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Images of Democracy
Byong-Kuen Jhee
Chosun University
375 Seosuk-dong, Dong-gu,
Gwangju, 501-759 Korea
+82-62-230-6728
This paper has been prepared for a presentation at the 2012 Annual Conference of ISA, San
Diego, CA, USA.
Abstract
This study challenges the conventional wisdom that democracy is a universal term with
little temporal and spatial differences. Assuming that the meaning of democracy is reshaped
through a conceptual adjustment to the nation-specific demand for the state, this study
examines whether the rapid economic development of Korea and the presence of antagonistic
North Korea have promoted the lazy and incompetent “grasshopper” image of democracy.
Utilizing the Korea Democracy Barometer Survey conducted in 2010 (KDB 2010
hereafter), it has shown, first, that there exists a notable perceptual discrepancy between
preference for democracy and support for core values of democracy. In addition, a significant
proportion of respondents identifying themselves as democrats are also weak advocates of
democratic virtue and utility. Second, the positive perception of Park Chung Hee reduces
public belief in the capability of democracy to resolve various social problems and
democratic values. Third, the positive perception of North Korea, measured with the political
tolerance of pro-North Korean activists, promotes the belief in the capability of democracy,
but has no impact on public support for democratic values. Based on these findings, this
study claims that Koreans do not perceive the term democracy as it is coined in the historical
contexts of Western Europe.
1
Images of Democracy
Many have argued that democracy is a universal term with little temporal and spatial
differences that refers to a type of political regime that guarantees civil liberties and political
rights. It is, however, notable that public perception of the term is diverse across nations over
time. Recent cross-national studies, especially on new democracies, have shown that the
traditional perception of democracy, which originated from the experience of Western
democracies, has spatial restrictions. In many democratic countries, a significant number of
citizens not only fail to differentiate democracy from an authoritarian regime, but also do not
fully accept or even reject some core values of democracy while identifying themselves as
democrats.
This study is an attempt to examine how people perceive democracy in diverse political
contexts. Utilizing the Korea Democracy Barometer Survey conducted in 2010, this study
examines to what extent Koreans accept core values of democracy, including civil liberties,
political rights, and democratic accountability (intrinsic values of democracy), and believe in
its practical utility (extrinsic values of democracy). Assuming that the meaning of democracy
is reshaped through the conceptual adjustment to the nation-specific demand for the state, this
study examines whether the rapid economic development of Korea and the presence of
antagonistic North Korea, which might create strong nostalgia for authoritarian regime and
justify the trivialization of core democratic values, have promoted the lazy and incompetent
“grasshopper” image of democracy. Although many have claimed that hierarchical political
culture and performance of the past authoritarian regime have affected public support for
democracy, no prior empirical study has sufficiently explained the origins of the weak and
inconsistent democratic values embedded in most new democracies.
2
This study finds, first, that there exists a notable perceptual discrepancy between
preference for democracy and support for its core values. In addition, a significant proportion
of respondents identifying themselves as democrats are also weak advocates of democratic
virtue and utility. Second, the positive perception of Park Chung Hee reduces the belief in the
capability of democracy to resolve various social problems and democratic values. Third, the
positive perception of North Korea, measured with political tolerance of pro-North Korean
activists, promotes the belief in the capability of democracy, but has no impact on public
support for democratic values.
Based on these findings, this study claims that Koreans do not perceive the term
democracy as it is coined in the historical contexts of Western Europe. Democracy is
perceived as an extrinsic value rather than an intrinsic one in Korea: Citizens there prefer
democracy not because its virtues are superior to those of other regimes, but because they
have practical utility. The public nostalgia for authoritarian performance and the antagonistic
relationship with the authoritarian regime in North Korea constrain the proliferation of the
liberal conceptualization of democracy.
