indo-european personal pronouns: limits of their

29

62 / 2

014

/ 1 STATI A

RTICLES AUFSTZE

Lenka Bianov & Vclav Blaek

INDO-EUROPEAN PERSONAL PRONOUNS: LIMITS OF THEIR INTERNAL RECONSTRUCTION

AbstractAfter our first study in the field of Indo-European personal pronouns (Dokalov & Blaek 2010, 2011), where we focused on their paradigmatic levelling, we now consider internal reconstructions of partial microsystems of first and second person pronouns in all individual branches, projecting them back to the late Indo-European protolanguage. The next step was reconstruction of the primary pro-nominal protosystem, allowing us both to deduce forms of pronouns in historically attested lan-guages and to understand pronominal-verbal congruence, assumed as the axiomatic starting point.

KeywordsIndo-European; personal pronouns; internal reconstruction; paradigmatic levelling; pronominal-verbal congruence.

In the present study we describe declension of the personal pronouns of the first and second persons in all Indo-European branches, try to reconstruct pronominal subsystems in these branches, and to determine archaisms and innovations, both in root formations and in case endings, and we aim to explain relations between personal pronouns and verbal personal endings.

30

Lenka Bianov & Vclav BlaekIndo-European Personal Pronouns: Limits of Their Internal Reconstruction

62 /

20

14 /

1

STAT

I A

RTIC

LES

AU

FST

ZE

1. Description of subsystems of personal pronouns and their partial reconstructions in individual Indo-Euro-pean branches

Aa. Survey of personal pronouns of Old Indo-Aryan languages (AIG; IAL; Ma-sica 1991; V)

1st person sg.nom. acc. dat. gen. abl. loc. instr.

* H1eHom mm / m mehio(m)/moi mme1 / moi med mei+i / moi mei+-stemVedic Skt. ahm mm / mE mhyam/meE mma / meE mt may / meE myCl. Sanskrit. aham mm / mE mahyam/meE mama / meE mat mayi may

1) But in Dardic *mene: Gawar mna m., mn f., Woapr men, umati mono, Paai mn m. The *-n- is also preserved in Old & Middle Iranian languages, with exception of Khotan Saka mam, but cf. ma.

2nd person sg.nom. acc. dat. gen. abl. loc. instr.

*IE tuuom tum / tu tubhio(m)/toi teue / toi tued tuei tueH1Vedic Skt. t(u)vm tvm / tvE tbhyam /teE tva / teE tvt tve1 / tvyi tv / tvy Cl. Sanskrit tvam tvm / tvE tubhyam /teE tava / teE tvat tvayi tvay

Note: 1) RV: tve; later Samhitas: tvyi.

1st person pl.nom. acc. dat. gen. abl. loc. instr.

*IE uei-om nsme+oms(o-stem) / nos

nsmei / nosnsmebhiom

nsme+okomnsmei / nos

nsmed nsmeinsme+osu

nsme+obhis

Vedic Sanskrit

vaym asmn

nasE

asmasmbhyamnasE

asmkam1asmnasE

asmt asmasmsu2

asmbhis

ClassicalSanskrit

vayam asmnnasE

asmabhyamnasE

asmkam1nasE

asmat asmsu2 asmbhis

1) Acc. sg. ntr. of the possessive asmka our 2) Innovation after instr.

2nd person pl.nom. acc. dat. gen. abl. loc. instr.

*IE ii-om usme+oms(o-stem) / uos

usmei / uos usmebhiom

usme+okomusmei / uos

usmed usmeiusme+osu

usme+obhis

Vedic Sanskrit

yym1 yumn

vasE

yumyumbhyamvasE

yumka(m)2yumvasE

yumt yumyumsu3

yumbhis

ClassicalSanskrit

yyam yumn vasE

yumabhyamvasE

yumkamvasE

yumat yumsu yumbhis

1) An expected form would be + ym. Modified probably after vaym. 2) Acc. sg. ntr. of the possessive yumka your.

31


62 / 2

014

/ 1 STATI A

RTICLES AUFSTZE

1st person du.nom. acc. dat. gen. abl. loc. instr.

ueH1-om nH1?ue-om noH1?u5 nH1?uoious nH1?ued nH1?uoiou(s)Vedic Sanskrit

vm1, vm2

vmnauE nauE

vyos2nauE

vbhym3vt4

Cl. Skt. vm vm vbhym vayos vbhym vayos vbhym

1) 1x in RV 6, 55.1. 2) B. Cf. Vedic dvyos, OChS dvoju (Brugmann 1911, 207-08). 3) K. 4) TS. 5) Cf. the nom. du. of the o-stems vrkau (Brugmann 1911, 196, 409).

2nd person du.nom. acc. dat. gen. abl. loc. instr.

iuu-om iuue-om iuu(oi)ous iuu-ed iuu-eH1Vedic Sanskrit

yuvm yuvm; vm yuv/bhyamvm

yuvs1,-yos2vm

yuvt yuv-dattayuv/bhyam

Cl. Skt. yuvm yuvm yuvbhym yuvayos yuvbhym yuvayos yuvbhym

Note: 1) RV. 2) TS. Cf. Vedic dvyos, OChS dvoju (Brugmann 1911, 207-08).

