indian foreign policy

1India’s Foreign Policy

India has a cherished history of collaboration withseveral countries as the leader of the developing world.India was one of the founding members of severalinternational organisations, most notably the UnitedNations, the Non-Aligned Movement, the AsianDevelopment Bank and the G-20 industrial nations. Indiaalso played an important role in internationalorganisations like East Asia Summit, World TradeOrganisation, International Monetary Fund, G8 + 5, IBSADialogue Forum and regional organisations which includeSAARC, BIMSTEC etc.

East Asia SummitIt is a forum held annually by leaders of the countries of East Asia.The sixth East Asia Summit (EAS) was held in Bali, the Republic ofIndonesia in November 2011 and was Chaired by IndonesianPresident Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. United States and RussianFederation were participated for the first time in EAS.

Origin of Indian Foreign PolicyIndian Foreign Policy had its roots in the thought

process of the leaders of our renaissance in the late 19thcentury and of the national freedom movement during thefirst four decades of the 20th century. By late 18th centuryIndian leaders realised, in order to be placed in the comityof nations India needs to redefine her geopolitical identityand cultural individuality. Initially cross-cultural and crosslinguistic connections with colonial powers like the British,the French, the Portuguese and to some extent Danish andDutch made the Indian elite aware of the world beyond itstraditional political and diplomatic relations, which waslimited to Turkey at one end and South East Asia at theother hand.

India is the second

most populous

country and

the world’s

most-populous

democracy. It is one

of the fastest growing

economies in

the world.

It is no more a

regional power only,

but showing every

potential

of a global power.

These are

contributing to its

growing

influence in the

international affairs.

Geopolitical Identity

Geopolitical identity of a country is shaped by geographical location of the country. The geographicalpositioning influences power relationships in international politics. It is basically the study ofrelationship among politics and geography, demography, economics especially with respect to theforeign policy of a nation.

Raja Rammohan Roy was the earliest to impressively articulate the need forIndia to be a part of the modern world. Raja Rammohan Roy, Dwijendranath andDwarkanath Tagore, the earlier leaders of the Brahmo Samaj Movement hadadvocated India’s modernisation and establishing relations with other countries. Thiswas the first phase of India’s developing an international consciousness and acquiringaspirations to become part of the modern world.

The second phase in the evolution of India’s international consciousness datesback to the aftermath of Indian Mutiny of 1857. Several parts of India had becomefamiliar with Europeans and British particularly over a period of nearly one hundredyears by then. There was a fundamental change in the attitude of the British towardstheir Indian subjects after 1857 Mutiny. Christian missionary activities backed by thepolitical authority of the colonial regimes in India and has accentuated an Indianimpulse to affirm its identity, its religio-cultural integrity. Two strands were developedduring the period—one was emulating the West and the other was criticallyquestioning the Western analysis and assessments regarding India’s history, itsintellectual heritage, its cultural and religious identity.

Bankim Chandra Chattopadhya, Swami Vivekananda, Maharishi DayanandSaraswati, Maulana Altaf Hussain Hali and Justice Akbar Allahabadi had furtherpersonified this strand. This was followed by the birth of Indian national Congress in1885, which has shaped India’s attitude towards the rest of the world. In the postWorld War I international conferences and deliberations India being allowed a role offounding member of League of Nations have intensified India’s internationalconsciousness and initiated Indian experience in foreign relations. Thesedevelopments germinated ideas between the First and Second World Wars crystalisedinto Indian Foreign Policy orientations.

¢ World War I (28th July, 1914-11 November, 1918) It ended with the Treaty of Versailles, whichwas signed on 28th June, 1919. It covered Europe, Africa, Middle East, the Pacific Islands, China andoff the coast of South and North America. It resulted in the victory of the Allied powers; end of theGerman, Russian Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian empires; formation of new countries in Europeand the Middle East; transfer of German Colonies and regions of the former Ottoman Empire;establishment of the League of the Nations.

¢ World War II (1st September, 1939-2nd September, 1945) It covered Europe, Pacific, South EastAsia, China, Middle East, Mediterian, Africa and briefly North America. The Allied powers emergedvictorious. United Nations Organisation was created. The United States of America and the SovietUnion emerged as super powers ......... beginning of Cold War.

This embryonic and emerging Indian world view could be summed up as follow

1. India as most important constituent of the British Empire deserved dominionstatus and a recognised identity in the British imperial system.

2. India was to evolve into a modern nation state with modern democraticpolitical institutions.

2 India and The World

3. India expected to be treated as an equal by other dominions in the Britishempire and by extension by other countries which had dealings with otherBritish dominions. This constituted the moderate initial framework of India’sforeign policy till about 1920.

The period between 1920 and 1946 should be considered as the time whenfundamental terms of reference for independent India’s foreign policy wereformulated. Mohan Das Karamchand Gandhi’s influence was the predominant factorin this process. While Gandhiji defined the framework for Indian foreign policy,Nehru fashioned its orientations and details.

Dominion Status

Dominion refers to one of a group of autonomous polities that are nominally under BritishSovereignty, constituting the British Empire and British Commonwealth, beginning in the latter partof the 19th century. Many of the former British colonies that were granted independence in thedecades of World War II were called ‘dominions’. Many of them like India came republic by endingtheir status as dominions.

Phases of Indian Foreign Policy

Phase I : Nehruvian Phase (1947-1962)

The foreign policy of any countryfrom time immemorial appeared tohave been affected by its geopoliticalimportance. This was naturally noexception in case of India as well.Nehru had gave shape to India’sforeign policy, which he believed wasfirmly rooted in India’s civilisational tradition, freedom struggle and quest for peaceand development.

Nehru’s Foreign Policy was based on two assumptions

1. India’s weakness in the immediate post independence years.

2. India’s potentiality of being a future power opted for the path of economicdevelopment to enable India to assert her presence in the sphere ofinternational relations.

The quest for independence in foreign affairs and Nehru’s rejection offundamentalism gave birth to the policy of non-alignment. The origin of thisquest for independent foreign policy can be traced from the resolutions of theIndian National Congress which were drafted by Nehru. His use of wordsenlightened self-interest reflects the paramount importance he attached toIndia’s interests.

The post World War saw the collapse of imperialism and emergence of a largenumber of independent countries from colonial rule. Simultaneously a number ofchanges were taking place in the world, which were broadly of the following nature

• Concentration of military and economic power in the hands of United States.• A United World Market emerged with Washington at its centre. Bretton

Woods and Dumburton Oakes gave birth to a new world economic system.

India’s Foreign Policy 3

Highlights

¢ Adoption of Non-Alignment Policy as integral

to Indian Foreign Policy

¢ Chinese aggression of India in October, 1962

• Weakening of European military power.• China was engaged in revolution and nation building.• In the unified world order Soviet Union could only marginally challenge

United States.• United Nations functioned as a mere America dominated agency rather than as

a world body.• Nuclear weapons came to occupy an important place.

¢ Bretton Woods System The Bretton Woods Conference held in 1944, was the starting point of anew order. The world economy was to be organised around three cornerstones : the InternationalMonetary Fund (IMF), the International Trade Organisation (ITO) and the International Bank forReconstruction and Development (IBRD) better known as World Bank. The system conceived ofduring and established immediately after the World War II contained two elements (a) anInternational Monetary Regime and (b) a Liberal International Trading Order.

¢ Dumburton Oakes The Washington conversations on International Peace and SecurityOrganisation was an international conference at which the United Nations was formulated andnegotiated among international leaders. The conference was followed up by the ‘Yalta Conference’during February, 1945.

These prompted USA to build barriers to spread the concept of Socialism anddetermined to destroy Soviet Communism. The Indian foreign policy had to beevolved and shaped within this international scenario. In that milieu Indian PrimeMinister Jawaharlal Nehru realised that joining either of the block would result in acompromise of national interest and would amount to a contradiction of the valuesthat guided India’s struggle for freedom. As nationalism remained the essence of anyforeign policy, so he used foreign policy as a tool to subserve the cause of unification andstability in the country.

India under Nehru preferred to build a stronger neighbourhood i.e., countriesbordering India by land and sea rather than concentrating on the developments inEurope. India also reached out to the struggling countries in Africa and emerged as aleading voice against racialism and colonialism. This paved the way to an increasinglystrong and influential Afro-Asian community. One thing that Nehru alwaysendeavoured to ensure was that international conflicts must not compromise IndianForeign Policy priorities. India therefore concentrated in consolidating itsindependence.

Nehru believed that this was possible only through independence indecision-making. The policy of non-alignment which India pursued was a reflection ofthis independent decision-making. This phase was characterised by two struggles oneagainst colonialism and the other for world peace and stability.

During this phase, India entered into conflict with Pakistan over India’scomplaining to the Security Council against Pakistan’s aggression into Kashmir.However, the biggest challenge India faced was from China.

Nehru’s Policy on ChinaThe then Deputy Prime Minister and Home Minister, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel

expressed concern over China’s assertiveness in Tibet, which he believed would posetwo dangers.

(a) Soviet Russia was likely to use the brittle situation in North Eastern India.

(b) Indian communists would have easier access to ideas, commands andweapons from China and would constitute another threat.


Nehru wanted to postpone the conflict with China so, he pursued the path ofpeace with China. He tried his level best to ensure that China was accepted into theinternational community with honour and dignity. He calmed the spat on Tibet withChina and signed a treaty which came to be known for its five principles of peacefulco-existence. However, every effort was undone by United States administration’shostility and persistent efforts to frustrate Indo-Chinese relations. Meanwhile, theborder dispute took irreconcilable positions and China making an ideological issue ofthe border dispute there was the rarest chance of peace. This led to the Chinese attackon India on October, 1962. The Chinese policies were not successful and time provedNehru’s assessment of China was realistic and rational. Peace with honour with Chinawas at the core of Nehru’s policy which still remains the only valid policy.

Phase II : Indira Gandhian Phase (1966-1985)

Lal Bahadur Shastri succeededJawaharlal Nehru in 1965. UnderShastri’s apparently mild charismalay his great leadership qualitieswhich were markedly reflected in thefirst war between India and Pakistanin 1965. India under Lal BahadurShastri and Pakistan under Field Marshall Ayub Khan (President of Pakistan) signedthe Tashkent Agreement.

Tashkent AgreementTashkent Agreement of 10th January, 1966 was a peace agreement between India and Pakistan. InSeptember, 1965 before the two had engaged in the short-run Indo-Pakistani War of 1965. A meetingwas held in Tashkent in the Uzbek, USSR (now in Uzbekistan) beginning on 4th January, 1966 to try tocreate a more permanent settlement, Soviet Premier Alexei Kosygin mediated between Lal BahadurShastri and Md Ayub Khan.

However, Shastri’s demise soon after the agreement gave independent India herfirst woman Prime Minister in January, 1966. Mrs Gandhi’s innings in foreignrelations had began with a visit to Yugoslavia and the United Arab Republic (UAR), toreaffirm India’s faith in non-alignment. The principle of non-alignment under her ableleadership was emphasised on the third Tripartite Conference in Delhi in October,1966 and then in the Lusaka Summit in October, 1970. She did not even hesitate tocriticise US for its excesses in Vietnam even when India was dependent chiefly on USfor food supplies and Indian economy was shrinking due to drought and floods.

One of Indira Gandhi’s greatestefforts was to increase India’s selfsufficiency in foodgrains through theGreen Revolution. Through it she triedto reduce India’s dependence onimports and thus stabilise India’seconomic condition.

The India-Pakistan War (1971),gave birth to Bangladesh, the US underNixon-Kissinger team actively cooperated with the Government in Islamabad.


Highlights

¢ Treaty with Soviet Union

¢ India’s role in birth of a new country, Bangladesh

¢ Nuclear explosions at Pokhran

Green Revolution

Green Revolution is a term applied to successfulagricultural experiments in many Third Worldcountries. In India, beside increasing economicoutput and transforming India in to an exporter offood. This has earned the admiration for India inthe comity of nations, especially in the ThirdWorld. It was greatly contributed to make IndiraGandhi and her party a political force in India.

China too was turning towards the US to end its isolation. China used USAagainst India and USA was using China against Soviet Union. This consequentlypaved the way for Indo-Soviet Treaty of Peace Friendship and Cooperation onAugust, 1971. The treaty also praised India’s policy of non-alignment. The treatybrought in criticism that India was abandoning the path of non-alignment.

Indo-Soviet Treaty, 1971Specified mutual strategic cooperation. The treaty was a significant deviation from India’s previousposition of Non-alignment in the Cold War and in the prelude to Bangladesh War. It was a keydevelopment in a situation of increasing Sino-American ties and American pressures. The treaty waslater adopted to the Indo-Bangladesh Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation in 1972. The Indo-BanglaTreaty was also known as Indo-Mujib Treaty.

On 6th December, 1971 the World saw the birth of a new state Bangladesh andrestoration of power in Bangladesh by Sheikh Mujibur Rehman. In Pakistan Yahyawas forced to resign and Bhutto became the Prime Minister. A summit between IndiraGandhi and Bhutto in Simla brought an accord signed on 1st July, 1972, known as theSimla Agreement that stipulated that Kashmir issue should be resolved peacefullythrough bilateral negotiations. At this time India-US relation were troubled byPakistan and by India’s nuclear explosion at Pokhran on 18th May, 1974. Indo-PakWar left adverse effects on Indian economy and India’s foreign policy. Mrs Gandhi’ssuffered massive defeat in the General Elections that followed national emergency.

Simla AgreementSimla Agreement signed during a Summit Conference between Pakistani President, Zulfiqar Ali Bhuttoand the Indian Leader Indira Gandhi held at Simla from 28th June to 2nd July, 1972. The broadfeatures of this pact included that the principle and purpose of the charter of the United Nations

would govern relations between the two countries. The accord converted the 1949, UN Cease-Fire

Line into the Line of Control (LoC) between Pakistan and India.