This study consists of four sections. Section 1 briefly discusses prior studies on the public
perception of democracy and presents main hypotheses, which are based on several theories
of political psychology, and the debate over the nexus between democracy and economic
development. Section 2 explains the research design of this study. Section 3 presents a
descriptive explanation of how public preference for democracy is incompatible with support
for core values of democracy and how such a discrepancy leads to detachment from an
authoritarian regime and nostalgia. In addition, this section reports test results of the main
hypotheses. Section 4, the conclusion, summarizes the main findings of this study and
discusses their implications for further studies on democratic consolidation.
3
1. How People Perceive Democracy?
Misperception or Adjustment?
Not a few scholars have attempted to examine the diverse perception of democracy and its
causes (Bunce 2001; Carothers 2002; Wiarda 2002; Shin and Jhee 2005; Przeworski 2010;
2012). They have shown that public perception of democracy is diverse and that its meaning
is not consistent with the core values of Western liberal democracies. They also claim that
such an inconsistent understanding is inevitable due to the limited political knowledge and
short experience of democratic regimes. As Rose (1998) argued, democratic consolidation
requires time because non-democratic culture and the political legacy of the past have a
continuous influence on support for democracy. Recently, Shin (2012) found that a
significant proportion of Koreans are misinformed and believe that popular elections,
protecting civil liberties, and rejecting political intervention of military or religious
authorities are not essential components of democracy. He also claimed that Confucian Asian
countries have more ill-informed citizens than well-informed citizens.1
It should be, however, noted that diversity in conceptualizing democracy originates mainly
from the historical contexts of installing democratic regimes and the past experience of
authoritarian regimes rather than cultural hindrance and the cognitive incapability to identify
democracy. For example, East Asian countries, including Korea, do not have lower levels of
1 Shin also found that Asian people put more priority on economic equality or economic
security than political freedom as the most essential component of democracy (p. 240). For
example, whereas only 14.5 percent of Koreans see protecting political liberty as the most
important property of democracy, about 35.7 percent view economic equality as the most
important one.
4
education than Western European countries. More importantly, democratic values may not be
simply inculcated as Confucian culture in Asia has waned.
As a corollary, the image of prototype democracy that originated in Europe is not simply
mirrored and replicated into new democracies, which have taken different paths to democracy.
It is, therefore, more convincing to say that citizens in each country have developed their own
distinct image of democracy based on their own experience. In the process of shaping an
image of democracy, citizens may adjust the meaning of democracy to national goals to
overcome prior economic and political obstacles that a country faces.
Democracy as an Extrinsic Rather Than Intrinsic Value
It is well known that the democratic regime in Korea was not originally driven by
endogenous forces. The United States liberalized the country from the colonial rule of Japan
and nurtured the first democratic regime in the middle of the 20th
century. For Koreans, the
United States became the most enviable country due to its political development as well as its
economic prosperity. As the reference theory suggests, for Koreans the United States has
served “as an anchor or central reference point” for the identification of democracy (Cottam
et al. 2010, 45).
The exogenous origin of the democratic regime might, inevitably, foster conceptualizing
democracy as an extrinsic value rather than intrinsic one. Different from Western liberal
democracy, established from the struggle against authoritarian monarchy, the original core
values of democracy, such as civil liberties and political rights, might be regarded as only
secondary aims subordinate to those of national security from the threat of communists or
imperialists and economic development to reduce pervasive severe poverty, especially after
the Korean War occurred between 1950 and 1953. The anti-communist foreign policies of the
5
United States also have intensified such tendency to deviate from the original meaning of
democracy.
Democracy and Economic Performance of Authoritarian Regime
There have been two perspectives explaining the effect of democracy on economic growth.
According to the conflict perspective, economic growth is hindered by democracy. This
perspective claims that dysfunctional consequences of premature democracy cause political
instability and low government efficiency, which are harmful to economic growth (Sirowy
and Inkeles 1990,128). Scholars following this perspective argue that an authoritarian
government is more efficient to suppress increasing consumption and social unrest, whereas a
democratic government facilitates overspending, which may decrease savings and investment
(Alesina and Perotti 1994; Lundstroem 2002; Kurzman et al. 2002).