Ab. Survey of personal pronouns of the Old and Middle Iranian languages (CLI;OIJa; Hoffmann Forssman 1996; Sims-Williams 2007)

1st sg.nom. acc. / encl. dat. / encl. gen./ encl. abl. /

encl.instr. / encl.

* H1eH(-om) mm / m mebhio1/ moi mene medIranian *azam & *az *mm / *m *mabia1 / *mai *mana / *mai *madOAv. azm & as-ct / m maibii / mi m.n / mi mat YAv. azm mm / m muuiia / m

muuaiia-camana / m

OPers. adam mm / -m

/ -mai man man-c

/ -ma

MPers. an()?az < parth.

obl. man

Parth. az obl. manSogd. b.m.

k. azuk. mana-ye/ b.m.k. -m

b.m. manab.k. man

Chwar. nz m / -m() gen.-dat. my mrTumsh. asu, azuKhot. aysu ma / -m gen.-dat. mam,

mamana

Bactr. / -, --

Abbreviations: b. Sogdian of the Buddhist texts, m. Sogdian of Manicheic texts, k. Sogdian of the Chris-tian texts.1) Wakhi obl. ma indicates Iranian *mazia < *mehio-, exactly corresponding to the IA counterparts.

32


62 /

20

14 /

1

STAT

I A

RTIC

LES

AU

FST

ZE

2nd sg.nom. acc. / encl. dat. / encl. gen./ encl. abl. / encl. instr. / encl.

* tuuom & t tum / tu tebhio / toi teue tued tueH1Iranian *tuuam & *t *tum / *tu *tabia / *tai *taua / *tai *tuad *tuOAv. tuum & t m / taibii,- / ti,te tauu / ti, te at YAv. tm & t m / taibii,- / te tauua / t at OPers.

tuvam

uvm

/ -tai

MPers. tParth. t/tSogd. m.

taw ~ tb.m.k. tau1 ~ ta1?

b.m.k. tawa ~ tuwa?

m. , b. -f < *-uat

Chwar. wtk f ~ /-(-) gen.-dat. dy twrTumsh. to tivyaKhot. thu / -t, te gen.-dat. tv tv jsaBactr. , (),

()/ - (),

()

1) Perhaps by analogy after the 3rd sg. nom. x : acc. aw, ()wu.

1st pl.nom. acc. / encl. dat. / encl. gen./ encl. abl. /

encl.instr. /

encl.* ueiom nsme / ns nsmebhio / nos nsme+okom / nos nsmed nsmeH1

Iranian *uaiam *ahma / *nh *ahmabia / *nah

*ahmkam / *nah *ahmad *ahm

OAv. vam hm / n ahmaibii / n / n ahmat hmYAv. vam ahma / n / n ahmkm / nOPers.

vayam amxam

MPers. = gen. am / -nParth. = gen. /

-mn amh

Sogd. = gen. b. , m.k.

mxu ~ mx

Chwar. = dat. acc.-gen. mn()

nom. my

Khot. buhu ~ muhu Late Gmc. > *fewora > Got. fidwor, but *xwewriz >WGmc. *fewariz > OEng. fower, OFris. fiwer/fiwer, OSax. fiuwuar etc. (Berns & Ross 1992, 58384).

40


62 /

20

14 /

1

STAT

I A

RTIC

LES

AU

FST

ZE

du. nom. acc. dat. gen. nom. acc. dat. gen.

*ue-duo nue <

*n-dui-eor nH3ue

nuesoor nH3ueso

nuerom/-or nH3uerom/-

i-duo i(n)ue < *i-dui-eor i(n)H3ue

iuesoor iH3ueso

iuerom/-or iH3uerom/-

*pre-Gmc. wit uk(w) ukes,-iz ukeran/- jt ikw ikwes,-iz ikweran/-Got. wit ugk(is) ugkis *ugkara *jut igqis igqis igqaraORun.ON. wit okkr okkr okkar it ykkr ykkr ykkarOSw./OGut. vit okr okar it *ikr *ikarOEng. wit unc(it) unc uncer it inc(it) inc incerNorth Fris. wat unk, onk unkSylte jat, at ( j)unk, onk junkSylte

OSax. wit unc unc uncero git inc incOHG. unker

J. Survey of personal pronouns of the Baltic languages (Forssman 2001; Hamp 1982; Maiulis 2004; Otrbski 1956; Stang 1966)

p. 1st sg.case nom. acc. dat. gen. loc. instr.

* H1eH mm < *me-em? mnei mene moiBalt. *e > *e1 *mn *man-en2 *munei *mene + *-s/*-ns3 *man-en4 *mai- / *mani- + *-mi5

Prus. as 46x, es 2x mien mennei maisei (poss.) mim maimLit. a, a. e man mn

a. mani, d. mn()mansd. mes

manyjd. muni

manim

Latv. es mani man manis man manim

1) The loss of voicing probably under the influence of the 1st person pl. pronoun *mes. 2) Apparently contamination of the original acc. *men and the o-grade ablaut form *mano. 3) The a-vocalism in the East Baltic genitive was probably caused by influence of possessives tavas & savas with the regular change of the sequence -ava- < *-eua-. The endings are taken over from the nominal inflection: *-ns represents con-tamination of the gen.and acc. 4) Originally inessive; *- represents the ending of the loc. sg. of nominal i-stems. 5) Corresponding to the instr. sg. of nominal i-stems (Forssman 2001, 13941).

p. 2nd sg.case nom. acc. dat. gen. loc. instr.

