ifes arab election law compendium

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IFES Arab Election Law Compendium International Foundation for Election Systems 1101 15 th Street, N.W., Third Floor Washington, DC 20005 Phone: (202) 828-8507 Fax: (202) 822-9744 www.ifes.org www.arabelectionlaw.net Extending the Reach of Democracy

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  • IFESArab Election

    Law CompendiumInternational Foundation for Election Systems

    1101 15th Street, N.W., Third FloorWashington, DC 20005Phone: (202) 828-8507

    Fax: (202) 822-9744www.ifes.org

    www.arabelectionlaw.net

    Extending the Reach of Democracy

  • International Foundation for Election Systems www.IFES.org2

    IFESArab Election

    Law CompendiumEditors

    Lorraine MarulandaDr. El Obaid A. El Obaid

    Lazhar Aloui

    DesignersJoseph Petraglia

    Catherine J. Clinger

    Printed by:Impressions Tuxedo, Maryland, U.S.A.

    2003 The International Foundation for Election SystemsAll rights reserved. Published 2002.

    Printed in the United States of America.

    The IFES Arab Law Compendium (ISBN 1-931459-01-0) is published by the InternationalFoundation For Election Systems, 1101 15th Street, N.W., Third Floor, Washington, DC 20005-5006, U.S.A., phone: (202) 828-8507, fax: (202) 452-0804, IFES is a non-profit, non-partisan501(c)(3) foundation that provides professional advice and technical assistance in promotingdemocracy and serves as an information clearinghouse on democratic development.

    The opinions expressed in this commentary are those of its author and do not necessarilyreflect an IFES position on any of issues discussed. The sole purpose of publishing theseopinions is to provide an insider perspective on the election framework in the countriescovered by this compendium. IFES also recognizes that contributors to these commentariesdo not necessarily represent commonly held views on the electoral systems described.IFES further welcomes any input from all interested parties in order to encourage informationsharing and debate.

  • THE INTERNATIONALFOUNDATION FOR

    ELECTION SYSTEMSRichard W. Soudriette - President

    Paul DeGregorio - Executive Vice President

    BOARD OF DIRECTORSPatricia Hutar - Chair

    Peter G. Kelly. - Vice Chair

    Leon J. Weil - Secretary

    Joseph Napolitan - Treasurer

    Judy A. Black

    H.E. Dame Eugenia Charles

    Judy G. Fernald

    William J. Hybl

    Lesley Israel

    Lionel C. Johnson

    Maureen A. Kindel

    Jean-Pierre Kingsley

    R. Scott Pastrick

    Michael Pinto-Duschinsky

    T. Timothy Ryan

    Robert Holmes Tuttle

    DIRECTORS EMERITIJames M. Cannon

    Charles T. Manatt

    Peter McPherson

    HONORARY DIRECTORMrs. F. Clifton White

    ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

    3

    The Arab Election Law Compendium (AELC) is published by the InternationalFoundation for Election Systems (IFES). Former Senior Program Officer, AmyHawthorne is responsible for the original concept of this important and timelywork. The publication was editeds by Lorraine Marulanda, Dr. El Obaid A. El Obaid,and with the help of Lazhar Aloui and Tom Bayer. Special thanks must be given toCatherine Clinger, Lina Zein, Joe Petraglia, dedicated interns and other current andformer IFES staff, without whom the AELC would not have been possible. Theproduction of the Arab Election Law Compendium was truly a collaborative effort.

    IFES would like to express its great appreciation to the following people whoseexpertise and contributions significantly enhanced the value of the AELC: KhaderShkirat (Palestine), Saadia Kabil (Morocco), Dr. Sami Aoun and Dr. Katia Boustany(Lebanon), Ambassador Bal Mohamed El Moctar (Djibouti and Mauritania), Dr.Mohamed Al-Saqqaf (Yemen) Dirk Axtmann (Algeria), Dr. Nathan Brown (Egypt),Dr. Hani Hourani (Jordan), and Dr. El Obaid who also contributed the analysis of theSudanese election law.

    We would like to thank all of the consultants and editors who contributed to thisendeavor. In particular, we would like to express our gratitude to Dr. El Obaid, whoserved as the chief editor of the compendium, for his time, dedication, and expertise.

    IFES would not have been able to realize this project without the generous assistanceof embassies, NGOs, and friends throughout the world who helped us compile andtranslate the laws.

    Funds for producing the Arab Election Law Compendium were provided by theUnited States Agency for International Development (USAID) through theConsortium for Elections and Political Processes (CEPPS). IFES is grateful for thissupport.

    2002 Arab Election Law Compendium www.ArabElectionLaw.net

  • 2002 Arab Election Law Compendium www.ArabElectionLaw.net 5

    TABLE OF CONTENTS

    Introduction..........................................................................Lexicon................................................................................Profiles of Country Election Systems (Table) ....................Algeria English...................................................................Algeria French..........................................................................Djibouti French...................................................................Egypt English.....................................................................Lebanon French.................................................................Mauritania French............................................................Morocco English - French........................................................Palestine English..............................................................Sudan English...................................................................Tunisia English..................................................................Yemen English..................................................................

    711171937577387

    105137185215227237

  • Introduction

    DR. EL OBAID AHMED EL OBAID

    The reviews of electoral laws in the Arab world collected in this compendium represent a modest contribution towardthe development of a conceptual framework for addressing the institutional democratic challenges facing the region.Although the focus is on electoral law, such analyses inevitably raise normative issues that inform the effectiveness ofthese laws. These normative factors may be clustered into four areas: notions of democratization and liberalization;human rights; the nature of the Arab nation-state; and the role of religion.