On the other hand, the compatible perspective claims that democracy may foster property
rights and limit rent-seeking behaviors that hinder economic growth (Przeworski and
Limongi 1993). Clague et al. (1997, 68) argue that institutional arrangements that provide
legal rights to property and contract enforcement mechanisms are important to support an
“elaboration of labor in a market economy.” They argue that insecure property rights reduce
incentives to invest, and individuals will not choose to be engaged in complex and non-self-
enforcing transactions without “well-functioning contract enforcement.” Scholars following
this perspective focus on the “predatory state” that exploits the resources of a society. For
example, Mesquita et al. (2001) argue that the main motivation of dictators is to stabilize
their regimes and bribe the “winning coalition,” which is necessary to maintain their regimes.
They argue that democracy is necessary to protect property rights and to hinder predatory
6
leaders. In addition, they argue that redistributive policies that may increase consumptions
could be a drain on investment (Sirowy and Inkeles, 1990).2
Such different perspectives on the nexus between democracy and economic development
highlight contradictory images of democracy in terms of economic development not only for
scholars but also for citizens. First, for Koreans, in line with the conflict perspective,
democracy may be perceived as the grasshopper in Aesop’s fable “The Ants and the
Grasshopper”: incompetent, irresponsible, and lazy to consume all it has before the winter
comes. It contradicts the ant, the image of the authoritarian developmental state in which
rulers are competitive, responsible, and diligent to store up foods for future needs. In this
perspective, democracy is regarded as luxury goods that are to be restricted before achieving
a certain level of economic development.
Second, on the contrary and in line with the compatible perspective, democracy may be
perceived as a fair umpire or coordinator rather than the grasshopper. In contrast to the
authoritarian predatory state, in which rulers are greedy, irresponsible, and obsessed with the
exploitation of national resources for their own interests, democracy may have the image of a
liberal state in which rulers guarantee free and fair competition between citizens with equal
opportunity. In this perspective, democracy is essential goods to be satisfied for the
encouragement of economic development.
As noted earlier, a democratic regime is an instrument for the resolution of diverse national
problems including national security and economic development. As a corollary, the image of
2 Criticizing these two perspectives, Przeworski and Limongi (1993) claim that the conflict
perspective ignores the fact that authoritarian regimes are “predatory,” whereas the
compatible perspective fails to explain how democracies establish commitment to a
(economic) policy.
7
democracy is often associated with the performance of a democratic regime in comparison
with that of an authoritarian regime. In Korea, therefore, citizens may have the grasshopper
image of democracy due to their experience of the rapid economic development under the
authoritarian government of Park Chung Hee, who seized power in a military coup in 1961
and maintained his presidency until his assassination in 1979. Negative belief in the
capability of democracy may also lead to the adjustment of the original values of democracy.
As the consistency theory of political psychology suggests, Koreans would experience the
cognitive process to avoid psychological discomfort by holding balance between evaluations
of two different aspects of democracy (Houghton 2009).
Hypothesis 1-1: Citizens who have a positive attitude toward Park Chung Hee are less likely
to believe in the capability of democracy (the conflict hypothesis I).
Hypothesis 1-2: Citizens who have a positive attitude toward Park Chung Hee are less likely
to believe in the core values of democracy (the conflict hypothesis II).
Democracy and Military Threats from North Korea
Prior studies on political psychology have claimed that people often have
misunderstandings due to their tendency not to take responsibility. According to the
attribution theory, people tend to find the causes of wrong behavior in the personality or
situation, although this is not true. In addition, people may utilize reference groups to
evaluate others. People may rely on apparent references of political regimes representing
democratic or non-democratic regimes for their evaluation of democracy.