* t tm tebhei teue teuoi?Balt. *t *tn *teue-en1 *tebei *teu-1 *teue + *-s/*-ns2 *teu-en3 *teui-1 + *-mi5

Prus. tu, tou, t 1xto 6x

tien tebbeitebbe 4x

twaise (poss.)

Lit. t tav tu tavs tavyj tavimLatv. tu tevi tev tevis tev tevim

1) Based on the gen.*teue. 2) The endings are taken over from the nominal inflection: *-ns represents con-tamination of the gen.and acc. 3) Originally inessive; *- represents the ending of the loc. sg. of nominal i-stems. 5) Corresponding to the instr. sg. of nominal i-stems (Forssman 2001, 13941).

41


62 / 2

014

/ 1 STATI A

RTICLES AUFSTZE

p. 1st pl.case nom. acc. dat. gen. loc. instr.

* ms mns < *nms1 nmus nsm *mms < *nms5

Balt. *mes *ms *mns2 *nmns *nsn *mms2 Prus. mes 62x, mas 1x mans nomans nosonLit. ms, d. ms d. ms ms a. mmus > mms2 ms2 mumys3/ msuos4 mumsLatv. d. mes, mas ms ms mums2 msu2 d. mums3 / msus4 mums

1) Nominal. acc. pl. 2) *m- instead of *n- after the nom. 2) Nominal loc. pl. of i-stems. 3) Nominal loc. pl. of o- or u-stems. 4) The ending *-ms taken over from the nominal inflection of u-stems (Forssman 2001, 140).

p. 2nd pl.case nom. acc. dat. gen. loc. instr.

* *is *uns *imns < *umns *isn < *usm *jms < *umsBalt. *is *is *uons *imns *isn *jms < *u-Prus. ios wans ioma(n)s, iouma(n)s iouson, iosan iosLit. js js a. jmus > jms js jumys, jsyj,

jsuosjs

Latv. js js jums jsu jsuos js

person 1st du.case nom. acc. dat. gen. loc. instr.

Lit. m. : f. mdu : mdviem. vd : vdvi1

mdu : mdviem. nuodu1

mdviem mdviej mdviese mdviem

1) Otrbski 1956, 139; Stang 1966, 257.

person 2nd du.case nom. acc. dat. gen. loc. instr.

Lit. m. : f. jdu : jdvi jdu : jdvi jdviem jdviej jdviese jdviem

K. Survey of personal pronouns of the Slavic languages (Vaillant 1958; Bliov 1998)

person 1st sg.case nom. acc. dat. gen. loc. instr.

* H1om1 m & meN (/ mene2) mnoi / mei mene (/ m3) mnoi mnoi-eH2m4

OCS. az m / mene mn / mi mene mn mnojBulg. az me / mene, men mene, men / miMac. jas me / mene mene / miSCr. j me / mene meni / mi mene / me2 meni mnm, mnmeSln. jaz me / mene meni / mi mene / me meni menoj, mano

42


62 /

20

14 /

1

STAT

I A

RTIC

LES

AU

FST

ZE

person 1st sg.case nom. acc. dat. gen. loc. instr.

Slk. ja ma / ma mne / mi ma / ma mne mnouOCz. jz m / mne mn / mi mne / m mn mnCz. j m / mne mn / mi mne / m mn mnouUSo. ja mje / mnje mni / mi mnje / mje mni mnuLSo. ja m / mnjo mnjo / m mnjo / m mnjo mnuPlb. joz -me & m, m /

mine, mane mane, mine, man / m

mane, man man, mane

Kaub. j mie & mi / mnie mnie / mie mnie / mie mnie / mie mnPol. ja OPolmie & mi / mnie mnie / mi mnie / mi mnie mnBrus. ja / mjane mne mjane mne mnoj(u)Ukr. ja / mene meni mene meni mnojuRus. ja / menj mne menj mne mnj(u)

1) Lengthening caused by Winters law? 2) Originally gen.sg. 3) Originally acc. sg. 4) The root *mno is com-patible with the East Baltic dat. sg. *munei (Vaillant 1958, 450); both may reflect *mno developing into *muno under influence of *t/*tuo thou, especially in perspective of the instr. *t[u]bhoi-m. The ending *-m < *-eH2m expanded here from the inflection of the demonstrative ta: instr. toj (cf. Brugmann 1911, 190, 366).

person 2nd sg.case nom. acc. dat. gen. loc. instr.