The Morarji Desai government brought no changes in the foreign policy. Desairetained special relationship with the Soviet Union, but what was striking was thechange in the US attitude exemplified in Jimmy Carter’s visit to India. The Indianforeign policy under Desai was shortlived with the return of Indira Gandhi as thePrime Minister. Soon after returning to power she faced two problems.

One, was Saur revolution in Afghanistan led by communists, followed byconsiderable turmoil in a land dominated by tribes, the Mullah and Qazi. Despitevarious setbacks India continued to maintain contact with political elements inAfghanistan that came handy subsequently.

Second, was the renewed closeness in US-Pakistan relations. Under Mrs GandhiIndia continued the efforts at approachment with the United States. She met USPresident Ronald Reagan at Cancun in October, 1981 and succeeded in convincingUS that India was not a client follower of Moscow. She affirmed India’s neutral standtowards the two superpowers. She also tried to mend relations with China to make herneighbourhood stable and peaceful. It was Mrs Gandhi who initiated the so-calledLook East Policy which was later on carried on by subsequent Prime Ministers. Sheemphasised on the development of economic relations with the ASEAN countries.


Indira Gandhi’s Policy on NepalWhen Indira Gandhi came to power, her smaller Himalayan neighbour Nepal

was playing the China Card against her. To deal with Nepal, Indira Gandhi continuedwith the soft policy. She declared largest aid package for Nepal during her visit inOctober, 1966. The joint statement issued at the end of her visit emphasised on thetraditional friendship, common ties of history, geography and culture their vitalinterest in the territorial integrity, prosperity and well-being of each other andreaffirmed their commitment to the principles of non-alignment and peacefulco-existence. However, King Mahendra continued to play the China Card anddeclared Nepal would remain neutral in any conflict between India and China.Nevertheless India continued with a moderate policy and assisted Nepal indevelopmental projects. King Mahendra’s death brought a relief to India and MrsGandhi’s visit to Nepal in 1973 and was a right step to take India-Nepal relationsforward.

Indira Gandhi’s Policy on Sri LankaIndian foreign policy during Mrs Gandhi’s tenure was also affected by Tamil

Sinhalese problem in Sri Lanka. To this she pursued a policy which firstly tried topreserve Sri Lanka’s unity and integrity and secondly desired to secure a life of dignityfor the Tamils in Sri Lanka. Kacchativu an islet in the sea between India and Sri Lankawas a point of conflict between the two countries. It was of interest to the fishermen ofthe two countries. To generate goodwill in her relations with the Island neighbourIndira Gandhi ceded Kacchativu to Sri Lanka. On the whole Indian Foreign Policyreflected flexibility with firmness, determination and resilence. It reflected trueindependence.

Phase III : Rajiv Gandhian Phase (1985-1990)

Rajiv Gandhi became the PrimeMinister after Indira Gandhi’sassassination. Though he wasinexperienced he preferred to carryforward the traditions of his grandfatherand mother in consolidating the policyof non-alignment, but tried to give it acontemporary dimension.

Despite initial disturbances Indo-US relations interchanged in almost everyfield—political, economic, cultural and social. The economic ties remainedparticularly strong. He prioritised India’s policy towards his neighbours particularlySri Lanka and Pakistan. Taking note of Pakistan’s growing nuclear capability RajivGandhi signed a significant agreement with Zia-ul-Haq as a confidence buildingmeasure, by which the two countries agreed not to attack the nuclear installations ofeach other. A spirit of optimism marked Indo-Pak relations during RajivGandhi-Benazir Bhutto era. However, in reality Benazir Bhutto was not free to takedecisions on her own because the army was Pakistan’s defacto ruler. Besides,Pakistan’s growing nuclear capability continued as an irritant in India-Pakistanrelations.


Highlights

¢ Indian Peace Keeping Force in Sri Lanka

¢ Further improvement in Indo-Soviet relations

¢ Transfer of computer technology from US to

India.

Rajiv Gandhi’s Policy on Sri LankaTurning to Sri Lanka, its deteriorating ethnic situation was accelerating passions

of Indian Tamils. Being pressurised by the spiralling passions in Tamil Nadu to helpTamil “brethen” in distress in Sri Lanka, the Rajiv Gandhi government decided toairlift supplies of essential commodities for the people in Jaffna. This was counted bySri Lanka as an encroachment of its sovereignty over its airspace. However, it inducedrethinking in Colombo and brought the India-Sri Lanka Accord in August, 1987.

Under the Accord Indian PeaceKeeping Force (IPKF) was sent to SriLanka to supervise the cease fire, thesurrender of arms and the peacearrangements in the Tamil areas in theNorth and the East was envisaged.However, the Sinhalese nationalistshad no intention to abide by Accordbecause they could not accept thepresence of Indian troops on SriLankan soil. Premdasa’s call for thewithdrawal of the Indian troops led torecapturing by the LTTE of the areasrestored by IPKF to Colombo’s rules.

The hallmark of Rajiv Gandhi’s foreign policy was improvement of Indo-Sinorelations. He equally concentrated on the two superpowers USA and Soviet Union.India signed with United States an agreement in March, 1988, for the transfer of hightechnology and subsequent acquisition of Super Computers. Both India and USAchose to expand their relations through the expansion of exchanges and promotion oftrade. The United States though tried to extract most of the growing Indian market,but at the same time preserved its strong military relations with Pakistan.

Rajiv Gandhi and RussiaDuring Rajiv Gandhi’s term Indo-Soviet friendship came to be embedded in

public consciousness. It helped India to ward off many hostile challenges—fromChina, from Pakistan, from the West in the form of support to Pakistan. It wasbeneficial for Soviet Union as well as it enabled it to contend with the isolation, whichthe West tried to impose on it. Rajiv Gandhi’s first visit abroad as Prime Minister wasto Moscow from 21st-26th May, 1985, which symbolise healthy Indo-Soviet relations.

The Delhi Declaration the joint-statement by Gorbachev and Rajiv Gandhi,which came during Gorbachev’s India visit in November, 1986, endorsed Gandhianphilosophy of non-violence as the guiding principle in international relations. Newagreements were signed between India and the USSR on economic and technicalcooperation. These cooperation centred around technologies of nuclear power, spacetechnologies and high temperature physics.

Delhi DeclarationDelhi Declaration was signed in November, 1986 by Indian Prime Minister, Rajiv Gandhi and by theSoviet Leader Mr Mikhail Gorbachev is one of the most sacred documents for a nuclear free, peacefuland non-violent world. The declaration is based on the historical vision of Jawaharlal Nehru.


Indian Peace Keeping Force

Indian Peace Keeping Force was the Indian

military contingent performing a peace keeping

operation in Sri Lanka between 1987 and 1990. It

was formed under the mandate of the Indo-Sri

Lankan Accord and was signed between India and

Sri Lanka in 1987, that aimed to end the Sri

Lankan Civil War between militant Sri Lankan

Tamil nationalists such as the Liberation of Tigers

of Tamil Eelam.

Afghanistan’s geopolitical importance made India set-up support forDr Najibullah who overcame the saur revolution and came at the helm. India evenurged Soviet Union to continue tangible support to Najib and his party.

Rajiv Gandhi expressed solidarity with Africa in India’s full diplomaticrecognition of South-West African People’s Organisation and his fight againstracialism. He also expressed solidarity with the struggle of the Palestinian people for ahomeland. Indian foreign policy under Rajiv Gandhi not only affirmed India’stradition, but also reoriented foreign policy in the spirit of enlightened self interest tomeet the changing needs of time.

Phase IV : Narasimha Rao toAtal Bihari Vajpayee (1992-2004)

In the beginning of 1990 VP Singhsucceeded Rajiv Gandhi, but his period wastoo short to make any impact. It was a phasewhen the world witnessed a series of eventswhich left indelible impact on internationalrelations.

India and Iraq RelationsIn the August of 1990 Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait and was defeated and

suffered huge losses. Such losses of Iraq also affected India’s economy. This wasbecause large number of Indian firms operated there and large number of Indiansworked there. Besides, Iraq one of the secular States in the Gulf region took the mostunderstanding attitude towards the Indian position in Kashmir and was vital source ofoil imports. These delayed India’s response to the first Gulf War however it supportedthe UN resolution for the withdrawal of Iraqi troops from Kuwait and abided by thesanctions imposed by the UN India had to arrange for a well organised evacuation ofIndians from the region.

The first Gulf War altered the balance of power in the world. The first Gulf Warended with the break up of the Soviet Union and emergence of United States ofAmerica as the sole super power. It marked the end of the post World War II politicalorder.

Narasimha Rao became the Prime Minister after the General elections of 1992and had to grapple with a new international order and domestic economic crisis. Totide over the crisis Manmohan Singh, the then Finance Minister unleashed a wave ofeconomic reforms to halt the economic crisis and boost production.

Gulf WarGulf War was a conflict between Iraq and a coalition force of approximately 30 nations led by theUnited States and mandated by the United Nations in order to liberate Kuwait. The War began withthe Iraqi invasion of Kuwait on 2nd August, 1990, following Iraqi contentions that Kuwait was illegallyslant-drilling petroleum across Iraq’s border. The invasion was met with immediate economicsanctions by UN against Iraq.

The economy slowly limped back to the growth track however the flux in theinternational situation compelled the Indian Prime Minister to bow. He had toundertake a process of adjustment primarily with the United States and China.


Highlights

¢ Gulf War

¢ Toughening of relations with Pakistan

¢ Terrorist strikes on USA — Global War

Against Terrorism

However, there was not much smoothening of relations with USA. The USadministration continued to pressurise on human rights situation in Kashmir andnuclear and missile programme a slight tilt towards Pakistan could also be noticed asthe Clinton administration lobbied with the Congress to abolish the PresslerAmendment that stood in the way of providing military materials to Pakistan. On theother hand, the US was pressurising India on nuclear non-proliferation issues. At thesame time US recognised the role of Pakistan, is to play to meet its strategicallyimportant requirements in South-West and Central Asia.

India and Russia RelationsOn the other hand, India had to rebuild and reorder its relations with Russia, the

chief successor state after the dissolution of Soviet Union into 13th States. However,Russia was no longer a centralised state as Moscow was controlling all political andeconomic activities. India therefore had to negotiate new contacts and contracts at theground level. Trade and economic relations were hit the hardest. The problem in thesupply of spare parts needed by military handicapped the defence of the country. Theexchange rate between the rupee and the rouble had to be renegotiated.

• India’s reliance on Moscow for meeting its energy needs with 25% of its oilimports supplied by the Soviet Union was also significant. The newestablishment was divided on the approach to be adopted towards thesubcontinent.

• The West was also working to end Moscow’s tilt towards India. This wasevident on the issue of the supply of cryogenic engines for India’s spaceprogramme for peaceful explorations, which Moscow was to supply, butbacked under intense US pressure on the plea that these engines could be usedin military related fields. Nevertheless India-Russia relations were forcefullyrenewed by the then President Boris Yeltsin during his India visit. PresidentYeltsin confirmed Russian support to India’s position on Kashmir andunderlined the value of India-Russia ties in the new international relations.

• The Indo-Russian Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Cooperation wassubstituted by a new 14-clause Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation, valid for20 years. According to the Treaty the two countries would refrain from takingany action that might affect security interests of the other. Gradually, closerelations were rebuild under Vladimir Putin.

• India had historic contacts with Central Asia particularly through the Silkroute. The two visits of Narasimha Rao during his five years term clearlyreflected the importance of India gave to the region. Trade between India andother countries of Central Asia was on the rise, but was not to the extent desiredbecause of the absence of direct trade route. Relations between India andCentral Asia remained very cordial and non-conflictual.

• India-Pakistan relations were not calm because of later’s involvement inKashmir insurgency and the race for the possession of nuclear weapons. It wasfurther disturbed by the senseless destruction of the Babri Masjid on7th December, 1992. To this deteriorating relations was added the scar of theBombay blasts of March, 1993. The relations were worsened that madePakistan to warn India about the danger of a fourth war in South Asia thatwould possibly become a nuclear war.


IK Gujral’s Foreign Policy• Next came IK Gujral in March, 1997. Though he was a supporter of the

Nehruvian vision he carved out a foreign policy of his own in accordance withthe changed circumstances. India under Gujral preferred sober andconstructive responses to have a beneficial impact on bilateral relations withneighbours. India tried to smoothen Indo-Bangla ties which were deterioratedby the 1992 demolition of the Babri Masjid. On Gujral’s insistence the ChiefMinister of West Bengal Jyoti Basu finalised a thirty years treaty on the sharingof the Ganga waters. The treaty reduced tensions in the troubled relations andwas celebrated in Bangladesh.

• Begum Khaleeda Zia’s return to power as the Prime Minister partially undoneGujral’s efforts. He took major initiatives to easen lingering tensions with SriLanka. He intended to carry forward the India-Pakistan dialogue, but forPakistan there was only one-point agenda, Kashmir.

• The most striking development came in the relations between India-China.During Chinese President and General Secretary of the Communist Party JiangZewin’s visit to India in November, 1996, an agreement was signed betweenIndia and China to maintain peace and tranquilty at the border and provided amechanism for maintaining it.

• The Indian administration was pressurised by the US administration for signingthe CTBT. Gujral and his Finance Minister P Chidambaram explained India’ssecurity concerns and economic perspectives and India’s requirements to theAmerican leadership and succeeded in establishing cordial relations betweenIndia and USA.