The presence of a military threat from North Korea and its hostile communist leaders,
which intensifies the public concern for national security rather than the democratic
8
deepening of Korea, may undermine the belief in the capability of democracy. It has also
provided a convincing rationale for the legal restriction of civil liberties, which are against
democratic values. Psychological trivialization of civil liberties justifies the distortion of the
original meaning of democracy (Cottam et al. 2010). The anti-communist foreign policies of
the United States during the Cold War, as the reference theory suggests, intensifies such a
tendency to delimit the scope of civil liberties and political rights. Therefore, those who are
hostile to North Korea and communism may have an image of democracy as helpless and
dependent, which contradicts the iron-man image of an authoritarian regime.
Hypothesis 2-1: Citizens who have a negative attitude toward North Korea are less likely to
believe in the capability of democracy (the attribution hypothesis I).
Hypothesis 2-2: Citizens who have a negative attitude toward North Korea are less likely to
believe in the core values of democracy (the attribution hypothesis II).
2. Research Design: Data, Variables, and Estimation Methods
To estimate perception of democracy among Korean citizens, this study adopts the Korea
Democracy Barometer Survey collected in 2010. It includes various questions asking
respondents’ preference for democracy (“democracy is better than any other political
regimes”) and authoritarian regimes (military, strong leaders without national assembly and
elections, one party), their evaluation of democratic capability (“democracy has the capability
to resolve social problems”), democratic levels of seven Korean governments (Park Chung
Hee, Chun Doo Hwan, Roh Tae Woo, Kim Young Sam, Kim Dae Jung, Roh Moo Hyun, Lee
Myung Park), the necessity of constraining civil liberties and political rights (free election,
free assembly and demonstration, parliamentary legislation, free expression), and horizontal
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accountability (executive violation of laws, no judicial independence, no parliamentary
constraints).
To test the conflict hypotheses I and II, the capability of democracy measured with
respondents’ evaluation of the capability of democracy to resolve social problems (1=capable,
0=incapable) is adopted as a dependent variable. Because it is a binary variable, the logistic
estimation method is utilized to test the main hypotheses. In addition, to test the attribution
hypotheses I and II, an index of democratic values generated by summing up responses to
four questions asking respondents’ rejection of constraining civil liberties (freedom of
assembly and demonstration, parliamentary legislation, freedom of expression, freedom of
the press; 16=complete advocate, 0=others) is adopted as a dependent variable and the
ordinary least square estimation method is utilized.
Each model involves two main independent variables: public evaluation of Park’s
government measured with its democracy score under his government (10=complete
democracy, 0=complete dictatorship) and political tolerance toward North Korea, measured
with an index generated by summing up responses to four items asking respondents’ rejection
of constraining civil liberties and political rights of pro-North Korean activists (freedom of
assembly, freedom of running for public positions, freedom to become government officials,
and freedom to form organizations; 16=complete tolerance, 1=complete intolerance). These
two variables are expected to promote positive evaluation of democracy’s capability and
support for democratic values.
Control variables includes the self-placement of ideological location (10=conservative,
1=progressive), age (19 to 78), income (5=highest, 1=lowest), and education (1=university
graduation, 0=other). These variables are expected to have a positive effect on the dependent
variables.
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3. Test Results
Preference for Democracy and Support for Core Values of Democracy
It is certain that most Koreans believe that democracy is better than any other political
regime. About 69.9 percent of respondents prefer a democratic regime to non-democratic
ones (Appendix 1).3 It should, however, be noted that preference for democracy is not
compatible with cognitive evaluation of the core values of democracy. Table 1 presents how
self-democrats, who believe that democracy is always better than non-democratic regimes,
perceive civil liberties and political rights. Note that non-democrats who believe that any
non-democratic regime can be better than a democratic regime and disinterests who do not
have any concern about regime types are excluded here.