* t t & teN (/ tebhe1) tebhei / tei tebhe2 ( / t3) tebhei t[u]bhoi-eH2m4

OCS. ty t / tebe teb / ti tebe teb tobojBulg. ti te / tebe, teb tebe, teb / tiMac. ti te / tebe tebe / tiSCr. t te / tebe tebi / ti tebe / te tebi tbmSln. ti te / tebe tebi / ti tebe / te tebi teboj, taboSlk. ty a / teba tebe / ti teba / a tebe tebouOCz. ty t / tebe tob / ti tebe / t tob tob, teb5

Cz. ty t / tebe tob / ti tebe / t tob tebouUSo. ty e / tebje tebi / i tebje / e tebi tebuLSo. ty i / tebje tebje / i tebje / i tebje tobuPlb. ti, t t / tib, tebe tib / t tib tabKaub t ce & c / cebie tobie, cebie / c cebie / ce cebie, tobie tobPol. ty OPolcie & ci / ciebie tobie / ci ciebie / ci tobie tobBrus. ty / cjabe tabe cjabe tabe taboj(u)Ukr. ty / tebe tobi tebe tobi tobojuRus. ty / tebj teb tebj teb tobj(u)

1) Originally gen.sg. 2) Originally probably *teue; *bh could expand from dat./loc. & instr. 3) Originally acc. sg.; 4) The vacillation -o- ~ -e-indicates * < *u. The hypothetical protoform *tubhoi- is compatible with Old Indic tubhya(m) (Horlek 1955, 168). The ending *-m was taken from the paradigm of the de-monstrative ta (cf. Brugmann 1911, 190, 366). 5) Commoner from the 15th cent. onward.

43


62 / 2

014

/ 1 STATI A

RTICLES AUFSTZE

person 1st pl.case nom. acc. dat. gen. loc. instr.

* ms1 nms2 (/ nsom3) nmus4 (/nms5) nsom6 nsu7 nms8

OCS. my ny / nas nam / ny nas nas namiBulg. nie / nij ni / nas nam / niMac. nie n / nas nam / niSCr. m ns, nas nma, nam ns / nas nma nmaSln. m. : f. mi : me nas nam nas nas namiSlk. my ns nm ns ns namiOCz. my ny / ns nm ns ns nmiCz. my ns nm ns ns nmiUSo. my nas nam nas nas namiLSo. my nas nam nas nas namiPlb. moi nos, ns nom, nm nomKaub. m, ma9 nas, ns nm

nama9, naminas, nsnaju9, naji9

nas, ns nami, nama9

Pol. my nas nam nas nas namiBrus. my nas nam nas nas namiUkr. my nas nam nas nas namyORus.Rus. my nas nam nas nas nmi

1) In analogy with ny, vy; cf. Lith. dial. ms. 2) Nominal acc. pl. 3) Expanded gen.pl. 4) Nominal dat. pl. 5) Expanded acc. pl. 6) Nominal gen.pl. 7) Nominal loc. pl. 8) Nominal instr. pl. in BSl. 9) It is an original dual case form; in this function as long as the 50s of the 20. cent.

person 2nd pl.case nom. acc. dat. gen. loc. instr.

* u(m)s1 ums2 (/usom3) umus4 (/ums5) usom6 usu7 ums8

OCS. vy vy / vas1 vam / vy vas vas vamiBulg. vie, vij vi / vas vam / viMac. vie ve/ vas vam / viSCr. v vs, vas vma, vam vs / vas vma vmaSln. m. : f. vi : ve vas vam vas vas vamiSlk. vy vs vm vs vs vamiOCz. vy vy / vs vm vs vs vmiCz. vy vs vm vs vs vmiUSo. wy was wam was was wamiLSo. wy was wam was was wamiPlb. jai9 vom vomKaub. w, wa10 was, ws wm

wama10, wamiwas, wswaju10, waji10

was, ws wamiwama10

Pol. vy vas vam vas vas vami

44


62 /

20

14 /

1

STAT

I A

RTIC

LES

AU

FST

ZE

person 2nd pl.case nom. acc. dat. gen. loc. instr.

Brus. vy vas vam vas vas vamiUkr. vy vas vam vas vas vamyRus. vy vas vam vas vas vmi

1) Originally acc. pl. *ums or counterpart of Italic *us? 2) Nominal acc. pl.; cf. Prus. wans. 3) Expanded gen.pl. 4) Nominal dat. pl. 5) Expanded acc. pl. 6) Nominal gen.pl. 7) Nominal loc. pl. 8) Nominal instr. pl. in BSl. 9) It is attractive to see here areflex of expected IE *is, but aborrowing of OHG ji seems more probable (Vaillant 1958, 452). 10) It is an original dual case form; in this function as late as the 50s of the 20. cent.

person 1st du.case nom. acc. dat. gen. loc. instr.

* u n nm1 nious2 nious2 nm1

OCS. v na, ny3 nama, na naju naju namaSln. m. : f. midva : medve midva : medve nama naju naju / nama namaOCz. v, va ny3 nma naj naj nmaUSo. mj naju namaj naju namaj namajLSo. mej naju nama naju nama nama

1) Contamined nominal dat. pl. in *-m < *-mus & nom. du. *-a < *-. 2) According to toju < *toious, gen.-loc. pl. of the demonstrative t (Erhart 1982, 155). 3) Originally acc. pl.

person 2nd du.case nom. acc. dat. gen. loc. instr.