Treaty for Sharing Ganga WaterTreaty for Sharing Ganga Water’s signed in 1996. The treaty pertains to sharing Ganga water fromFarakka Barrange for the 150 day dry season beginning from 1st January. The average of actual flowsfrom 1949 or 1988, was taken as the basis for working out the sharing formula.

Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s Foreign PolicyAtal Bihari Vajpayee’s tenure began with India conducting three successive

underground tests at Pokhran, which made clear that India had become a nuclearweapons state with a capability to miniaturise nuclear weapons. Subsequently, theIndian Prime Minister declared that India had no need for more tests and undertook avoluntary moratorium on further testing.

• The promise came handy infuture negotiations with theWest. On behalf of the nation,Prime Minister Vajpayeedeclared that India would not bethe first to use the atomicweapons the recourse to themwould only be in the selfdefence.India’s diplomatic attempts at nuclear disarmament brought India underinternational sanctions.


Moratorium

It is a suspension of activity or an authorised

period of delay or waiting. A moratorium is

sometimes agreed upon by the interested parties

or it may be authorised or imposed by operation of

law.

• The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund under US pressurewithheld new assistance and the ban was extended to a number of otherfinancial institutions.

• India’s scientific community withstood international pressures however thecost could not be discounted. Russia and France were of some help with theirobvious constraints.

• The Kargil Conflict was not only significant for India-Pakistan relations, butalso strained India’s relations with the USA. It was followed by the inaugurationof bus service between Delhi and Lahore in February, 1999. The bus servicepreceeded a MoU reaffirming their Unilateral moratorium on further nucleartesting and a hosts of Confidence Building Measures (CBMs).

• Meanwhile in Pakistan, Nawaz Sharif the elected Prime Minister was deposedand General Musharraf took over as the Chief Executive on 13th December,1999 and subsequently became the President.

• Musharraf consolidated his control and gave indications of his desire to revivetalks with India and simultaneous initiative on India’s part led to Agra Summitin July, 2001. However, the talks fell to make any breakthrough.

• The 1999 hijacking of an Indian Airlines to Kandahar in Afghanistan joltedIndia-Pakistan relations. The 9/11 attack on the United States and the13th December attack on the Indian Parliament deteriorated India-Pakistanrelations further.

¢ Bus Diplomacy The bus journey by Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee to Pakistanintended to intensify their efforts for the settlement of all outstanding areas. The first by anIndian Prime Minister to South Asian neighbour in a decade. The countries had signed LahoreDeclaration, MoU Joint Statement.

¢ Confidence Building Measures They are actions taken to reduce fear of attack by both (ormore) parties in a situation of tension with or without physical conflict. These aim to generate anelement of trust between the parties.

Improvement of Indo-US RelationsHowever, these course of events initiated an improvement in Indo-US relations

during the last years of the Clinton Presidency. The Clinton administration began toadopt a tougher stance towards Pakistan based terrorism against India. The changingperception was also evident from Clinton’s visit to India in March, 2000.

Apart from the growing political support with the US elite, two additional factorswere no less significant. One was the increasing realisation that India was an emergingmarket and an emerging power.

The second additional factor was the role of the Indian communication in theUnited States. Smaller in numbers, but rapidly growing, many of them well educatedand professionally influential, they were getting better organised and more vocal inUS politics.

• The Clinton administration was followed by the Bush administration with awholly new set of ruling elite, but it too intensified the effort of improvingrelations with India.


• India was shocked by the 9/11 attack on United States and used it as anopportunity to highlight the Pakistan-Afghanistan based menace of terrorismagainst, which India was struggling for years.

• Even before US had decided on military operations against the Taliban, Indiapromised to extend help US in staging military operations in Afghanistan.USA, no doubt appreciated India’s offer, but for its operations it neededPakistan and not India. Indo-US relations became the subcontext of theUS-Pakistan alliance.

• Washington had to display considerable nimble footedness in managingrelations with both India and Pakistan. The Afghan War was started inOctober, 2001 and ended with the collapse of the Taliban which was great blowto Pakistan. Both Osama’s Al Qaeda and Omar’s Taliban infact were creationsof USA and Pakistan. The statement existed in India-Pakistan relationsfollowing the 13th December, 2001, attack on Indian Parliament. The UScarefully refrained from taking sides because both the countries were equallyimportant for its designs in South Asia.

India and Iraq RelationsThe Iraq War fractured the international coalition against terrorism. A large

majority of countries in the world were unconvinced of the US justification for warand worried about its consequences. India though whole heartedly supported the waragainst the Taliban and Al Qaeda, but Indian public opinion went against theAmerican War in Iraq.

• It also created hurdles in the way of the Vajpayee government’s decision tosend troops to Iraq to help US buckled under strong Indian Public Opinion.This made US take up determined efforts to take India-US relations on a higherlevel.

• The Bush Administration began a sustained dialogue with India on what wascalled a trinity of issues : civilian nuclear technology, space shield andfacilitation of dual use high tech trade. Bush lifted the post Pokhran Sanctionsagainst India in October, 2001 in the wake of the 9/11 attack, but trade in hightechnology was still restricted. This led to India-US signing a frameworkagreement in Washington on 6th February, 2003 to boost high technologytrade between two countries. The dialogue was explained to include nuclearsafety issues. However, it hit hard against the US Congress Laws and therestrictions imposed by the nuclear suppliers group. George Bush’s re-electionas the US President was welcomed in India.

Nuclear Suppliers GroupIt consists of 46 nuclear suppliers and seeks to control exports of nuclear materials, equipment andtechnology, both dual use and specially designed and prepared. It basically aims at nuclearnon-proliferation. It is popularly referred to as the London Club.


Phase V : Manmohan Singh’s Phase (2004- Till Present)

Indian Foreign Policy showed markedcontinuity under Manmohan Singh in itsrelations with important neighbours likeChina, Pakistan and big powers like USA.Manmohan Singh government made efforts tointensify peace process.

India-Pakistan Relations• Manmohan-Musharraf of meeting on the sidelines of the UN General

Assembly on 24th September, 2004, peaceful solutions to all the problemsincluding Kashmir was emphasised. Repeatedly Manmohan Singh insubsequent speeches and statements emphasised the need to work towards asituation in which borders would become irrelevant.

• Many CBMs were undertaken to normalise tensed borders. He started withtroop reduction in Kashmir on 12th November, 2004. On his first visit toKashmir, Manmohan Singh announced a ` 24000 crore aid package.

• Besides Kashmir, the two sides continued to discuss nuclear CBMs differencesover the boundary in Sir Creek area—the only maritime dispute between thetwo countries, the Wullar Barrage and the Tulbul navigation project, thedemilitarisation of Siachen and the Baglihar dam issue.

• Manmohan Singh was infact addressing the problem at two levels. He wasengaging Pakistan for the resolution of Kashmir issue and was also trying toaddress the internal problems in Kashmir. The government tried to address theinternal problems in Kashmir. The government tried to make Hurriyat a part ofthe eventual solution, but their own stand point remained ambiguous andsubject to changing equations within the Hurriyat and within the state the busservice was enthusiastically welcomed from both sides of the border.

• In addition there was the Samjhauta Express from Wagah to Attari and muchlater Thar Express between Rajasthan and Sind.

• The most remarkable change was the shift in public opinion on both sides of thedivide.

• However, the trust deficit between India and Pakistan was not bridged. But thechange was evident that by and large opinion was growing against War in bothcountries.

• The summit diplomacy was taken recourse in 2005 to revitalise India-Pakistanrelations. In the 60th UN General Assembly in September, 2005 ManmohanSingh and Musharraf made efforts to carry forward the India-Pakistan peaceprocess, which was struck in a phase of statement. The peace dialogue wasseriously disrupted by a series of terrorist acts.

• Prime Minister Manmohan Singh flagged off a landmark bus service fromAmritsar to Nankana Sahib in Pakistan on 24th, March enabling Sikhs to regainaccess to their holy shrines in Pakistan. He suggested that both sides in Kashmircould work out cooperative, consultative mechanism for mutual benefit withthe active encouragement of the governments of India and Pakistan. Thenon-aligned summit in Havana offered another opportunity to refresh thepeace process between India and Pakistan.


Highlights

¢ Improvement of relations with China.

¢ Indo-US Civil Nuclear Cooperation.

¢ New phase of Cooperation with Russia.

Summit DiplomacyIt is taken recourse to revitalise bilateral relations. India-Pakistan have attempt to revive friendlyrelations through summits and meetings on the sidelines of the summit. Agra Summit is one suchsummit though it was not successful in achieving its objectives.

India and China RelationsUnder Manmohan Singh India-China relations continued their journey towards a

new and more amiable relationship. Both countries were contributing to the rapidimprovement of ties in various spheres. They kept intact the practice that had been setby high level visits to each other’s country. They tried to give new momentum tofinding a solution to a central problem.

• Chinese Prime Minister Wen Jiabao’s on April, 2005, visit and President HuJintao’s visit were the highlights of the phase of renewed Indo-Sinorelationship. The joint statement signed during Wen Jiabao’s visit stressed onthe extension of economic relations, trade, services, investments and otherareas, decided to further promote cooperation in the military field as well asintensify their cooperation in various other fields like education, science,technology, health care and tourism.

• In these, another notable visit was that by the then Defence Minister PranabMukherjee in May, 2006 when an agreement was inked to improveSino-Indian military cooperation as a major CBM.

• Another notable was the summit meeting between the leaders of China, Russiaand India at St Petersburg on the sidelines of meeting with G-8 members.

• A useful step to boost trade was taken when the two countries, had decided toreopen trade links at Nathu La pass in Sikkim on 6th July, 2006 after a freeze ofsome 44 years.

• Reopening the trade route was ahelpful move to expandeconomic ties between the twocountries. The trade benefitswould be gradually realised byboth countries. India had toensure against cheap Chinesegoods, often heavily subsidisedand of unequal quality, floodingthe Indian market. Energy security appeared another significant area ofcooperation between the two countries. However unresolved border issuecontinue to exist as an irritant in India-China relations.

A new phase of India-Russia relations began under Putin’s era. India-Russiastrategic partnership was beneficial to both countries in meeting the challenges ofeconomic development, terrorism, emerging energy crisis, nuclear challenges and theunilaterism involved in the current structure of world politics. Despite their differentpolitical and economic structures India and Russia made efforts to keep intact theirvery close and friendly relationships.


Nathu La Pass

The reopening of the Nathu La trade route on 6th

July is undoubtedly a remarkable chapter in the

history of international trade and commerce. It

will be of great symbolic value as it will be a

resurrection of one of the silk routes. It is a step

towards enhancing India-China relations.

Next Step in Strategic Partnership (NSSP)

Implementation of the NSSP will lead to significant economic benefits for both countries and improveregional and global security. In January, 2004, the United States and India agreed to expandcooperation in three specific areas : civilian nuclear activities, civilian space programmes and hightechnology trade. In addition, the two countries agreed to expand our dialogue on missile defence.

India-USA RelationsBush’s re-election was followed by coming to power of the reelected government

in India. India and US continued and expanded their cooperative activities betweenthe militaries of the two countries. They kept the negotiations ongoing during thesecond phase of the Next Step in Strategic Partnership (NSSP).

• The groundwork for a newphase in Indo-US relations wasprepared by Secretary of StateCondoleeza Rice’s visit to Indiain mid March, 2005. The NewFramework for the US-IndiaDefence Relationship wassigned during the DefenceMinister Pranab Mukherjee’svisit to Washington, whichenvisioned a 10 yearprogramme of acceleratingcooperation in the defence fieldincluding the sale of F16 and F18fighter aircrafts, if India sodesired.

• The agreement was broad in its scope even including collaboration inmultinational operations when it is in their common interests. This became themost controversial clause in the agreement.

• The real factor behind Washington’s decision to vastly upgrade its relationswith India was that India was seen all over the world as a rising powerparticularly in economic terms. The other being the rise of India as a politicaland military power that could contribute to a better balance in Asia.

The foreign policy of a countryevolves out of the efforts to cope withcomplex demands of time. It is anongoing process where various factorsinteract in different ways in differentsituations like the advent ofglobalisation have increased thesecurity concern of India. The concernis evident in India’s relations with thecountries of the world.


Indo-US Civil

Nuclear Cooperation

Indo-US Civil Nuclear Cooperation is also known

as the 123 Agreement. The framework for this

agreement was a 18th July, 2005 joint statement

by Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and

then US President George W Bush, under which

India agreed to separate its civil and military

nuclear facilities and to place all its civil nuclear

facilities under International Atomic Energy

Agency Safeguards and in exchange the United

States agreed to work toward full civil nuclear

cooperation with India.

Globalisation

It is a process by which increasing interdependence

and communication between states and varying

parts of the world lead to shared experiences and

common identification of global issues.

Factors that Affect India’s Foreign PolicyForeign policy of a country generally means its relations with other countries

regarding all issues of international relevance like peace, disarmament, climatechange, development, justice, decolonisation etc. It is the outline of a country’s policyin pursuing its national interest in global affairs. A state tries to control the behaviourof other states through its foreign policy.

¢ Foreign Policy ‘‘The system of activities evolved by communities for changing the behaviour ofother states and for adjusting their own activities to the international environmen” GeorgeModelski.

¢ National Interest It refers to interests specific to a nation state, including especially survival andmaintenance of power.

However, globalisation has made it extremely difficult for countries to isolateone’s national interest from its geo-political location and international environment.Therefore, Indian Foreign Policy is not only determined by domestic factors, but alsoby international factors. Nevertheless there continues certain basic factors that make amore longterm impact on foreign policy.