Table 1 Support for Civil Liberties and Political Rights of Citizens among Self-
democrats
Free
Election
Free Assembly &
Demonstration
Parliamentary
Legislation
Free
Expression
Free
Press
Strong 63.9 19.6 39.6 44.1 44.6
Weak 28.0 35.0 41.9 40.6 34.8
No 8.1 45.4 18.5 15.3 20.6
Source: KDB 2010
As the table shows, most self-democrats support basic democratic values, but a significant
proportion of them are weak advocates of those values. Holding elections for political
representatives obtained the highest support from the public. About 63.9 percent of them
3 However, a notable proportion of respondents believe that dictatorship can be better in
certain cases (20.6%) or that it does not matter whether they have democracy or dictatorship
(10.6%).
11
believe that “selection of political leaders through free elections” is “very much” necessary to
exert democracy, and 28.0 percent believe that it is “somewhat” necessary.
More surprising, however, is that only about 19.6 percent of them are strong advocates of
free assembly and demonstration. Respondent attitudes toward other items of civil liberties
are slightly higher, but no substantive difference exists between them: Less than 45 percent of
self-democrats (39.6%~44.6%) are strong supporters of “parliamentary legislation,”
“freedom of political expression,” and “freedom of the press.” The majority of respondents
are weak- or non-supporters of democratic values who believe that constraining such
fundamental civil liberties is “somewhat” or “very much” necessary or “somewhat”
unnecessary.
Cognitive discrepancy between the preference for democracy and the advocacy of
democratic horizontal accountability is also prominent. Table 2 presents how self-democrats
view institutional constraints on the executive power. It is notable that self-democrats are
weak dissenters of delegative democracy (O’Donnell 1994). Although 79.9 percent of self-
democrats disagree with the idea that “government may violate the law to resolve problems
when their nation is in trouble,” only about 46.8 percent of self-democrats are strong
dissenters of governmental violation of laws. About 33.1 percent of self-democrats are weak
dissenters who do not fully reject such a delegative democracy.
Table 2 Support for Horizontal Accountability among Self-democrats
Violation
of Laws
No Judicial
Independence
Parliamentary
Constraint
Strong 46.8 35.0 21.2
Weak 33.1 39.1 40.5
No 20.1 25.9 38.3
Source: KDB 2010
12
The inconsistency of self-democrats is more prevalent on the issue of check and balance of
the government. Only about 35.5 percent of them strongly disagree with the idea that “judges
should take the side of the government when they make decisions on important cases.”
Furthermore, only about 21.2 percent of self-democrats strongly deny parliamentary efforts to
check the government. Surprisingly, about 38.3 percent of them believe that “government
may not be able to do important work if the parliament oversees the government all the time.”
Detachment from Authoritarian Regime and Nostalgia
Such cognitive discrepancy may be led to the weak detachment from those non-democratic
regimes. Table 3 presents to what extent self-democrats support non-democratic regimes
ruled by military, strong leaders, or one party. Less than 10 percent of respondents do not
reject non-democratic regimes ruled by military, strong leaders, and one party.
Table 3 Support for Non-democratic Rules among Self-democrats
Military Strong Leaders One Party
Very much disagree 74.0 68.9 71.2
Somewhat disagree 19.3 22.3 22.3
Very much or somewhat disagree 6.7 8.8 6.6
Source: KDB 2010
It should be, however, noted that about 20 percent of them are not strong dissenters of
those non-democratic regimes.4 Such a weak detachment implies that public preference for
democracy on the affective dimension cannot be equated with their rejection of authoritarian
rules.
4 Weak dissenters of non-authoritarian regimes, who “somewhat” disagree with military, no-
electoral, or one-party rule, are not strong supporters of democracy.
13
Table 4 presents how Koreans perceive seven consecutive governments from 1961 to now.
As the table shows, Park’s government is one of the least democratic but was the favorite in
Korea. About 17.8 percent of respondents evaluate Park’s government as the least democratic
government out of the seven governments, next to Chun’s government (60.7%). Almost half
of respondents (40.3%), however, evaluate Park’s government as the best.