* u1 u um2 uious3 uious3 um2

OCS. va, vy4 va, vy4 vama, va vaju vaju vamaSln. m. : f. vidva : vedve vidva : vedve vama vaju vaju / vama vamaOCz. vy4 vy4 vma vy vaj vmaUSo. wj waju wamaj waju wamaj wamajLSo. wej waju wama waju wama wama

1) Originally acc. du. 2) Contamined nominal dat. pl. in *-m < *-mus & nom. du. *-a < *-. 2) According to toju < *toious, gen.-loc. pl. of the demonstrative t (Erhart 1982, 155). 4) Originally nom.-acc. pl.

L. Survey of personal pronouns of the Tocharian languages (Adams 1988, 14956; Jasanoff 1989; Pinault 1989, 111ff.)

person 1st sg. 2nd sg.case nom. obl. gen. encl. nom. obl. gen. encl.

* (m)ee mee meneis -mene tuuom teue tune -teToch. B (i) (i) i - twe, tuwe ci ta -cToch. A f. uk < *(m)eoH m. n < *-

< abl. *meg-etim. i(f. ni them. Gaulish (Chteaubleau) exsetesi in the formulation exsetesi sue regenia tu may you try & get, ye, ancestors, (and) thou. The formation exsetesi is segmented in *g-s-e-tesi-(e)s or -(e)t (Lambert 2001, 95; Schrijver 2001, 13941: IE *H1eih-). 3) Probably originated in analogy see Sihler 1995, 475. 4) See Szemernyi 1996, 329.

Assuming the original correspondence between the personal pronouns and verbal personal endings, the following conclusions may be formulated: (1) The best agreement appears in the first person sg. indicated by [*]m and *-oH2 (thematic conjugation) corresponding to the oblique cases and the nominative sg. *H1eoH2 I respectively. (2) In the 1st person pl. the dominant indicator *-me- ~ *-mo- implies the corre-sponding pronoun *mes (or *nsmes?). (3) The forms of the 1st person pl. derivable from *uei- correspond only with the dual endings of the fist person and originally were probably limited only to the dual. But in the second person the situation is more complex. (4) The s/t-distinction, reflected in the active vs. stative singular endings, has asurprising analogy in the independent personal pronouns of plural of the type *sues vs. singular of the type *t. Existence of the singular counterpart of *sues may be deduced from the active verbal ending *-s(i). This implies a hypothetical sup-pletive paradigm in the second person singular, represented by the minimal op-position of nom. *s[i] vs. obl. *tueo. Their hypothetical plural counterparts could be reconstructed as *sies and *tues, later merged into *sues. These three forms allow us to explain both the pecularities of some forms of the 2nd person plural pronouns of the type (a) *is/*ios; (b) *us/*us/*uso, and verbal endings of the type *-dhue < *dhue(s)dhH2 < *tue(s)dhH2 (see above), or the asymme-try in the primary active endings *-mesi/*-mosi vs. *te (the ending *-tesi is attested only in Gaulish). Let us stress that with respect to the final *-i in the primary end-ings *-mi, *-si, *-ti, *-nti of the 1st, 2nd, 3rd sg. and 3rd pl. respectively, it is natural to expect the same termination in the remaining endings of the 1st & 2nd pl., hence

51


62 / 2

014

/ 1 STATI A

RTICLES AUFSTZE

*-mesi/*-mosi & *-tesi. The following steps caused by metanalysis in sandhi are ex-pectable: (6) *-tesi+sies > *-te +*sies. (7) *-tesi & *-te+*sues > *-tes+*ues. (8) *-tesi+*ues > *-tes+*iues > *-tes+iuues > *-tes+*is.

6. Conclusion

The preceding steps lead to reconstruction of the minimal paradigm with hypo-thetical suppletion:

1 sg. 2 sg. 1 pl. 2 pl. 1 du. 2 du.nom. *H1e-oH2 *s (*siH?) *mes *sies

> *ies> *is

*ue-H1

*i-H1obl. *H1meo *tueo *nso *tueso

> sueso*nH1/3?ueo ?

Abbreviation of grammatical terms: a. archaic, abl. ablative, abs. absolutive, acc. accusative, agent. agentative, athem. athematic, d(ial). dialect, dat. dative, dir. directive, du. dual, e. exclusive, E = encl. en-clitics, f. feminine, gen.genitive, i. inclusive, indir. indirect, inf. infixed, instr. instrumental, lat. lative, loc. locative, m. masculine, nom. nominative, ntr. neuter, obj. object, obl. casus obliquus (also used as adesignation for cases other than the nom.), p.person, pl. plural, poss(es). possessive, red. reduplicated, s. stressed, sg. singular, suf. sufixal, symp. symathicus, them. thematic, uns. unstressed.