The basic factors which form India’s foreign policy may be identified as

(a) Geography India is situated at the centre of the Great Asian Arc stretchingfrom Aden to Tokyo and at the head of the Indian Ocean. India’s central anddominant location in the Indian Ocean helps it to play a role of globalimportance. India is a sub continent where the Peninsula is separated frommainland Asia by the Himalayas in the North, Bay of Bengal in the East, theArabian Sea in the West and the Indian Ocean in the South. Her locationinfluences global powers to programme India into their respective globalstrategies.

(b) Military Strength The military strength of a country enables it tosuccessfully negogiate with enemies. India has the fourth largest militaryestablishment in the world. India’s nuclear military strength acts as adeterrent against external threats. The role of military strength is to serve therational political goals like defence of the state, its sovereignty and territorialintegrity at one level and to support the country’s foreign policy and tosafeguard and sustain national interests through international relations atanother.

(c) Indian Diaspora Countries with large overseas communities are engagingin developing policy frameworks and mechanisms to leverage this importantresource in pursuit of their national interests, the phenomenon have beenbrought into prominence by the end of the Cold War, the processes ofglobalisation and economic liberalisation.

¢ Cold War It is the period in world affairs from 1947-1990, which was marked by ideological,economic and political hostility and competition between the US and the former Soviet Union,with most of the countries of the world rallying behind either of the these two power blocs atvarious levels of involvement.

¢ Economic Liberalisation It means deregulation, privatisation and liberalisation i.e., a contractionof the state’s role in an increasingly integrated global economic system. It is concerned with thepursuit of unregulated markets almost every for almost everything.


The Indian Diaspora is a generic term to describe those, who migrated fromIndia and their descendents. The Diaspora is composed of Non - ResidentIndians (NRIs), Persons of Indian Origin (PIOs), who have acquired thecitizenship of some other country and Stateless Persons of Indian Origin(SPIOs). Presently, the Indian Diaspora spans the globe and stretches acrossall the oceans and continents. It is estimated to be about 20 million people ifIndian origin, who live and work in foreign countries and constitute animportant link with the motherland. Indian Diaspora’s contribution reachesIndia in the form of annual remittances, NRI deposits and NRI equityinvestments. Therefore, Indian Diaspora emerges as an importantdeterminant of Indian foreign policy.

(d) National Philosophy India’s commitment to world peace, anti-colonialismopposition to racism, commitment to democracy, secularism and peacefulco-existence etc are certain philosophical values that emerged during thefreedom movement. During the British rule India considerably developedrelations with other countries to improve world peace and freedom andcondemned colonialism and racial discrimination.

(e) Political Organisation India is a democratic country and establishedinstitutions of democratic political structure such as an elected Parliament,political parties and a free press make their due impact on foreign policy.Negotiated treaties and international agreements become legally binding onthe state, but are not part of the domestic law unless passed by an Act ofParliament. Interest groups concerned with foreign relations exist inside andoutside of Parliament.

¢ Diaspora It is used as an indicative term for all kinds of minorities, who can trace their country orregion then one in which they reside. During colonial periods Indians have emigrated to British Frenchand Dutch colonies as indentured and labour. In post-independence period Indians have migrated aslabour to Gulf countries and as professionals to US and UK.

¢ Stateless Persons of Indian Origin (SPIOs) These remains mostly in Sri Lanka and Myanmar andhave no document to substantiate their status of Indian origin.

¢ Economic Development It refers to the process of raising the level of prosperity and materialliving in a society through increasing the productivity and efficiency of its economy.

(f) Economic Development In today’s globalised world economicdevelopment oriented foreign policy is a common phenomenon becausemany states look for Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) and the expansion anddiversification of foreign trade. Globalisation is viewed as an opportunity toextend their reach and dominance. Thus, economic development and tradebecome a focal point in foreign policy in the globalised era.


Features of Indian Foreign Policy1. Non-Alignment It is an

independent foreign policytool to actively engage ininternational politics. Nehruhimself coined the termNon-Alignment in 1954. Hedefined it as non-alignmentmeans not tying yourself withmilitary blocs of nations ... butindependently... trying tomaintain friendly relationswith all countries. The origin ofNon-Alignment Movement(NAM), could be traced to aconference hosted in Bandung, Indonesia in 1955.

2. Anti-Colonialism and Anti-Imperialism India achieved independence in1947 and extended its helping hand to liberate other colonies from theshackles of the imperialist powers.

3. Opposition to Racial Discrimination India condemned racialdiscrimination in any form. Mahatma Gandhi raised his voice against racialdiscrimination in South Africa. India was the first country to raise this issue atthe UN and argued that this was against the principles of the UN Charter andthe Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948.

4. Faith in Peaceful Co-existence and Cooperation For centuries, India hassubscribed to the policy of sarva-dharma-sambhava ( goodwill and tolerancetowards all religions), which is a Vedantic concept. India adopted this policyat the foreign policy level as peaceful co-existence and cooperation.

Panchsheel The concept was developed by Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and is, based on the principles of

(a) Mutual respect for each other’s territorial integrity(b) Non-aggression (c) Non-interference in internal matters(d) Equality and mutual benefit (e) Peaceful co-existence

United Nations Organisation (UNO) It officially came into existence on 24th October, 1945. Itsucceeded the League of Nations formed during World War I in 1991. The name United Nation’scoined by US President Franklin D Roosevelt, first used in the declaration by United Nation’son 1st January, 1942. The United Nation’s has six main organs General Assembly, Security Council,Economic and Social Council, Trusteeship Council, Secretariat and International Court of Justice.

5. Faith in the United Nations India being a founder member of the UN hasalways remained committed to the purposes and principles of the UN andhas been significant contributions to its peace-keeping operations. India is amember of G 4 and is also an aspirant for permanent membership in theUnited Nations Security Council.

6. Peaceful use of Nuclear Energy In 1965, alongwith a small group ofnon-aligned countries, India had put forward the idea of an internationalnon-proliferation agreement under which the nuclear weapons states wouldagree to give up their arsenals provided other countries refrained from


Universal Declaration of Human Rights It

contains 30 Articles apart four its preamble. Its

preamble states that the recognition of the

inherent dignity and equality of all human beings

and their inalienable rights is the foundation of

freedom, justice and peace in the world.

G 4 In early 2005, India, Brazil, Germany and

Japan formed this informal group. These four

countries were and are aspirants for permanent

membership in the United Nations Security

Council (UNSC).

developing or acquiring such weapons. India’s decision not to sign theNon-Proliferation Treaty was in keeping with the basic objective of maintainingfreedom of thought and action. Now, though India is a nuclear weapon statebut remains committed to the basic tenet of foreign policy—a conviction thatglobal elimination of nuclear weapon will enhance its security as well as thatof the rest of the world.

7. Intimate Relations with Commonwealth Jawaharlal Nehru chose to joincommonwealth to buy security for India without entangling alliances. TodayIndia uses this platform to air her views on international issues and exertinfluence in world affairs.

The CommonwealthThe commonwealth is a voluntary association of independent states united by common purposes andfunctions with a common language English. There are six monarchies in the commonwealth (Britain,Brunei, Lesotho, Malaysia, Swaziland and Tonga) and the British monarch is by common consent thesymbol of the community, though the number of republics is almost double than those of which thequeen is still the Head of State. The Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) is abiennial summit meeting of the heads of government from all commonwealth nations.

Diplomacy in Indian Foreign PolicyDiplomacy is one of the means of

execution of foreign policy goals. Italso denotes the processes andmachinery by which negotiations arecarried on. Diplomacy operates in anarea where possibilities of coercionexist and it is the function of diplomacyto avert those possibilities. The purposeof diplomacy is to reach agreement.Diplomacy has relevance only when disagreement exists. Persuasion is the majormethod used in international diplomacy and it is the art of persuasion whichdiplomats are expected to possess in order to be successful. Success in diplomacymeans victory in winning other nations over to one’s own point of view. The success ofdiplomacy depends to a large extent on how serious or non-serious the disagreementis. When a nation feels that its vital interests are affected, it may refuse to have anycompromise at all and thus diplomacy will not be able to resolve the differences.

Evolution of India’s Economic Diplomacy

India’s foreign relations beyond its neighbourhood is determined by economicconsiderations. Globalisation and accordingly India’s changing developmental needshave shaped India’s economic diplomacy.

Pre 1991 PhaseIndia’s domestic economic policies that restricted imports and foreign

investments caused a defensive and protectionist mind set of India in its interactionwith the outside world.


Diplomacy

Diplomacy is the management of international

relations by means of negotiation; the method by

which these relations are adjusted and managed

by ambassadors and envoys; the business or art of

the diplomat.

The Indian economic diplomacy was marked by• Export promotion• Import of critical commodities and products through Public Sector Organisations.• Bilateral and multilateral development assistance. However being within the

framework of General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) had verymarginal role in multilateral development assistance and trade negotiations.

GATTThe General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade was drawn up in 1947 to codify the rules of conduct intrade for its members. In GATT, States agreed to negotiate reciprocal and mutually advantageousarrangements directed to the substantial reduction of tariffs and other barriers to trade and toincrease free and fair trade.

Post 1990, YearsEconomic reforms of 1991, posed a challenge for India, to convince other

countries for its changing economic policies.

During these years India’s economic diplomacy aimed at• Attracting Foreign Direct Investment.• A period of transition—India had to adjust to the changed situations of

post-soviet world.• India became a Dialogue Partner of ASEAN and a member of organisations

like the Indian Ocean Rim Association for Regional Cooperation (IOR-ARC)and Bangladesh-India-Myanmar-Sri Lanka-Thailand Economic Cooperation(BIMSTEC). It was renamed as the Bay of Bengal initiative for Multi-SectoralTechnical and Economic Cooperation.

On the whole India remained defensive in its economic approach. Only in the21st century Indian economy began to mature as its business community gainedself-confidence and as India began to integrate with the global economy. WithinIndia, the dismantling of the Licence raj and the process of economic reformsgathered momentum resulting in fundamental and irreversible changes in theeconomy, government policies as well as in the outlook of business and industry.Gradually increase in FDI flows and foreign institutional investment boosted Indianeconomy.

Its revolution in India opened new opportunities in India’s exports of servicesenabling India to evolve into a service-oriented economic from an agro-basedeconomy. India’s new economic diplomacy priorities diversified.

In this phase, India’s economic diplomatic efforts were characterised by

1. Attracting FDI in green field infrastructure project.

2. Foreign Institutional Investment in India’s stock markets.

3. Facilitate Indian investment and joint ventures abroad for profit as well asgain access to resources.

4. Protect and promote India’s economy and commercial interests inmultilateral and regional trading arrangements.

5. To create a more favourable environment for Indian business by influencingother countries economy and commercial polies.


6. Energy security, intellectual property rights, environment issues and climatechange became important new areas of economic diplomacy.

Foreign Direct Investment (FDI)

It refers to financial transfers by a multinational corporation from the country of the parent firm tothe country of the host firm to finance a portion of its overseas operations. occurs when a corporationheadquartered in one nation invests in a corporation located in another nation, either by purchasingan existing enterprise or by providing capital to start a new one. India has been ranked as secondplace in global foreign direct investments in 2010 and will continue to remain among the top fiveattractive destinations for international investors during 2010-12, period, according to UnitedNations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD).

India’s immediate and strategic neighbourhood of South Asia where mostcountries are poorer than India obviously becomes a priority region for India’sdevelopment assistance programme, including concessional lines of credit as well astechnical and economic assistance. A major portion of India’s assistance is made forinfrastructural and other projects of economic development in Bhutan, Afghanistanand Nepal.

Outside India’s immediateneighbourhood Africa is the largestbeneficiary of India’s technical andeconomic cooperation programme.Recently, India decided to give phasedduty of free market access to fifty LeastDeveloped Countries (LDCs) fromAfrica and Asia. India remainsgenerous in giving assistance toprejudice its own case for concessional funding from multilateral bodies and bilateraldonors.

India’s foreign assistance programme is a strategic tool to showcase India’stechnical strengths and achievements and to harness them to promote India’s politicaland economic interests in the world. It has generated goodwill, brought economicdividends for India and built Indian brand equity. However, it has not been fullysuccessful in living up to its potential. It is for sure if fully developed will facilitateachievement of India’s foreign policy objectives.

The Ministry of External Affairs (MEA), being central to economic diplomacyplays an important coordinating role with all other concerned organisations andinterest groups. Besides the MEA, other ministries and departments in theGovernment of India, state governments and most importantly private trade andindustry have vital roles to play.

Abroad Indian missions and posts, both bilateral and multilateral; India’srepresentatives to the WTO, World Bank, IMF and ADB and overseas offices ofIndian banks, public sector units and bodies to promote exports and attractinvestments.


Least Developed Countries

Least Developed Countries are a group of

countries that have been identified by the UN as

least developed in terms of their low Gross

National Income (GNI), their weak human assets

and their high degree of economic vulnerability.

¢ World Trade Organisation (WTO) It is the legal successor of the General Agreement on Trade andTariff (GATT), which came into effect from 1st January, 1995. Its basic aim is to liberalise world tradeby means of multilateral trade reforms to push for open and free trade regime. It the only globalinternational organisation dealing with the rules of trade between nations. At its heart are the WTOagreements; negotiated and signed by the bulk of the world’s trading nations and ratified in theirparliaments.

¢ International Monetary Fund (IMF) It promotes international monetary cooperation andexchange rate stability, facilitates the balanced growth of international trade, assist povertyreduction etc.

¢ Asian Development Bank (ADB) It is an international development finance institution whosemission is to help its developing member countries to reduce poverty. Headquartered in Manila andestablished in 1966. Haruhiko Kuroda is the President of Asian Development Bank.

In a globalised world economic issues have become vital determinant in bilateraland multilateral relations with countries, organisations and groupings. Therefore,India in order to make its economic diplomacy successful need to focus on publicprivate partnership and an around coordinated national effort that involves close andpurposeful cooperation with all stakeholders.