Table 4 Public Evaluation of Korean Governments
Governments (Duration) Best Worst Most
Democratic
Least
Democratic
Park Chung Hee (1961-79) 40.3 3.5 6.5 17.8
Chun Doo Hwan (1980-88) 6.5 37.3 1.1 60.7
Roh Tae Woo (1988-93) 1.8 9.3 3.2 2.8
Kim Young Sam (1993-98) 1.3 9.4 3.8 2.9
Kim Dae Jung (1998-2002) 16.9 8.8 19.3 4.2
Roh Moo Hyun (2002-2008) 26.0 11.4 55.2 1.9
Lee Myung Park (2008-) 7.3 20.3 11.0 9.8
Source: KDB 2010
It is also notable that Park’s government received a better evaluation in terms of
democracy than did the successive governments of his two generals, Chun Doo Hwan and
Roh Tae Woo, and of the first civilian president, Kim Young Sam. The seemingly
unreasonable evaluation of Park’s government shows, at least, that the meaning of democracy
deviates from its original one in different political contexts.
Determinants of the Grasshopper Image of Democracy
Then what determines the contrasting attitudes toward democracy? Models 1 and 3 of
Table 5 show that the positive evaluation of Park Chung Hee’s government, which obtained
successful economic performance, has a significant negative impact on the evaluation of the
capability of democracy. Those who evaluate Park’s government positively are more likely to
14
give a negative evaluation of the capability of democracy. As the conflict hypothesis suggests,
the prominent performance of his authoritarian regime weakens public belief in the extrinsic
value of democracy (See also Appendix 2).
Models 2 of Table 5 shows that the public attitude toward pro-North Korean activists also
has a statistically significant impact on the evaluation of the capability of democracy. Those
who are tolerant of pro-North Korean activists, one of the least-liked groups in Korea, are
more likely to give a positive evaluation of the capability of democracy, whereas those who
are intolerant of pro-North Korean activists are less likely to believe in it (Gibson 1992, 2005;
Jhee 2011). As the attribution hypothesis suggests, those who have an antagonistic attitude
toward North Korea underestimate the capability of democracy.
Table 5 Determinants of Intrinsic or Extrinsic Values of Democracy
Model 1
Capability
Model 2
Values
Model 3
Capability
Model 4
Values
Park's -0.684 -0.835
Administration (4.13)** (4.53)**
Tolerance of 0.053 0.015
North Korea (2.60)** (0.66)
Ideology -0.072 -0.107 -0.071 -0.122
(1.74) (2.34)* (1.77) (2.70)**
Age 0.006 0.004 0.004 -0.005
(0.90) (0.60) (0.58) (0.78)
University 0.056 0.398 0.07 0.415
(0.30) (1.93) (0.39) (2.07)*
Income 0.02 -0.016 0.044 -0.028
(0.30) (0.23) (0.69) (0.41)
Constant 1.044 12.476 0.321 12.557
(2.36)* (25.48)** (0.66) (23.36)**
Observations 778 879 832 948
R-squared 0.04 0.02
Absolute value of z statistics in parentheses; * significant at 5%; ** significant at 1%
Source: KDB 2010
15
It is also interesting to see how the evaluation of Park’s government and the perception of
pro-North Korean activities are associated with the core values of democracy. As Models 4 of
Table 5 shows, the evaluation of Park’s government also has a statistically significant and
negative impact on the intrinsic value of democracy. It shows that, as the consistency theory
suggests, the positive evaluation of Park’s administration leads to the adjustment of the core
values of democracy to maintain cognitive balance.