Abbreviation of languages: Afr. Afrikaans, Ardha-Mag. Ardhamgadh Prakrit, Arag. Aragonese, Arm. Armenian, Arom. Aromunian, A. Aokan, Att. Attic, Av. Avestan, Bactr. Bactrian, Balt. Baltic, BM Bok-ml, Boeot. Boeothic, Bret. Breton, Brit. Britton, BRus. Belorussian, Bulg. Bulgarian, C. Central, Campid. Campidanese, Cat. Catalan, Chwar. Chwarezmian, Cl. Classical, CLuv. Cuneiform Luvian, Corn. Cornish, Cz. Czech, Dalm. Dalmatian, Dan. Danish, Di. Digor, Dor. Doric, e. emphatic, E enclitic, E. East(ern), Eng. English, Engad. Engadinese, Faer. Faeroese, Fr. Franco-, Franc. Franconian, Fris. Frisian, Galic. Galician, Germ. German, Gmc. Germanic, Goid. Goidelic, Got. Gothic, Gr. Greek, Gujar. Gujart, Gut. Gutnic, H High, Hitt. Hittitite, HLuv. Hieroglyphic Luvian, Hom. Homeric, I. Iron, IA Indo-Aryan, Icel. Icelandic, Ion. Ionic, Ir. Irish, Istr. Istro-Romanian, Kaub. Kaubian, Khot. Khotan Saka, Kurd. Kurdish, L Low(er), Lat. Latin, Latv. Latvian, Lesb. Lesbian, Lit. Lithunian, Lugud. Lugudorish, Luv. Luvian, Lyc. Lycian, M. Middle, Mac. Macedonian, Mag. Mgadh Prakrit, Mald. Maldivian, Mar. Marh, Mazend. Mazenda-rani, Mh. Mhrr Prakrit, Megl. Megleno-Romanian, Mo Modern, N New, N. North, Northern, NE. Nort-East, Nor. Norwegian, NN Nynorsk, NW. North-West, OOld, OCS Old Church Slavonic, OCz. Old Czech, ON Old Norse, Osc. Oscan, Osset. Ossetic, Paelign. Paelignian, Pai. Paic Prakrit, Pal. Palaic, Parth. Parthian, Pen. Pensylvanian, Pers. Persian, Pic. Picenian, Pkt. Prakrit, Plb. Polabian, Pol. Polish, Port. Porthugese, Prov. Provenal, Prus. Prussian, Rj. Rjasthn, Run. Runic, Rum. Rumunian, Rus. Rus-sian, S. South, Southern, Sax. Saxon, SCr. Serbo-Croatioan, Skt. Sanskrit, Slk. Slovakian, Sln. Slovenian,

52


62 /

20

14 /

1

STAT

I A

RTIC

LES

AU

FST

ZE

So. Sorbian, Sogd., Sogdian, Sp. Spanish, Surselval, Sw. Swedish, . aurasen Prakrit, Toch. Tocharian, Tsakon. Tsakonian, Tumsh. Tumshuq Saka, UUpper, Ukr. Ukrainian, Umb. Umbrian, Venet. Venetic, W. West, Western, Y Young, em. emaitic.

REFERENCES

Adams, D. Q. 1988. Tocharian Historical Phonology and Morphology. New Haven: American Ori-ental Society.

AiG = Debrunner, A. & Wackernagel, J. 1930. Altindische Grammatik, III: Nominalflexion Zahl-wort Pronomen. Gttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht.

Antonsen, E. H. 1975. AConcise Grammar of the Older Runic Inscriptions. Tbingen: Niemeyer.Bliov, H. 1998. Nstin porovnvac morfologie spisovnch jazyk slovanskch. Praha: Karo-

linum.Benveniste, . 1962. Hittite et indo-europen. tudes comparatives. Paris: Maisonneuve (kapi-

tola IV: La flexion pronominale, 6677; poprv vLanguage 29, 1953, 255262).Blaek, V. 1995. Indo-European Personal Pronouns (1st & 2nd persons), Dhumbadji. Journal

for the History of Language, Vol. 2, 3, 15.Blaek, V. 20102011. On the reinterpretation of some Gaulish inscriptions, Talanta 4243,

177184.Breza, E. 2001. Podstawowe wiadomoci zmorfologii. In: Breza, E. (ed.). Kaszubszczyzna

Kaszbizna. Opole: Uniwersytet Opolski, 125184.Browning, R. 1969. Medieval and Modern Greek. London: Hutchinson University Library.Brugmann, K. 1911 & 1916. Grundriss der vergleichenden Grammatik der indogermanischen Spra-

chen. II.2 & II.3. Strassburg: Trbner.Cimochowski, W. 1987. Jzyk albaski, Acta Baltico-Slavica 17, 1768.CLI = Schmitt, R. 1989. Compendium Linguarum Iranicarum. Wiesbaden: Reichert.Cohen, G. L. 1976a. On the origin of *-sm- in Indo-European pronouns, Indogermanische For-

schungen 81, 1824.Cohen, G. L. 1976b. On reconstructing PIE 2 du./pl. pronoun, Zeitschrift fr vergleichende

Sprachforschung 90, 2022.Cohen, G. L. 1982. Reflections on Some Thorny Problems in PIE Personal Pronouns, Indoger-

manische Forschungen 87, 17., . 1923. . : . Demiraj, B. 1997. Albanische Etymologien (Untersuchungen zum albanischen Erbwortschatz).

Amsterdam Atlanta: Rodopi.Dokalov, L. & Blaek, V. 2010. Analogick zmny vparadigmatu indoevropskho osobnho

zjmena. In: Dokalov, L. (ed.). Indoevropsk fonologie amorfologie. Sbornk zBrnnskho indoevropeistickho kolokvia (21. 10. 2009). Brno: Masarykova univerzita, 754.

