invest in a

community experiencing the social instability, violence, and threats to the public schools that

accompanied massive resistance” (p.604). For two years business leaders were divided

financially and racially. All they wanted was to safeguard their economic and political interests.

“By endangering Little Rock’s economic and educational base, the crisis had placed the future of

the city’s middle class in jeopardy. Most supported segregation but were unhappy about the high

cost of retaining it” (p.604). Through a court order, segregation became quite expensive. Some

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historians believe that because many businessmen were struggling financially there couldn’t have

been a better time to incentivize desegregation. Anderson claims that:

As a general rule, this business leadership was averse to taking risks and convinced that race relations in Little Rock were generally positive. Although engaged in an intense conflict with the segregationist, including Faubus, for the political support of working-class and other voters barred from the city’s circle of power, establishment leaders hoped to manipulate and conciliate those groups while maintaining a monopoly on public authority. (p.607)

Their agenda was to control and manipulate the political system, through the expense of others.

According to David L. Chappell, a historian, “the desegregation crisis in Little Rock

made incompatible several values that many whites had taken for granted: segregation, economic

development, public education, the appearance of social harmony, and the maintenance of law

and order” (p.609). At the time these changes were very difficult to grasp. For the working-class,

segregationist felt like a form of class discrimination. Similarly to Northern Ireland, even some

of the rumors were misconstrued. A great example of this would be the Citizens Council of

propaganda:

Which harped incessantly on the perceived threat of “race mixing,” featured many pictures of black men with white women and reports of crime, illegitimacy, and venereal diseases attributed to blacks. Interestingly, the pictures of interracial couple’s featured consensual relationships, expressing the fear that desegregated schools would lead to the loss of patriarchal control so profound that white men would no longer be able to control their daughters’ racialized sexuality. (p.609)

The problem with rumors is that they can get distorted, especially when they are false

accusations. People who do this have a tendency to over generalize and make assumptions

towards a select group. Not only did it occur in Arkansas, but it’s happening now in Northern

Ireland with Protestants and Catholics.

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In fact, a poll taken by Mid-South Opinion Survey, Inc., “In November 1957, they found

that the vast majority of Little Rock African American surveyed believed that the black students

at Central High School should stay there despite the difficulties they were experiencing” (p.613).

Despite all of the hardships, these black students stood up for what they believed in.

From the beginning, the Little Rock School board consistently advocated a program of minimal integration implemented very slowly, telling white school patrons that, although the board had no choice but to comply with federal court decisions, the fewest blacks possible would be admitted into previously white schools in any given year. (p.626)

As long as the school board in Little Rock followed court order they could do whatever they felt

necessary. Sadly, “the implementation of the pupil-placement policy had subjected black

applicants for transfer to non-segregated schools to a series of bureaucratic obstacles, including

tests and interviews designed to call into question African American students’ qualifications for

entering previously white schools” (p.626). De-humanization was a technique used as a scare

tactic to intimidate all African American students.

On March 1961 the “court found that Little Rock officials had used the pupil-placement

law in a discriminatory fashion and urged them to enable “integration in more than a token

fashion”(p.630). Shortly after, “under legal pressure, the board extended desegregation to the

junior high schools in 1961 and to the elementary schools in 1963, but it continued to use pupil

placement to minimize the number of African American students in desegregated schools”

(p.630). Through the diligence, patience and hard work of many, there was progress. Anderson

(2004) explains how “the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 raised the threat of the loss of

federal education funds for districts that continued massive resistance to school desegregation

and set timetables for compliance, prompting politicians in Little Rock and in Arkansas to move

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beyond tokenism” (p.630). Through the enforcement of the Civil Rights Act, many school

officials feared loss of federal funds and thereby complied.