India as an Emerging Economic Power

¢ As part of the India Development Initiative India has stopped the practice of receiving aid fromother countries except from a select few. India has written off the debts of some poor countriesand has decided to increase its aid to other developing countries. The new paradigm shift andeconomic strength needs to be translated into strategic global influence. This has become part ofIndia’s economic diplomacy. The Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) is projecting India as anEmerging Economic Power through media, foreign investors, businessmen, think tanks and foreigngovernments through regular publicity and through speeches and interactions.

¢ India is attempting to boost its economy through multilateral trade and economic negotiations andregional and bilateral trade agreements. India like other countries of the world is signing Free TradeAgreements and Preferential Trade Agreements with other countries and trade groups for marketaccess and greater economic clout. Comprehensive Economic Cooperation Agreements are a stepfurther. India has been providing technical assistance and aid to developing countries. India is alsoengaged in giving food aid to countries in need. These have helped in building partnerships andopening markets for India products and projects. One of the initiatives is the line of Credit of US $200 million to Africa under NEPAD (New Partnership for Africa’s Development).

¢ As part of India’s economic diplomacy India is engaging its Diaspora. The Ministry of ExternalAffairs and the Indian Missions are working with the Commerce ministry and export bodies in theFOCUS-Latin America, FOCUS-Africa and FOCUS-CIS programmes for export promotion.

¢ The objectives of the new Economic Diplomacy call for a change in the mindset of our diplomats,who were trained in the traditional diplomacy. Efforts need to achieve economic integration ofregion to take advantage of the comparative economic strength of each country and then fact therest of the world as a united block.

India’s Trade AgreementsThe Regional Trading Arrangements (RTA’s) are considered by India as building

blocks towards the overall objective of trade liberalisation. So, India is participating ina number of RTAs which include FTAs, PTAs and CECAs etc. These arrangementsare entered into either bilaterally or in a regional grouping.


Some of the major ones are as follow

Agreement on South Asia Free Trade Area (SAFTA) was signed by all themembers of the South Asia Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) duringthe 12th SAARC summit in Islamabad on 4th-6th January, 2004. It came into forcefrom 1st January, 2006.

¢ Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) They are generally made between two countries. The agreementsare like stepping stones towards international integration into a global free market economy. It isassumed that free trade and removal of regulations on investment will head to economic growthreducing poverty and increasing standards of living and generating employment opportunity.These agreements may allow transnational corporations more freedom to exploit workers shapingthe national and global economy to suit their interests.

¢ Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs) These pacts are among countries that provide preferredtrading status for the countries involved. Nearly all member countries of the World TradingOrganisation (WTO), belong to at least one agreement. The PTA can also be established through atrade pact in which such preferential arrangements mark the first stage of an integration processleading to closer economic relations.The main objective of almost all PTAs is eventual FTA status, as outlined by the WTO’s GeneralAgreement on Tariffs and Trade. Individual countries may benefit more from PTAs, particularly ifthe countries import less from partner countries.

¢ Comprehensive Economic Cooperation Agreements (CECAs) They aim to strengthen andenhance economic, trade and investment cooperation between the Parties. It progressivelyliberalise and promote trade in goods and services as well as create a transparent, liberal andfacilitative investment regime. It enables the parties to explore new areas and develop appropriatemeasures for closer economic cooperation.

SAFTA aims to promote and enhance mutual trade and economic cooperation among thecontracting states by

• Eliminating barriers to trade in, and facilitate cross-border movement of goods.• Promoting free and fair competition to boost economic development.• Creating effective mechanism for the implementation and application of this

Agreement, for its joint administration and for the resolution of disputes.• Enhancing regional cooperation.

Asia-Pacific Trade Agreement (APTA) It formerly known as the BangkokAgreement, was signed on 31st July, 1975 as an initiative of the United NationsEconomic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP). ESCAP is theregional development arm of the United Nations for the Asia-Pacific region. TheBangkok Agreement is essentially a preferential trading arrangement designed toliberalise and expand trade progressively in the ESCAP region through measuressuch as the relaxation economic cooperation.

Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation(BIMSTEC) Sub-regional economic cooperation grouping of Bangladesh, India,Myanmar, Sri Lanka and Thailand was formed in Bangkok in June, 1997, Myanmarjoined the grouping in December, 1997.

Bhutan and Nepal too joined in February, 2004. It is visualised as bridging linkbetween the two major regional groupings i.e., ASEAN and SAARC. Its chairmanshiprotates among the member countries in alphabetical order. The immediate priority ofthe grouping is consolidation of activities for greater economic cooperation.


BIMSTEC Priority Sectors

Six priority sectors of cooperation were identified at the 2nd Ministerial Meetingin Dhaka on 19th November, 1998.

S.No. Sector Lead Country

1. Trade and Investment Bangladesh

2. Technology Sri Lanka

3. Energy Myanmar

4. Transportations and Communication India

5. Tourism India

6. Fisheries Thailand

After the 8th Ministerial Meeting in Dhaka on 18th-19th December, 2005, anumber of new areas of cooperation emerged. Priority sectors increased from six tothirteen.


7. Agriculture Myanmar

8. Cultural Cooperation Bhutan

9. Environment and Disaster Management India

10. Public Health Thailand

11. People to People Contact Thailand

12. Poverty Alleviation Nepal

13. Counter Terrorism and Transnational Crime India

The thirteenth session of the BIMSTEC Senior Official’s Meeting recommendedthe inclusion of a fourteenth priority area of cooperation


14. Climate Change Bangladesh

The function of the lead country is to identify specific projects for facilitatingcooperation in consultation with an expert group drawn from member countries.

A Framework Agreement on Comprehensive Economic Cooperationbetween ASEAN (Association of South-East Asian Nations) was signed on8th October, 2003 in Bali (Indonesia). The key elements of the agreement cover FTAin goods, services and investment as well as areas of economic cooperation. Theagreement also provided for an early harvest programme, which covers area ofeconomic cooperation and a common list of items for exchange of tariff concessions asa confidence building measure.

Sectors of Cooperation• Agriculture, fisheries and forestry• Services—media and entertainment, health, tourism etc• Mining and energy—oil and natural gas, power generation and supply• Science and technology• Transport and infrastructure• Manufacturing—automotive, drug and pharmaceuticals, textiles, petrochemicals,

food processing etc


• Human resource development—capacity building, education, technologytransfer etc

• Others—handicrafts, small and medium enterprises, Mekong BasinDevelopment, intellectual property rights, government procurement

India-Mercosur Preferential Trade Agreement It was signed between Indiaand Mercosur on 17th June, 2003. The aim of this framework agreement is to createconditions and mechanisms for negotiations for a free trade area. APTA was signed inNew Delhi on 25th January, 2004, with the aim to expand and strengthen the existingrelations between Mercosur and India and promote the expansion of trade bygranting reciprocal fixed tariff preferences with the ultimate objective of creating afree trade area between the parties.

Mercosur is a trading block in Latin America formed in 1991 and comprisingBrazil, Argentina, Uruguay and Paraguay.

CECA between India and Singapore aims to• strengthen and enhance the economic, trade and investment cooperation.• liberalise and promote trade in goods in accordance with the agreement.• establish a transparent, predictable and facilitative investment regime.• explore new areas of economic cooperation etc.

FTA between India and Sri Lanka aims to• promote through the expansion of trade the harmonious development of the

economic relations between India and Sri Lanka.• provide fair conditions of competition for trades between India and Sri Lanka etc.

PTA between India and Chile It was signed on 20th January, 2005. Theframework agreement also provides for a Joint Study Group to go into the issuesrelating to a Free Trade Agreement between the two sides.

• India-Afghanistan PTA• India-Bhutan PTA• India-Nepal Trade Treaty• Framework Agreement for establishing free trade between India and Thailand• FTA between India and Gulf Cooperation Council• India-Japan Trade Agreement• Joint study group between India and Korea• Trade Agreement between India and Bangladesh• Comprehensive economic cooperation and partnership agreement between

India and Mauritius• The above mentioned agreements not only aim at improving India’s economy,

but also seek to facilitate greater cooperation with countries in other areas as well.

India’s Energy Security through Economic DiplomacyEnergy security is assured, exclusive access to energy resources at affordable

prices to obtain sustainable economic growth rates and national economicdevelopment.

Energy security becomes a necessity due to the following mentioned reasons

1. To achieve economic growth rates of over 8-10% to which a nation iscommitted.


2. High global demand, supply constraints and geopolitical developmentpushes up oil and gas prices.

3. Considerable international competition.

4. National policies for energy security have to be compatible with concernsregarding climate change particularly in regard to greenhouse gases.

India needs to sustain as 8% to 10% economic growth rate over the next 25 years ifit is to eradicate poverty and meet its human development goals. To meet these Indianeeds at the very least to increase its primary energy supply by 3 to 4 times and itselectricity generation capacity/supply of 5 to 6 times of their 2003-04 levels. Toachieve these targets India would have to pursue all available fuel options and formsof energy.

To achieve India’s energy requirements the following need to be attempted at thedomestic level

1. Augmenting domestic resources.

2. Maximising the use of national hydro power potential.

3. Obtaining the materials and technology to pursue civilisation nuclear powerprojects.

4. Pursing energy efficiency and demand side management policies.

5. Diversifying energy sources through increased use of renewables.

India’s multifaceted global engagements and bilateral and regional strategicenergy partnerships are aimed at promoting

1. Domestic resources and capabilities.

2. Diversification of hydro carbon supply sources.

3. Acquisition of foreign hydrocarbon assets.

4. Gas Contracts—trans-national gas pipelines.

5. Regional and global producer—consumer dialogue.

6. Enhancement of national knowledge for promoting conservation,non-conventional fuels, pollution control, environment concerns.

Iran-Pakistan-India Gas Pipeline (IPI) It was also called peace pipeline, aimedat constructing a 1620 mile pipeline from Iran’s South Pars fields in the Persian Gulf toPakistan’s major cities of Karachi and Multan and then further to Delhi, India. Thisproject is expected to greatly benefit India and Pakistan, which do not have sufficientnatural gas to meet their rapidly increasing domestic demand for energy. However,India is not presently engaged due to security and cost concerns.

Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan India Pipeline (TAPI) It is a proposednatural gas piepline being developed by the Asian Development Bank. The pipelinewill transport Caspian Sea natural gas from Turkmenistan through Afghanistan intoPakistan and then to India. The long awaited is expected to head for a break throughafter a proposed four nation summit at Ashgabat in Turkmenistan.

In order to achieve strategic energy security India have successfully acquired oiland gas fields in Russia, Sudan, Vietnam, Myanmar and Libya and are exploringopportunities in Africa, Central Asia and Latin America. Indian companies haveestablished joint ventures to get phosphates from Jordan and Senegal.


Energy Security Unit

Energy security unit was first set-up within the investment and TechnologyPromotion Division of the Ministry of External Affairs in September 2007. Thisdivision provide inputs to articulate India’s position on energy security mattersvarious multilateral fora like the UNGA, G20, NAM, BRIC, IBSA, East Asian EnergyMinisters Meetings, CICA, Commonwealth, BIMSTEC, BRIC, ASEM, SAARC etc.

The Division played a key role in the country joining the first ever global body onrenewable energy sources—International Renewable Energy Agency, (IRENA). TheEnergy Security Division was closely associated with India’s membership of theInternational Partnership for Energy Efficiency and Cooperation (IPEEC) and alsoguided our growing engagement with the world’s biggest energy consumer club, theInternational Energy Agency (IEA).

Defence Diplomacy

Defence had been and continue to be a vital means of protecting national interestsand hence preserving sovereignty of a state. Defence plays an important role as anelement of state’s offensive arsenal to influence the behaviour of other states and topromote its own interests on the international stage. The success of defence diplomacydepends on a synergy between the defence forces and diplomatic tactics.

India’s defensive mind set on security concerns persisted even afterindependence. This resulted in the Chinese aggression against India in 1962. Indiabegan to be counted seriously on the defence from only after it became a nuclearweapons power. Circumstances determine, which aspects of defence force wouldserve as important instruments of diplomacy. Taking into consideration India’sprincipal security threats are on its land borders, it is obvious that in defence mattersIndia’s overwhelming emphasis has been on the Armed Force and the Air Force.Nuclear weapons, missiles, satellites and cyber networks have added a new dimensionto warfare, India’s capabilities in these new areas constitute the principal strategicforces for projecting India’s interests and for ensuring that India has a credible nucleardeterrent.

On Indian Public DiplomacyThe 21st century realignment of power is becoming more of a reality day-by-day,

with the influence of Western powers waning to some extent and an increasinglyassertive role being played by the rising powers like China and India in the globalcontext. This trend has most recently been hastened by the global economicdownturn that comparatively had less effect on the Chinese and Indian economycompared to those of the United States and Europe. India’s exponential economicgrowth and recognition of its de-facto nuclear status by the US and other powers (afterthe Indo-US nuclear deal) have altered external perceptions of India, with the countrybeing viewed as an emerging power with expanding global clout. In this scenario,India’s attempt to amplify its soft power through public diplomacy becomes crucial.

India as new claimant of a place at the high table in the world has huge stakes inthe arena of global politics and thus, maintaining and enhancing its influence remainsa top priority for the country. In the 21st century, there has been more of a need forstates to use soft power so as to enchance one’s attractiveness in international arena


and to show one’s better side in order to stimulate cooperation and dampen resistance,particularly concerning security policies. In this context, public diplomacy hasbecome a very important instrument of soft power, as well as being a vital tool ofIndian foreign policy. The undercurrent of Indian public diplomacy is to avow Indiaas a rising power of undeniable international significance and influence, which isconsistent with India’s demand to win a place at the high table by being granted thepermanent seat on the United Nations Security Council.