Dokalov, L. & Blaek, V. 2011. Analogical Changes in Paradigms of Indo-Euro pean Pro-nouns. In: Kmmel, M. J. (ed.). Sprachvergleich und Sprachdidaktik. Beitrge zu den 19. Ge SuS-Linguistiktagen (Freiburg im Breisgau, 2.4. Mrz 2010).. Hamburg: Verlag Dr. Kova, 1340.

Elizarenkova, T. Ja. 1987. Vedijskij jazyk. Moskva: Nauka.

53


62 / 2

014

/ 1 STATI A

RTICLES AUFSTZE

Emmerick, R. E. 1989. Khotanese and Tumshuquese. In: CLI, 204229.Erhart, A. 1982. Indoevropsk jazyky. Praha: Academia.Forssman, B. 2001. Lettische Grammatik. Dettelbach: Rll (Mnchener Studien zur Sprach-

wissenschaft, Beiheft 20).Fortson, B. W. 2005. Indo-European Language and Culture: An Introduction. Malden Oxford

Carlton: Blackwell Publishing.Grard, R. 2005. Phontique et morfologie de la langue lydienne. Louvain-la-Neuve: Peeters.Gercenberg, L. 1981. Chotanosakskij jazyk. In: OIJa, 233313.GL = Knig, E. & van der Auwera, J. (eds.) 1994. The Germanic Languages. London New York:

Routledge.Gusmani, R. 1980. Lydisches Wrterbuch, Erganzungsband: Lieferung 1. Heidelberg: Winter.Hamp, E. P.1982. Armenian and Baltic Personal Pronouns: Typology and History, Folia Slavica

5/13, 181189.Hamp, E. P.1989. The Lydian locative in -, Historische Sprachforschung 101, 8991.Hoekstra, J. & Tiersma, P. M. 1994. Frisian. In: Knig, E. & van der Auwera, J. (eds.). The

Germanic Languages. London New York: Routledge, 532565.Hoffmann, K. & Forssman, B. 1996. Avestische Laut- und Flexionslehre. Innsbruck: IBS 84.Hoffner, H. A. & Melchert, H. C. 2008. A Grammar of the Hittite Language, I: Reference

Grammar. Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns.Holton, D. & Mackridge, P. & Philippaki-Warburton. 1997. Greek: AComprehensive Gram-

mar of the Modern Language. London New York: Routledge.Horlek, K. 1955. vod dostudia slovanskch jazyk. Praha: Nakladatelstv eskoslovensk aka-

demie vd.Huld, M. E. 1979. Albanian ju you, Journal of Indo-European Studies 7, 303306.Humbach, H. 1989. Choresmian. In: CLI, 193203.IAL = Cardona, G. & Jain, Dh. (eds.) 2003. The Indo-Aryan Languages. London: Routledge.Jasanoff, J. H. 1989. Language and gender in the Tarim Basin: the Tocharian 1. sg. pronoun,

Tocharian and Indo-European Studies 3, 125147.Jensen, H. 1930. Bemerkungen zum ungeschlechtigen Personalpronomen des Indogerma-

nischen, Indogermanische Forschungen 48, 117126.Jnson, S. 1927. APrimer of Modern Icelandic. Oxford: University Press.Katz, J. T. 1998. Topics in Indo-European Pronouns. PhD. Thesis defended at Harvard Univer-

sity.Kloekhorst, A. 2008. Etymological Dictionary of the Hittite Inherited Lexicon. Leiden Boston:

Brill.Kroonen, G. 2013. Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Germanic. Leiden Boston: Brill.Lambert, P.Y. 2001 (19982000). La tuile de Chteaubleau (Seine-et-Marne), tudes celtiques

34, 57115.Livic, V. A. & Chromov, A.L. 1981. Sogdijskij jazyk. In: OIJa, 347514.Macdonell, A. A. 1916 (2000). AVedic Grammar for Students. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Pub-

lishers.Markey, T. L. 1981. Frisian. The Hague Paris New York: Mouton.Martirosyan, H. 2009. Etymological Dictionary of the Armenian Inherited Lexicon. Leiden

Boston: Brill.

54


62 /

20

14 /

1

STAT

I A

RTIC

LES

AU

FST

ZE

Masica, C. P.1991. The Indo-Aryan Languages. Cambridge: University Press.Matzinger, J. 1997. Zum Lokativ Singular des Personalpronomens der ersten Person im Al-

tarmenischen, Mnchener Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft 57, 6580.Matzinger, J. 1998. Albanisch un ,ich im System der albanischen Personalpronomina, In-

dogermanische Forschungen 103, 185201.Matzinger, J. 2006. Der altalbanische Text Mbsuame e krshter (Dottrina Cristiana) des Lek

Matrnga von 1592. Eine Einfhrung in die albanische Sprachwissenschaft. Dettelbach: Rll (Jenaer indogermanistische Textbearbeitung, Bd. 3).

Mayrhofer, M. 1965. Sanskrit-Grammatik. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter (Sammlung Gschen 1158).