As a result:

From 1964 to 1965 the number of African Americans attending desegregated schools in Little Rock jumped from 213 to 621, while the number of desegregated districts in Arkansas increased from 24 to 152. By 1967-1968 there were 415 African Americans enrolled at Central, 142 at the Metropolitan Vocational School, and 5 at Hall High School. (p.631)

Although these numbers may be mind boggling, imagine what the numbers would have been like

if tokenism wasn’t an issue in Little Rock?

Despite these statistics the leaders were:

Fearful that continuing disorder would further impede economic development and that working-class political mobilization would undermine elite control of local politics. Therefore, business leaders worked hard to discredit African American political participation and to marginalize black perspectives and interests in the resolution of the crisis. (p.635)

Unfortunately, “like the conservatives, politicians, from the school board to Governor Faubus to

the President Eisenhower, sought political power and partisan advantage” (p.635). Political

power and partisan advantage is not just, but is rather dehumanizing and selfish. What the people

of Little Rock lacked was leadership. They had to take measures into their own hands.

Eventually segregation in public schools was abolished. Due to what took place in the 50’s, the

United States of America is a much better place. All it needed was time.

In order to be able to apply some of the lessons learned from the American experiment,

it’s important to be able to understand and learn from history, so that the mistakes of the past do

not repeat themselves. Based on similarities, one can discern if a model is applicable to particular

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region or not. Through my research, I was able to compare and contrast some of the similarities

and differences. The first thing I noticed and whole heartedly accepted was the unanimous

decision that segregation allowed students to be separate but not equal. Also, both the United

States and Northern Ireland were segregated. As a result they were accustomed to

dehumanization leading to further polarization carried out through rumors and even violence. If

it weren’t for the assistance of US citizens and also support groups, there would have been no

progression. Similar to the US, Northern Ireland will need to decide whether the price of

segregation is worth the cost of retaining it.

In conclusion, Anderson(2004) claims:

Amongst the unionist community, any change to the current educational system is regarded as further assault on their customs, heritage and traditions. In many ways, the legacy of the 1920s is still being played out in the twenty-first century-each of the two communities in Northern Ireland clings to schooling as one of the primary indicators of how it defines itself, its identity and nationhood. (173)

Although both communities tend to cling towards education, Northern Ireland has an incredible

opportunity to develop its underpinnings of integration and to overcome its past history of

polarization, which has impeded its education, social, and economic progress. The problem is

that “Northern Ireland remains a deeply divided society; not only are Protestants and Catholics

educated separately, but they are also segregated both residentially and in their workplaces, and

display low levels of religious mobility and intermarriage” (p.439)(Breen & Hayes, 1996; Breen

& Devine, 1999; Hughes et al., 2006). As a result even public graveyards are separated by a six

foot underground wall.

After being an interloper for a short time in Ireland, I have come to the realization that

there are significant forces below the surface of their society that will help dissolve the so called

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innate enmity that they have with one another. I strongly believe that economic forces as well as

the natural divinity of time will eventually erode the divisiveness of the past. In order for this to

take place; a great beginning would be to develop a new teaching curriculum that could be

accepted by both parents and teachers from the two communities that would bridge their future

together. This will not only forge a dynamic integrated school system, but change the fabric of

their great country.

References

Abbott, L. et al. (2009). Northern Ireland beginning teachers’ experiences of induction: the

‘haves’ and the ‘have nots’. European Journal of Teaching Education. 32(2), 95-110.

Anderson, K. (2004). The Little Rock School Desegregation Crisis: Moderation and Social

Conflict. Journal of Southern History, LXX, 606-636.

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Cozzens, L. (1998). Early Civil Rights Struggles: Brown v. Board of Education.

Darby, J. et al. (2011). Education And Community In Northern Ireland: Schools Apart? [AND]

Schools Together? Northern Ireland; University of Ulster.

Fitzduff, M. (2002). Beyond Violence: Conflict Resolution Process in Northern Ireland. New

York, United Nations University Press.

Gallagher, A. Education and Religion in Northern Ireland. CAIN: (pp.1-4).

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