India has already proved itself as a capable military and economic power in theworld, yet somehow it finds struggles to project this power to the world. There arelimits on what hard power can accomplish and thus a judicious mix of hard and softpower or what is termed as ‘smart power’, is needed. Thus, the principal modusoperandi for augmenting India’s influence in the world can be achieved by expandingits soft power. Soft power, the term coined by Joseph Nye, has become a portentmeasure of a country' s power and influence in the world today. Soft power is theability to get what one wants through attraction rather than coercion or payments. Softpower largely emanates from a country’s culture, its political values and institutionsand its foreign policy. India finds itself well-placed in possessing soft power resourcesbecause of its rich culture and history, its democratic credentials, its technologicaladvancement, its large and influential diaspora and the leadership India wields amongthe developing nations through multilateral institutions like Non-Alignmentmovement. Thus, what distinguishes India's claim to global leadership is its unique,unobtrusive, persuasive ‘soft power’ or what South Asia expert Steven Cohen calls‘India’s reputational power’.

One of the most important tools for exercising a country’s soft power is publicdiplomacy. Public diplomacy can be defined as, “A government's process ofcommunicating with foreign publics in an attempt to bring about an understanding forits nation's ideas and ideals, its institutions and culture, as well as its national goals andcurrent policies.” It can be seen as an instrument that a country's government uses tomobilise its resources to communicate with and attract the public of other countries(rather than merely their governments) to promote its national interests through anumber of means, such as broadcasting, direct outreach programmes, culturaldiplomacy, educational and professional exchanges and so forth. Public diplomacy isnot only limited to influencing foreign publics, but also for gaining feedback on theforeign perception of the host country. However, the most significant role of publicdiplomacy is to inform, explain and interpret the nation’s goals and strategies toforeign publics, in order to garner their support and create goodwill among othernations in order to achieve its national interests.

Evolution of Public Diplomacy

Although, public diplomacy is a relatively new concept in the sphere ofinternational affairs, it has promptly become an important foreign policy tool formany governments. While the terminology is new, the practice of public diplomacy isquite old. Public diplomacy was first used by the American Government duringWorld War I, when President Wilson created the committee on public information(also called the creel committee) whose task was to make the US war aims known allover the world. It was later successfully used during World War II to fight the Nazipropaganda. Things took a more concrete shape with the creation of the United StatesInformation Agency (USIA) in 1953 to inform foreign audiences and explain US


objectives to influence and gain support of foreign public opinions, which served USinterests immensely during the Cold War. However, the US lost interest in publicdiplomacy initiatives after the Cold War, only to be rudely awakened and have toreinvigorate public diplomacy after the events of 9/11 owing to increasinganti-Americanism in some parts of the world.

It is not only the US, but every other power like China, UK, Russia and France areall investing in public diplomacy initiatives today, largely because of an everincreasing global integration, no country can stand in isolation and thus co-optive andsoft power have become the core realities of the day. Countries like France and theUnited Kingdom have been running successful public diplomacy campaigns all overthe world, establishing cultural centers for example, but now newly emerged powerslike China are leaving no stone unturned to engage the world through its publicdiplomacy activities. India, with its high stakes as an emerging power in the worldcannot lag behind in this ‘battle of ideas’.

A new understanding of public diplomacy is emerging in the highly globalizedand integrated world of today. Public diplomacy can no longer be about straight-linepropaganda or one-way communication in this information age because conditionsfor the production and enactment of public diplomacy have changed significantlybecause of the ways that global ‘interdependence’ has radically altered the space ofdiplomacy. Public diplomacy today has become more inclusive, where it includesmultilevel relations conducted by MNC’s, NGO’s, private groups and socialmovements using new technologies of communication to interact with and petitionforeign publics. Emphasis has to be laid on adopting a more erudite grassrootpeople-to-people communication, for two-way engagement as public diplomacy is notonly about communicating foreign policy, but also about developing a long-termunderstanding of people, culture and values of the host country. Cultural diplomacyhas to be a part and parcel of public diplomacy for it to succeed in the globalisedworld. Public diplomacy today can no longer be a one-size-fits-all approach. Rather, ithas to be tailored individually in consideration of the political and cultural enviromentof a country. Thus, public diplomacy needs to be dynamic, flexible and capable ofadapting to changing circumstances.

Background of India’s Soft Power

India is one country that could always count itself among the few nations withstrong cards in the arena of soft power, even when it was deficient in hard power. Indiabegan its journey as a self-determining state in 1947 with a soft power bang that fadedaway after its greatest exponent, the country’s first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru,died in 1964. During Nehru’s time, India lacked hard power resources, being a pooreconomy coupled with weak military capabilities. Despite this, India possessedunparalleled soft power among the developing nations, as Indian foreign policy wasmore idealistic in nature and vehemently campaigned for peaceful co-existence andeconomic equality in world economy. The number of diplomatic forays Nehru madeinto distant conflicts around the world was dizzying and brought instant recognition toIndia as a responsible Asian country that was trying to solve global problems.However, India had to soon face the harsh realities of international politics, where itshard power capabilities were soon tested by China in the 1962 war, a war where Indiahad to face stark humiliation. The 1962 war with China, which was followed by the1965 war with pakistan, forced India to reassess its priorities, with the country


choosing to focus on building its hard power capabilities and strengthening its hold inSouth Asia while minimising its global role. India began flexing its muscles in SouthAsia and played the role of a regional hegemon as illustrated by the clandestine roleIndia played in the 1971 Pakistan-Bangladesh war and later humanitarian militaryintervention in Sri Lanka in 1987.

Ironically, even as India practically disappeared as an actor with influence infar-flung regions of the global South like Africa and Latin America by the turn of thecentury, it began to improve its hard power attributes by logging higher economicgrowth and military prowess. During that period India's regional power rested on herhard power capabilities ranging from diplomatic coercion to economic sanctions tomilitary interventions. Soft power strategies like economic cooperation and thepromotion of common political values only played a secondary role. However, Indiacould not play a very successful role as the regional hegemon, as India had to soonwithdraw its IPKF forces from Sri Lanka in the face of opposition from both the publicand the Government in Sri Lanka. India soon lost out on the goodwill that it hadcreated for itself in Bangladesh among both the Bangladeshi Government and public,when it had helped them in attaining their freedom from Pakistan. Adding to India'swoes was the Pakistan-sponsored cross-border terrorism in kashmir. India, once againfaced with a changing international environment (the collapse of the Soviet Union)and the regional dynamics, re-evaluated its approach towards and South Asia and theworld in the form of the Gujral doctrine. The Gujral doctrine emphasised that Indiashould play a bigger role in helping its neighbours while not requiring reciprocationand at the same time avowing a policy of non-interference in internal affairs andpromotion of common economic interests and strengthening regional cooperationthrough SAARC.

Thus India once again began to lay emphasis on the use of soft power in its foreignpolicy conduct, as it had already proved its mettle as a rising power with proficienthard power capabilities. At the turn of the 21st century, India found itself in a verygood position to play a bigger role in global politics owing to its military and economicpower coupled with a huge soft power potential. India at the same time realised thathard power is not a one-stop solution to all of a country’s problems and neither is softpower. Soft power is one arrow in a nation’s security quiver; it is not an all-purposepanacea. Thus an over-reliance on either one in the present context of geopolitics willonly prove to be detrimental to India's future.

India’s Soft Power Potential

India has often been regarded as ‘cultural superpower’ with an expansive hoard ofsoft power resources. Very few countries can match the rich history, culture andcivilisation of India that creates an unparalleled interest and appeal for India abroad.In addition to this, India's vibrant and thriving democracy, its independent and freemedia, its democratic institutions and its increasingly aware and pulsating civil societyall contribute to India’s soft power. Along with this, India’s values of non-violence(ahimsa) and peace and the use of these methods in its struggle against colonialismhave inspired and continue to inspire generations of leaders all over the world.Additionally, India’s exponential economic growth and innovation and leadership ininformation technology, have earned India, admiration the world over.


India’s entertainment industry and Bollywood have given India an edge overmany other countries in the world and have enchanced India’s image. Indian moviesfind a large number of takers in not only Asian countries (with some similarity ofculture), but are climbing the popularity charts rapidly, in Africa, the Americas andEurope as well. Indian music, dance, fashion and art add to India’s growing soft powerbase. Along with this, the contribution of new-age Indian authors to English literaturehas to be credited in increasing awareness and interest about Indian society, polity andculture.

The popularity of Indian cuisine and Yoga all over the world has only amplifiedthe world’s fascination with the Indian nation. The large and influential Indiandiaspora is another one of India's assets in the realm of soft power. Indian diaspora hasmany a times played a pivotal role in shaping up positive policies towards India inmany countries, especially the United States. India's commitment to humanitarianrights in the world and its role in the UN peacekeeping mission has earned India a lotof respect.

In the information age, Nye has argued, the side with the better story to tell oftenwins. India must remain the ‘land of the better story.’ As a society with a free press anda thriving mass media, whose people whose are daily encouraged to unleash theircreative energies, India has an extraordinary ability to tell stories that are morepersuasive and attractive than those of its rivals. India has to compete with soft powerof other countries, especially China in the time to come, as China expands itsinfluence gradually all over the world. India, in some ways has an advantage in this‘competition of influence’ over China because of its soft power resources.

As the world’s largest democracy, with a vibrant press and thriving entertainmentindustry, India has huge soft power advantage over authoritarian China and itsstate-controlled media. The implication is India can take advantage of that goodwill asAsia’s two giants’ battle for influence in the region and arount the world. Anotherpoint is that India’s rise, unlike the rise of China, is not being viewed with trepidationand alarm in many countries. India derives real political mileage from the prestigeattached to its title of ‘world’s largest democracy’. Being a democracy, India can asserta political influence in the world, especially now, when more and more countries areclamoring for democracy, as witnessed in the Arab spring.

Indian Public Diplomacy Initiatives Undertaken Since2006

The public diplomacy division of the Ministry of External Affairs was establishedin may 2006 with an aim to “educate and influence global and domestic opinion onkey policy issues and project a better image of the country commensurate with itsrising international standing.” Closely modelled after the US state department’sapproach to public diplomacy, the division will attempt to “sensitise and influencethink tanks, universities, media and experts to create a more nuanced understandingof the government’s stance on tricky issues”

It’s not only the public diplomacy division of the MEA that’s engaged inpromoting India’s image abroad, but is also aided by Indian Council for CulturalRelations (ICCR), which remains the pre-eminent instrument of cultural diplomacy.The Ministry of Information and Broadcasting also lends support to the publicdiplomacy initiative with the ministry’s strategic use of the media, which is‘‘responsible for international cooperation in the field of mass media, films and


broadcasting and interacts with its foreign counterparts on behalf of the Governmentof India.” Apart from these, many other Government agencies carry out programmesthat promote the Indian image abroad and engage in public diplomacy, bothindependently and collectively.

Brand India was one such campaign that was organised by Indian Brand EquityFoundation and the Ministry of Commerce and Industry, Government of India andthe Confederation of Indian Industry. The foundation’s “primary objective was tobuild positive economic perceptions of India globally. It aimed to effectively presentthe India business perspective and leverage business partnerships in a globalisingmarket place”. To this end the foundation developed a number of promotionalcampaigns, including brochures, films, print ads,and panels which emphasised India’sstrong economy and encouraged national and international investment.

Many notable initiatives have been undertaken by the Indian Government toengage in an effective public diplomacy campaign in order to promote India’sinterests. Some of these programmes have been campaigns like ‘Pravasi BharatiyaDivas’ and ‘Know India’ programme specifically targeted at the huge and influentialIndian diaspora that cannot only, aid India’s development, but as well as, promote itsinterests all over the world. Programmes like ‘Pravasi Bharatiya Divas’ and ‘KnowIndia’ campaign have met resounding success as the number of delegates taking parthave increased rapidly year after year.

Other initiatives include publications, documentary films and cultural events thatshowcase different facets of the Indian nation. Once such popular publication is the‘India perspective’ magazine that is published in 17 languages and distributed over150 countries in the world. The magazine seeks to project India’s rich culturalheritage, its composite pluralistic society as well as its vibrant economy.

The Indian public diplomacy division also partners with major domestic andinternational universities, think tanks and research organisations to organise seminarsand conferences on subjects that are relevant to India’s concerns and hosts delegationsform various countries and organisations to provide them with a broad-basedexposure to India, along with organising lectures and other events within India withthe objective of fostering a more informed discourse on India’s foreign policy. Theseinclude lecture series on Indian foreign policy that have been organised by theMinistry of External Affairs in universities in India and abroad in UK, Indonesia andSouth Korea. One such conference and workshop was organised in December 2010,by the Ministry of External Affairs and the centre for media studies titled ‘PublicDiplomacy in the Information Age’. Attended by scholars, journalists, businessleaders and diplomats, the conference was aimed at exploring India’s publicdiplomacy potential. The conference helped reach some key conclusions as well as thereasons for embarking upon active public diplomacy.

Other than these, Indian diplomatic missions regularly organise Indian film andmusic festivals locally, where both commercial and classical music and films arescreened. India to increase its outreach to foreign public, has invested in publicdiplomacy 2.0 to promote a two-way communication, which stresses more on‘listening’ to the foreign public rather than ‘telling’. The Indian public diplomacydivision has also taken to the social media in a big way by creating and regularlyupdating its accounts on Twitter, Facebook and You Tube.