It is, however, notable that political tolerance of pro-North Korean activists has no
statistically significant impact on public support for the delimitation of civil liberties and
political rights. This test result may arise from the dual aspects of pro-North Korean activities
in South Korea. Here is the dilemma: Advocating the political rights of pro-North Korean
activities in South Korea can also be interpreted as advocating the authoritarian regime in
Korea. Whereas some may argue that engaging in pro-North Korea activities are basic
political rights that citizens should enjoy in democratic countries, others may believe that
these activities are threatening democratic values and justifying the authoritarian regime in
North Korea. As a corollary, it is not safe to say that those who are intolerant of pro-North
Korea activists are more likely to support core values of democracy. This test result
highlights that political tolerance is not always compatible with democratic values. Its
relationship depends on the nature of its object: pro-democratic or anti-democratic.
4. Conclusion
Based on the assumption that the meaning of democracy is adjusted to nation-specific
goals, this study examines whether the rapid economic development of Korea and the
presence of antagonistic North Korea affect public understanding of democracy. Utilizing the
Korea Democracy Barometer Survey conducted in 2010, it has shown, first, that preference
for democracy is not compatible with support for the core values of democracy. A significant
16
proportion of self-democrats who believe that democracy is better than non-democratic
regimes are weak- or non-supporters of democratic values including civil liberties, political
rights, and horizontal accountability. Second, public perception of an authoritarian
government has a significant impact on the perception of democracy. Those who evaluate
Park Chung Hee’s government positively are more likely to believe in the capability of
democracy and to support democratic values. Third, public perception of North Korea also
has a significant impact on the perception of democracy. Those who are tolerant of North
Korea tend to believe in the capability of democracy. However, political tolerance of North
Korea does not have any statistically significant impact on the public support for core values
of democracy.
These findings have shown that the original meaning of democracy established in Western
Europe is not simply mirrored into other countries. For Korean citizens, democracy is
perceived as an extrinsic value rather than an intrinsic one. They have adjusted its meaning to
the national goals of improving national security and economic development. The successful
economic development under an authoritarian regime and the military threat from North
Korea have suppressed the predator and warmonger image of the authoritarian regime and
facilitated the grasshopper image and helpless, dependent image of democracy.
As many have claimed, public nostalgia for an authoritarian regime may harm the
legitimacy of a democratic regime. In addition, the presence of military conflict between the
two Koreas may hinder the inculcation of democratic values. It should, however, also be
noted that the public nostalgia for Park’s government does not seem to drive any reverse
transition to an authoritarian regime. It originated from the public demand for economic
prosperity rather than an authoritarian regime. The conceptual deviation from the original
meaning of democracy also may not harm democratic consolidation. The public perception of
democracy as an extrinsic value implies that citizens’ democratic support may not simply rely
17
on their perceptual assimilation of the original meaning of democracy. A democratic regime
may not be terminated as long as it continues satisfying the basic economic and political
demand of its citizens.
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Appendix 1: Preference, Priority, and Capability of Democracy
Preference for
Democracy
Democracy vs.
Economic Development
Democracy’s
Capability
Strong 69.9 16.7 66.2
Weak 30.1 83.4 33.8
Source: KDB 2010
19
Appendix 2 Determinants of Intrinsic or Extrinsic Values of Democracy
Model 1
Capability
Model 2
Core Values
Model 3
Capability
Model 4
Core Values
Park's -0.669 -0.82
Administration (4.09)** (4.39)**
Tolerance of 0.06 0.025
North Korea (3.03)** (1.12)
Age 0.003 -0.001 0.003 -0.011
(0.47) (0.18) (0.52) (1.59)
University 0.111 0.378 0.142 0.419
(0.59) (1.80) (0.80) (2.09)*
Income 0.011 0.016 0.043 -0.009
(0.17) (0.21) (0.68) (0.13)
Constant 0.768 12.021 -0.149 11.97
(1.93) (26.96)** (0.35) (25.27)**
Observations 786 895 840 964
R-squared 0.04 0.02
Absolute value of z statistics in parentheses; * significant at 5%; ** significant at 1%
Source: KDB 2010
20
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