Maiulis, V. 2004. Prs kalbos istorin gramatika. Vilnius: Vilniaus universiteto leidykla.Meillet, A. 1922. De quelques y initiaux devant u- en indo-europen, Bulletin de la Socit

Linguistique de Paris 23, 7678.Melchert, H. C. 1994. Anatolian Historical Phonology. Amsterdam Atlanta: Rodopi.Melchert, H. C. (ed.). 2003. The Luwians. Leiden Boston: Brill.Meriggi, P. 1980. Schizzo grammaticale delanatolico. Roma: Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei.Muller, F. 1926. Altitalisches Wrterbuch. Gttingen: Vandenhoeck.OIJa = Rastorgueva, V. S. (ed.). 1981. Osnovy iranskogo jazykoznanija: sredneiranskie jazyki.

Moskva: Nauka.Otrbski, J. 1956. Gramatyka jzyka litewskiego, III: Nauka oformach. Warszawa: Pastwowe

wydawnictwo naukowe.Pedersen, H. 19091913. Vergleichende Grammatik der keltischen Sprachen, III. Gttingen:

Vandenhoeck Ruprecht.Pinault, G. J. 1989. Introduction au Tokharien. Paris: Lalies.Pokorny, J. 1959. Indogermanisches etymologisches Wrterbuch. Bern Mnich: Francke.Rastorgueva, V. S. & Molanova, E. K. 1981. Srednepersidskij jazyk. In: OIJa, 6146.Rastorgueva, V. S. & Molanova, E. K. 1981. Parfjanskij jazyk. In: OIJa, 147232.Ringe, D. 2006. From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic. Oxford: University Press.Rix, H. 1976. Historische Grammatik des Griechischen. Laut- und Formenlehre. Darmstadt: Wis-

senschaftliche Buchgesellschaft.Robinson, O. W. 1992. Old English and its closest relatives. London: Routledge.Ross, A. S. & Berns, J. 1992: Germanic [numerals]. In: Gvozdanovi, J. (ed.). Indo-European

Numerals. Berlin New York: Mouton de Gruyter, 555715.Schmidt, G. 1978. Stammbildung und Flexion der indogermanischen Personalpronomina. Wies-

baden: Harrassowitz.Schmitt, R. 1989. Altpersisch. In: CLI, 5685.Schwyzer, E. 1939. Griechische Grammatik, Bd. I. Mnchen: Beck.Seebold, E. 1984. Das System der Personalpronomina in den frhgermanischen Sprachen. Gt-

tingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht.Schrijver, P. 2001. The Chteaubleau tile as alink between Latin and French and between

Gaulish and Brittonic, tudes Celtiques 34, 135141.Sihler, A. L. 1995. New Comparative Grammar of Greek and Latin. New York Oxford: Oxford

University Press.Sims-Williams, N. 1989. Sogdian. In: CLI, 173192.

55


62 / 2

014

/ 1 STATI A

RTICLES AUFSTZE

Sims-Williams, N. 2007. Bactrian Documents from Northern Afghanistan II: Letters and Bud-dhist Texts. London: The Nour Foundation in association with Azimuth Editions.

Sommer, F. 1912. Zum indogermanischen Personenpronomen, Indogermanische Forschungen 30, 398430.

Stang, Ch S. 1966. Vergleichende Grammatik der Baltischen Sprachen. Oslo Bergen Troms: Universitetsforlaget.

Stone, G. 1993a. Sorbian (Upper and Lower). In: Comrie, B. & Corbett, G. G. (eds.). The Slavon-ic Languages. London New York: Routledge, 593685.

Stone, G. 1993b. Cassubian. In: Comrie, B. & Corbett, G. G. (eds.). The Slavonic Languages. Lon-don New York: Routledge, 759794.

Streitberg, W. 1963. Urgermanische Grammatik. Heidelberg: Winter.Sundermann, W. 1989. Parthisch. In: CLI, 114137.Sundermann, W. 1989. Mittelpersisch. In: CLI, 138164.Suprun, A. E. 1987. Polabskij jazyk. Minsk: Izdatestvo Universitetskoe.Szemernyi, O. 1996. Introduction to Indo-European Linguistics. Oxford: Clarendon Press.losar, D. 1986. Tvaroslov. In: Lamprecht, A. & losar, D. & Bauer, J. Historick mluvnice

etiny. Praha: Sttn pedagogick nakladatelstv, 129246.Thurneysen, R. 1946. Agrammar of Old Irish. Dublin: Institute for Advanced Studies.Urbanov, D & Blaek, V. 2008. Nrody starovk Itlie, jejich jazyky apsma. Brno: Host.Vaillant, A. 1958. Grammaire compare des langues slaves, II: Morphologie 1: Flexion nominale.

Editions IAC.van der Wal, M. & Quak, A. 1994. Old and Middle Continental West Germanic. In: Ekkehard

K. & van der Auwera, J. (eds.). The Germanic Languages. London New York: Routledge, 72109.

Walker, A. G. H. & Wilts, O. 2001. Die nordfriesischen Mundarten. In: Munske, H. H. et al. (eds.). Handbook of Frisian Studies. Tbingen: Niemeyer, 284304.

This article was prepared thanks to agrant P406/12/0655 from the Czech Science Foundation (GAR). We are grateful to John Bengtson for his correction of English.

Lenka [email protected]

Vclav [email protected] of Linguistics and Baltic LanguagesFaculty of arts of Masaryk University, BrnoCzech Republic