As a part of its outreach programmes the public diplomacy division has also tiedup with the ‘India-Future of Change’ (IFC) initiative, which seeks to emphasise India’s


position as a catalyst of change. IFC is a five-year initiative that promises to take Indiato the world and get students and professional across geographies to compete,collaborate and strengthen ties between India and the world. The initiative signifies aninnovative effort at communicating the emerging realities to a global audience andmanaging a collaborative dialogue of what ‘Brna India’ begets as it readies to becomea global power.

Success Stories of Indian Public DiplomacyIndia has played a significant role in providing aid and development assistance to

many countries in Africa and Asia. In Africa, e.g., India has reached out to countriesincluding Senegal and Ghana to help with projects ranging from rice production toinformation technology development. India has played a major role in infrastructuraldevelopment in Afghanistan by building roads, highways, hospitals, schools, etc,which have won India not only admiration in Afghanistan, but elsewhere as well. Therole India plays in UN peacekeeping forces further augments India’s goodwill in theworld; the Indian help in disaster management and assistance during the 2004tsunami in South and South-East Asia and the Pakistan earthquake of 2005 have beensuccessful exercises in Indian public diplomacy.

There are instances when India has used public diplomacy effectively as a foreignpolicy tool, as demonstrated in 2009, when the Indian Prime Minister ManmohanSingh used the meeting with Pakistani President Zardari, first one after 26/11 Mumbaiterror attacks, on the sidelines of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation Summit inYekaterinburg to drive home his concerns. On another occasion, he spoke of thesustainability of the Indian way of development as being inclusive, tolerant and pluralin a clear reference to China. Thus, the Indian Government is slowly and steadilyusing public diplomacy to further its foreign policy interests in the world.

Limitations of Public Diplomacy

Public Diplomacy, despite its instrumental role as a foreign policy tool, cannot beused to solve all Indian foreign policy problems. There are limits on the role publicdiplomacy can play especially in the age of ‘communication and informationrevolution.’ Information in the 21st century cannot be controlled and the notion that agovernment can control its own image through some sort of managed propaganda isonly an illusion. Thus, public diplomacy can achieve only certain targets, as interalcontradictions of a country, more so of a democratic country like India, cannot behidden.

India's perception in the world is changing with India’s economic growth, itstechnological advancement, its de-facto nuclear status, its growing militarycapabilities and rising soft power and influence in the world. However, this is only oneside of the story, as India’s glaring poverty (having the largest population ofmalnourished children in the world is a dear and troubling reminder of India'sstruggles as the country develops) farmer suicides, Maoist insurgency, humanitarianand separatist problems in Kashmir and North-East, repeated terrorist attacks are allimpediments to a successful Indian public diplomacy, which become obstacle inIndia's journey to be a great power.


Strengthening Indian Public Diplomacy

Public diplomacy, despite its shortcomings remains an essential tool in theforeign policy arsenal of the Indian Government to enhance its power and influence inthe world. Public diplomacy is not merely a generic activity for disseminating dataabout India. It is not expected o be limited to detailing the economic growth andindustrial potential of the country, and its democratic credentials. Public diplomacy isa target oriented activity both in term of objectives and audience. Indian publicdiplomacy has to focus on dialogues with the foreign audience, it has to lay stress onthe need for ‘strategic communication’. Public diplomacy today needs to have a betterunderstanding of cooperation, collective interests and engagement with other nations.A very important instrument of soft power is public diplomacy, which cannot justrestrict itself to propaganda anymore and has to look beyond and involveinter-cultural dialogues.

Indian public diplomacy can be augmented by increasing funding for culturalactivities in Indian consulates and embassies. India should also try and developcultural centers all over the world on the lines of British Council, AmericanInformation Resource Centers, Alliance Francoise and the confucius institutes startedby China. These institutes increase their respective countrie’s soft power by projectinga favourable image of their countries to the outside world through public relationsexercises. India should also expand its educational and professional exchangeprograms with foreign universities and organisations and at the same time inviteprominent members of civil society of other countries to facilitate a betterunderstanding of Indian culture, interests and values, so that they can picture India ina favourable light. Innovativeness, foresight, marketing blitz, strategic planining andpsychological management are imperative for any successful public diplomacy effortand thus India needs to invest handsomely in public diplomacy as it forms aconnecting link between nations and provides a strategic leverage in foreign policy.

The 2014 Elections : Impact on Public Diplomacy

The 2014 general elections in India are highly awaited and anticipated the worldover. There is significant speculation as to whether the Congress-let UPA (UnitedProgressive Alliance) will come back to power or will the BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party)-led NDA (National Democratic Alliance) succeed in replacing the ruling party of thelast 10 years. Both the parties have been running vigorous campaigns around theirprojected Prime-Ministerial leaders (yet not confirmed officially), namely RahulGandhi for the Congress and Narendra Modi (present Chief Minister of the Indianstate of Gujarat) for the BJP. Both Rahul Gandhi and Narendra Modi have beenrunning dynamic campaigns, focusing on engaging with the Indian public at large.

Modi has managed to conduct many successful and impactful talks andengagement sessions with various interest groups in india, ranging from younguniversity and college students, to women entrepreneurs, to the lower-caste groups,etc not only this, he is already on the path to reincarnate a new image of himself (tryingto rid himself of the communal image) and has had very successful engagements withdignitaries and diplomats from the US (a country that had refused visa to Modi on hisearlier accounts of a tainted communal image) and the UK. Narendra Modi has beenprojecting an image of himself as a modern, tech-savvy, development-oriented,people’s leader. If Narendra Modi were to be elected the Prime Minister of India in


the 2014 elections, the face of Indian public diplomacy will certainly undergo somechange from the present. He has already suggested a road map for restructuring theMinistry of External Affairs in India, where he wants to bring in new department thatfocuses on the new strategy of diplomacy that focuses on trade and economics. He’salso talked about restructuring the Indian image abroad more vehemently and hewants to do this by building India as a developmental model for the developingnations and making the government function more transparent and accountable.

On the one hand, Narendra Modi with his greater emphasis on engagement withboth interest groups in India and abroad, a more open and transparent policy,promises to offer Indian public diplomacy a fresh vigour. Yet, on the other, he may bemore detrimental to the Indian image abroad, as he is viewed as an authoritarian,communal leader by many in the world, which may hurt the two very strong virtues ofIndian soft power-democracey and secularism. However, for now one can only waitand watch the outcomes of the 2014 elections and how it will shape up Indian publicdiplomacy efforts in the future.

ConclusionIndian public diplomacy is a relatively new strategy adpoted by the Indian

Government, but its importance is highly valued today as it has become a vitalinstrument of India’s soft power. Not only this, but public diplomacy is also animportant tool in India’s foreign policy arsenal, which can be used to leverage India’sinternational imprint in the world, keeping in mind India’s ascendance ininternational affairs. Public diplomacy has to be integrated into Indian foreignpolicy-making process in form of a comprehensive and cohesive strategy. Therefore,public diplomacy cannot be just an afterthought, but has to become imperative at alllevels of foreign-policy making. Thus, for India to become a great power in the world,the Indian Government has to exploit all resources of soft power, of which publicdiplomacy is a crucial one.

India in the Indian Ocean Region

It is situated between the Atlanticand the Pacific and extendingapproximately 74 million squarekilometer, the Indian Ocean regionserves as a natural transit lounge formost of the world’s traffic. Currently,nearly over 80% of trade passingthrough the Indian Ocean is destinedto countries outside the region. TheIndian Ocean Region (IOR) served asan intense battleground for theindustrialising European countriesseeking raw material and markets inAsia and Africa during the colonialarea. During the Cold War Periodcoinciding with the decolonisation of Afro-Asian countries, the two superpowersenforced their maritime influence in the region.


United Nations Convention on the

Law of the Sea (UNCLOS)

It is also called the law of the sea treaty, is the

international agreement that resulted from the

third United Nations Conference on the Law of the

Sea which took place from 1973, through 1982. It

came into force on November 16, 1994. It is an

international treaty that provides a regulatory

framework for the use of the world’s seas and

oceans to ensure the conservation and equitable

usage of resources and the marine environment

and to ensure the protection and preservation of

the living resources of the sea.

However, the Post Cold War era gave rise to the need for a socio-political strategicapproach towards the Indian Ocean littoral countries in view of enhanced maritimesecurity in the region. Besides its strategic significance it is the area where terrorism ismost widespread. It is the area where the bulk of world’s rapidly growing populationresides. It is also the area where some of the world’s most dynamic economics arelocated. The IOR will not only address India’s security concerns to an appreciableextent but also would facilitate India’s emergence as a regional and global player. Thecoming into force of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea(UNCLOS) in November 1994 have compelled India to concentrate more on thisstrategically important maritime zone. This had led to the maritime doctrine of 2004and maritime strategy of 2006. The November, 2008, terrorist attacks launched fromthe sea on Mumbai have critically accelerate the strategic significance of the region.

The strategic importance of theregion is not merely limited foraddressing security concerns of Indiabut also due to growing stakes ofcountries outside the Indian Oceanrim. The United Nations GeneralAssembly Resolution of December,1971, on declaring the Indian Ocean asa zone of peace has facilitated its use bycountries out side the region. The USNavy has an overwhelming presence inthe Persian Gulf. In the Indian Ocean ithas a presence in Diego Garcia fordecades and has set-up an AfricanCommand (AFRICOM) that havestrategic implications for Indian Ocean region and India’s own security.

NATO’s growing presence in the region without any clear future vision is also anirritant. France claims to be an Indian Ocean power because of reunion and a fewother islands. The US and NATO’s presence in the Indian Ocean projected toincrease for the sake of Gulf energy, Afghanistan and Iraq. China’s strategy ofestablishing maritime presence in places dotted around the Indian Ocean including inIndia’s nearest neighbours-its string of pearls strategy.

String of Pearls Strategy¢ It is a strategic move which involves establishing a series of nodes of military and economic

throughout the Indian Ocean Region. This strategic relations move is an excellent way to enfold agreater area of territory, there by gaining more influence on the global stage. The strategy includesincreased access to airfields and ports, Myanmar Sittwe port, Coco Island, Burma Hiangyi,Khaukphyu, Mergui and Zadatkyi are main areas of Chinese interest.

¢ Sri Lanka-Hambantota port is being developed by China and China is a supplier of military wares toSri Lanka.

¢ Pakistan-Gwador port was built with Chinese assistance.¢ Nepal, Bangladesh, Maldives, Mauritius, Seychelles, Thailand and Cambodia are also of Chinese

interest as part of this strategy.

Fortunately, there are many confidence building and cooperative frameworksalready in place such as the India sponsored MILAN exercises, India’s activeparticipation in the Asian Regional Forum (ARF) and India’s participation in the


¢ Diego Garcia It is the 17 sq mile atoll of coral

and sand in the middle of the Indian Ocean

considered by the US military one of the most

valuable pieces of real estate on the Earth. It has

been used by US as strategic airbase.

¢ Africa Command (AFRICOM) It is one of ten

unified combatant commands of the United

States armed forces headquartered at Kelly

Barracks, Stuttgart, Germany. It is responsible

for US military operations and military relations

with 53 African nations an area of responsibility

covering all of Africa except Egypt.

regional cooperation agreement on combating piracy and armed Robbery againstships in Asia (ReCAAP). There are some other informal and Track II dialogues suchas Shangri -La Dialogue sponsored by London based International Institute of StrategicStudies (IISS) and the Council for Security Cooperation in the Asia Pacific (CSCAP).It’s growing bilateral military ties with the countries of the region have also served tocreate a higher level of mutual comfort between India and these countries.

Defence cooperation with foreign countries illustrates will the close interrelationship between India's foreign policy an defence policy. Foreign defencecooperation is the most sensitive aspect in any bilateral relationship. Defence anddiplomacy are really two sides of the same coin. The goal in either case is the samenamely the defence of India’s unity territorial integrity and sovereignty from outsidethreats, only the means are different.

Role of Indian NavyThe Indian Navy and the Coast Guard retain their traditional defensive roles and

being part of Indian Armed Forces will conduct military operations in theneighbourshood; protect India’s increasingly important trade and energy SLOCS;protect the resources of India’s Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) ; protect India’soffshore assets, including oil and gas; safeguard its deep sea mining areas in the centralIndian Ocean where India has been allotted a mining area of 150000 sq km; deal withpiracy and counter terrorism. The strategic importance of the region had boostedIndian Navy’s role as a foreign policy tool especially after the Alondra Rainbowincident.

India shares maximum coastal boundary zone with the Indian Ocean, which isgaining geopolitical significance with the growing menace of sea-piracy. This scenariocall for the upgradation of the Indian Naval forces. Consequently, Indian Navy hasbecome the focus of attention of the Indian defence budget. Indian Naval ships are onan operational deployment to the South China Sea and North West Pacific an part ofIndia’s Look East Policy while the ships of the Western Fleet are on overseasdeployment to Horn of Africa, Red Sea and the Western Mediterranean. Theenhancement of the strategic importance of the Indian Navy promises to strengthenthe bases of India’s defene diplomacy.

¢ Alondra Rainbow Incident In 1999 India's coast guard successfully interdicted a hijackedJapanese vessel, Japan woke up to the realisation that India was a credible naval power and wasconvinced that Indian Navy could play a key role in ensuring Japanese energy security.

¢ India’s role in tackling Somali Piracy Piracy in the Gulf of Aden particularly off the SomalianCoast, has been increasingly posing threat to international maritime prompting India to deploy awarship in the area to ensure that the danger is neutralised. India has proposed a pro-active rolefor its navy in a UN-flagged effort to tackle the threat to maritime traffic from piracy.

The measures proposed by India to tackle piracy in Somalia are¡ Reinforcement of tracking the trail of ransom money to different parts of the world, as was

entrusted to the Interpol.¡ Prosecution of the beneficiaries of ransom money for abetting piracy.¡ Consideration of the conduct of the naval operations under the UN as the preferred option.¡ Sanitisation of the Somali Coast Line through identified corridors and buffer zones and tracking

of fishing vessels around the Somali Coast.¡ Enactment of national laws on priority to criminalise piracy as defined UNCLOS and the

prosecution of suspected and imprisonment of convicted pirates apprehended off the Coast ofSomalia.


India’s Joint Defence ExercisesMaitree 2010 Indian and Thai armies participated in a 14 day exercise with a focus

on counter terrorism operations in Jharkhand, India as part of efforts to boostinteroperability between the two forces.

Indradhanush 2010 UK-India joint air exercise to acknowledge the defencecooperation between the UK and India, enhance mutual operationalunderstanding and learn from each other’s experience.

Garuda IV A measure of enhanced co-operation between France and India. In 2010,the fourth edition of joint air exercises was held at Istres airbase in France.

SIMBEX It stands for Singapore India Maritime Bilateral Exercises. In 2010,India-Singapore naval exercise was held near the coast of Andaman and NicobarIslands and in the Bay of Bengal.

Indra 2010 India-Russia joint military exercise focussing on counter terrorismoperations. It will particularly focus on anti- insurgency measures in mountainousterrain.

Nomadic Elephant The troops of India-Mongolia engaged in joint exercise tocounter insurgency.

Indian Foreign Policy : Federal

The democratically elected political executive and Parliament are held solelyresponsible for the formulation and implementation of foreign and defence policies.On the basis of this logic, the Constitution makers had clearly defined and demarcatedjurisdictional boundaries by assigning foreign and strategic policy-making roles onlyto the Central Government and limited the role of regional-State Governments to dealwith local law and order and developmental activities. So, in the more than sixdecades of post-independence phase of democracy, foreign and defence policies havebeen pursued by the Central Government on the basis of its perceptions of nationalinterests.

Jawaharlal Nehru, Indira Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi as Prime Ministers followed thepolicy of non-alignment with two power blocs in the post-world war phase of theinternational structure of power. The collapse of the USSR meant this bipolarity ininternational relations was replaced by a unipolar global order and India adjusted andadapted its foreign and defence policies accordingly. But, unfortunately, we are nowwitnessing a new process where foreign policy-making is becoming subservient toshort-sighted political interests of regional-state parties and leaders, who are workingcontrary to the logic of our national foreign policy interests and objectives. The statesacquiring proactive role in the foreign policy of the nation.

First, ever since the 1990s in the immediate aftermath of economic liberalisation,local governments have been aggressive in pursuing economic diplomacy with boththe US and other countries. Some clear examples of this point being Andhra Pradeshand Karnataka. In recent years, even other states such as Maharashtra, Gujarat, TamilNadu and Bihar have been pro-active and wooed foreign governments. StateGovernments such as Gujarat and Bihar have in fact started global summits, wherepotential investors from other parts of the world are present.


The second reason for the ever increasing role of local governments in foreignpolicy is the trend of coalition politics, in which regional parties have an importantrole to play. These regional parties have been able to exercise a considerable influenceover foreign policy, especially with regard to the neighbourhood. In certain cases,they have even intervened on issues which in the past would be considered theexclusive domain of the Central Government.

The competitive populism in Tamil Nadu over the situation of Tamils in SriLanka has generated a great deal of alarm in New Delhi over the manner in whichpolitical issues relating to a state have begun impinging on India's foreign and securitypolicies. Though somewhat over the top, the Dravidian parties have a point, but ageneral one rather than the specific case they are advocating. Given our linguistic,ethnic, religious and ideological divisions, these views often come across as thosebelonging to this or that section. But this diverse country must have a single policy andits execution must be the responsibility of its Federal Government. There are noconstitutional or institutional mechanisms to relay those interests. So, with UnionGovernments taking the form of coalitions, they have become vulnerable to party orsectional pressure which often takes the form of pure blackmail.

Regional Players Prominent in Foreign Policy-MakingThe withdrawal of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam from the United Progressive

Alliance Government could be seen as being part of the rough and tumble of coalitionpolitics. Actually, it is more likely that the party has used the Sri Lankan crisis to pushfor a separation from the UPA, because it is politically expedient for it to do so. Afterall, what is happening in 2013 or even what happened in 2012 - is not the worst thathas be fallen the Tamils of Sri Lanka.

But with general elections looming, competitive populism seems to be ruling theroost. The DMK wanted the UPA government to pilot a resolution in the UnitedNations demanding an international probe into alleged war crimes tantamount to‘genocide’ in Sri Lanka. Then with Tamil Nadu Chief Minister J Jayalalithaa joining thefray, the demands escalated - a boycott of the Commonwealth Heads of Governmentsummit to be held later this year in Colombo, a ban on Sri Lankan players in the IndianPremier League matches in Tamil Nadu and an Assembly resolution asking the UnionGovernment to get the UN to create a separate Eelam in Sri Lanka.

The DMK and the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam are only a moreextreme manifestation of a trend we have been witnessing recently in India, wherecoalition constituents and states are bringing foreign and security issues to thebargaining table. Actually, the leader of this pack has been the Indian left for whichthe United States is a permanent anathema. This is what led to the crisis in UPA-I in2008 when the left pulled out of the coalition because it opposed the India-US civilnuclear deal. This move of the Left was also pitched as much on its belief that nothinggood could come out of an agreement with ‘imperialist’ America, as its attempt tocloak the decision in the garb of attacking America for its anti-Muslim policies.

The next instance of this ‘state-first’ approach occurred when West Bengal ChiefMinister and then UPA coalition partner, Mamata Banerjee, opposed the river watersagreement with Bangladesh. In September 2011, on the eve of Prime MinisterManmohan Singh's visit to Dhaka, the Union Government was forced to call off thesigning of a pact that would have ratified a formula for sharing the waters of the Teestawith Bangladesh.


The surprise entrant into this club was Narendra Modi who suddenly jumped intothe Sir Creek issue on the eve of the Gujarat elections. In a letter to the Prime Minister,Mr Modi said that not only should India not hand over the Creek to Pakistan, it shouldstop any dialogue with Islamabad on the issue. Any concession by New Delhi wouldaffect Gujarat negatively.

In all four instances, it is possible to argue for a ‘Union of India’ stand rather thanthat of the state or party in question. In Sri Lanka, the Government of India has had tobalance its policies to ensure that Colombo does not drift towards Beijing andIslamabad. There also is the question of pushing resolutions on the territorial issues ofother countries, having burnt our hands on the Kashmir issue once. Equally,resolutions on human rights in international bodies are a double-edged sword,especially given our own shoddy record in dealing with internal insurgency.

As for the Teesta issue, there were expectations that in exchange for the riverwaters treaty, Bangladesh would sign an agreement giving India transit rights to itsland-locked North-East. Clearly, while West Bengal may have notionally given upsomething, there was the advantage of the greater good that would accrue, not only forthe North-Eastern states, but West Bengal as well, through the increased commercethat would have resulted from a transit agreement.

In the case of the nuclear deal, too, the net gainer was India. It was the US whichhad to abandon its sanctions regime against us and agree to allow civil nuclearcommerce to resume with India. Given the balance of power in the internationalsystem, it was a deal only the US could pilot - not France, China or Russia - though allof them had to finally put their stamp on it through the Nuclear Suppliers Group.

In Gujarat, the boundary between India and Pakistan on Sir Creek remainsdisputed and as a result, the maritime boundary between the two countries has yet tobe finalised. In this sense, India and Pakistan are both losers, not only because no onewill invest in exploiting the natural resources from a disputed area, but also becausethey will lose out on the extended exclusive economic zone they can get under the UNconvention on the laws of the seas.

Barring Haryana, Madhya Pradesh, Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh, all IndianStates share borders with other countries or with the international waters of the sea. Inthat sense, they have interests or issues that may intersect with the foreign and securitypolicies of the country.

In recent times, we have seen how the politics of Kerala has impinged on a foreignaffairs issue relating to two Italian marines. There is Jammu and Kashmir which stillcomplains about the short shrift it got on the matter of river waters when the UnionGovernment signed the Indus Waters treaty with Pakistan. As for waters, the ChiefMinisters of Bihar and Asom too have important issues which impinge on ourrelations with Nepal and China.

The increasingly pro-active role of states in foreign policy raises some interestingquestions. First, state intervention in foreign policy is not always obstructionist andexamples of Tripura and Punjab clearly reiterate this point. Second, many times alliesare more troublesome in the foreign policy realm than those who are not part of thecoalition, as is evident from the examples discussed. Third, some leaders are veryaggressive when it comes to wooing countries outside the immediate neighbourhood,but fail to do so within it.


The US is one in which the interests of its federal constituents are taken intoaccount in the formulation and exercise of foreign and security policies. This enablesits upper chamber, the senate, to be the lead house on foreign policy issues - ratifyinginternational agreements, approving appointments of envoys and so on. The senate,as is well known, has a membership which is not based on population - each state,large and small, populous and otherwise, has the same number of senators.

It would be difficult to graft something like the US system on to the Indian system.Yet, clearly the time has come when Mizoram and Nagaland also have a say in India'sMyanmar policy, instead of merely having to bear its consequences.

References1. Tapan Biswal (ed) International Relation Macmillan Publishers India Ltd. 2009. p474.

2. Mahendra Kumar, Theoretical Aspects of International Politics, Shiva Lal Agarwal and CoAgra, p357.

3. Tapan Biswal (ed) International Relation, Macmillan Publisher India Ltd., 2009, p477.

4. Tapan Biswal (ed) International Relations, Macmillan Publisher India Ltd., p470.

5. Saroj Bishoyi, Multilateral Economic organisational International Monetary and TradeRegimes in Tapan Biswal (ed) International Relations, Macmillan Publisher India Ltd.,p227.

6. Salvin Paul, India’s Foreign Policy’ in Tapan Biswal (ed) International Relations,Macmillan Publishers India Ltd. 2009, p108.

7. Tapan Biswal (ed) International Relations, Macmillan Publisher India Ltd. 2009, p472.

8. Tapan Biswal (ed) International Relations, Macmillan Publishers India Ltd., 2009, p473.

9. Salvin Paul, ‘India’s Foreign Policy’ in Tapan Biswal (ed) International Relations,Macmillan Publishers India Ltd, 2009, p102-112.

10. OP Gauba, in Introduction to Political Theory, Macmillan Publishers India Ltd. 2007,p301.

11. Jayanta Kumar Samal, “Cold War and Post-Cold War Era” in Tapan Biswal (ed)International Relations, Macmillan Publishers India Ltd. 2009, p72.

12. Manoram Year Book 2009, p479-483.

13. Salvin Paul India’s Foreign Policy’ in Tapan Biswal (ed) International Relations, MacmillanPublisher India Ltd. 2009, p125.

14. Salvin Paul, ‘India’s Foreign Policy’ in Tapan Biswal (ed) International RelationsMacmillan Publishers India Ltd., 2009, p112-123.

15. Salvin Paul, ‘India’s Foreign Policy in Tapan Biswal (ed) International Relations Macmillanpublishers India Ltd. 2009, p123.

16. Jyotindra Nath Dixit, Indian Foreign Policy and Its Neighbours, Gyan Publishing House,New Delhi, July 2001 pp 16-20.

17. V P Dutt, India’s Foreign Policy since Independence, NBT India.

18. Mahendra Kumar Theoretical Aspects of International Politics, Shiva Lal Agarwal &Company, Agra pp365-367.

19. Rajiv Sikri, Challenge and Strategy Rethinking India’s Foreign, Policy, SAGE PublicationsIndia pp220-241.

20. India as an Emerging Economic Power, Ministry of External Affair, Government of India.

21. India’s Trade Agreements, www.business.gov.in.

22. Rajiv Sikri, Challenge and Strategy Rethinking India's Foreign Policy, SAGE Publications,India pp 199-219.

23. Rajiv Sikri, Challenge and Strategy Rethinking India’s Foreign Policy, SAGE PublicationsIndia pp 243-257.

24. Newsletter Ministry of Home Affairs p 7th October, 2011.


(2 Markers–20 Words)

1. East Asia Summit.

2. State the significance of Bus Diplomacy in India-Pakistan relations.

3. What is the importance of CBMs in bilateral relations?

4. Role of Public Opinion in India’s Foreign Policy.

5. Nuclear Suppliers Group

6. Significance of reopening of Nathu La in Indo-Sino relations.

7. SAFTA

8. Energy Security

9. UNCLOS

10. Assess the role of Indian Navy in tackling piracy.

11. Garuda IV

(12/15 Markers–150 Words)

1. Role of Indian community in Indo-US relations.

2. Effects of 9/11 attacks in USA on international relations.

3. How important is Indo−US civil nuclear cooperation from Indian perspective?

4. What is the importance of India’s joint defence exercise in India’s foreign policy?

5. How India seeks to ensure its energy security through economic diplomacy?

6. Discuss India’s foreign policy towards USA from Nehru to Manmohan Singh’s years.

7. What role is to played by BIMSTEC in promoting regional cooperation?

8. Examine the relevance of Pt Jawaharlal Nehru’s ideas in the international relations of today.

(20/30 Markers–250 Words)

1. How US War on terrorism catalysed its relations with India and Pakistan?

2. Assess India-Pakistan relations under Manmohan Singh.

3. Evaluate the efforts made by India under Manmohan Singh to improve relations with China.

4. Examine India’s policy towards the Nehru to Manmohan Singh’s era.

5. Examine India’s role as an emerging economic power.

6. Discuss ‘China’s string of pearls’ strategy and its implications.


Model Practice Questions

indian foreign policy

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