    Democratization and liberalization: The effectiveness and legitimacy of electoral legal structures stem from theunderlying political will to use them as tools for genuine democratic expression. It is beyond the scope of thisintroduction to delve into the variety of definitions of democracy. However, most attempts at a definition suggest anelement of popular supremacy, as opposed to the authoritative rule that so far has been the norm in the region.Another element is an emphasis on citizenship based on egalitarian criteria, without regard to religion, race or otherdiscriminatory grounds. An inclusive electorate is seen as a basic precursor for the expression of popular supremacy.Another essential element is the ability of men and women to individually cast their vote and to freely compete forpublic office on an equal footing. Generally, the rights and freedoms of citizens should be protected by an independentjudiciary or other public institutions that also afford individuals access to means of recourse in the event their rightsare restricted either by whim or by cause.

    A quick review of the electoral systems surveyed in this volume reveals that although these systems are designed toachieve a limited electoral exercise, they generally lack features essential to generate an outcome that will meet withthe approval of a majority of the population. Thus, they fall short of creating adequate space where the citizenry canfreely choose its leaders. For example, most of the authors in this volume identify the freedom to establish politicalparties as an essential indicator of progress toward sustainable democracy. However, because of the scope of thisexercise, none has attempted an in-depth inquiry into the internal democratic practices of political parties in the Arabworld. Democracys future in the Arab world rests largely on the ability of political parties to practice democracy bothin their internal operations and in their relations with each other and the government.

    Democracy remains the best method for mediating the relationship between the government and the governed andbetween political parties and their constituencies. However, the existence of an electoral system does not by itselfprove the existence of an actual democracy. The electoral systems outlined in this volume ought to be viewed asmechanisms for the regular selection of public leaders, in other words, as tools for the exercise of democracyandthe legitimacy and effectiveness of each measured with this in mind. These systems warrant close review in order toascertain whether they are merely tools for legitimizing authoritarian rule or represent at least a partial attempttoward democratization.

    Human Rights: There is an obvious link between an acceptable level of human rights protection and the progressivedevelopment of democratic processes in any given society. Democratization is a gradual process, for which a nationsrespect for human rights is a key indicator of advancement. In this sense, human rights and democratization ought tobe regarded as mutually constitutive elements of a single process.

    Elections by themselves represent the direct implementation of a variety of human rights. For example, the mere actof casting a vote and choosing ones representative or governor is an expression of freedom of expression, the rightto participate in the management of public affairs, and the freedom vote and run for office. In order to carry out fairelections, the state must guarantee certain rights and freedoms and must create a safe and open environment forthe electoral process. Although human rights were not among the guiding principles of the Arab League, most of theArab states covered in this volume have ratified a significant number of the major human rights instruments. Asevident from the following table, only Djibouti and Mauritania have yet to ratify the International Covenants on Civil

  • International Foundation for Election Systems www.IFES.org8

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    The Universal Declaration affirms the right of every individual to take part in the government of his or her country andmandates that the collective will of those who live any given country shall be expressed in periodic and genuineelections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret vote or by equivalent free votingprocedures. These principles were further elaborated in articles 19-21 of the ICCPR:

    Article 19

    1. Everyone shall have the right to hold opinions without interference.2. Everyone shall have the right to freedom of expression;this right shall include freedom to seek, receive and

    impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers, either orally, in writing or in print, in theform of art, or through any other media of his choice.

    3. The exercise of the rights provided for in paragraph 2 of this article carries with it special duties andresponsibilities. It may therefore be subject to certain restrictions, but these shall only be such as areprovided by law and are necessary:

    (a) For respect of the rights or reputations of others;

    (b) For the protection of national security or of public order (ordre public), or of public health or morals.

    Article 20 1. Any propaganda for war shall be prohibited by law.2. Any advocacy of national, racial or religious hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility or

    violence shall be prohibited by law.

    Article 21

    The right of peaceful assembly shall be recognized. No restrictions may be placed on the exercise of this rightother than those imposed in conformity with the law and which are necessary in a democratic society in theinterests of national security or public safety, public order (ordre public), the protection of public health or moralsor the protection of the rights and freedoms of others.

    1 The table is based on the information provided in the Office of the UNited Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights publication,Status of Ratifications of the Prinicpal International Human Rights Treaties, as of 08 February 2002.

    8

  • 2002 Arab Election Law Compendium www.ArabElectionLaw.net 9

    States are expected to enact constitutional protections on freedom of expression and in addition should enact ruleswhich either define the scope of freedom of expression or which set forth certain restrictions, as well as any otherconditions which in practice affect the exercise of this right. It is the interplay between the principle of freedom ofexpression and such limitations and restrictions which determines the actual scope of the individuals right.2 Althoughthe preceding table demonstrates that some states ratified these provisions quite some time ago, their electoralsystems have yet to reflect the practical implications of the ICCPR or of the ICESCR. More importantly, the generalenvironment for conducting elections in the Arab world does not yet reflect an acceptable level of human rightsguarantees and protections.

    The nature of the Arab nation-state: The recognition of the reality of the nation-state in the Arab world is nearlyuniversal due to the sharp decline in Pan-Arab nationalism and calls for unity. This is not to ignore the fact thatgovernments, the media and intellectuals still use these notions and advocate some varying propaganda-likecommitment to them. The nature of most Arab nation-states has presented some difficulties, as these states areoften repressive and personalized. The emergence of electoral laws and systems can be seen as welcome signs ofa decline in the repressive strongholds of power in some parts of the region. The fact that the state has been andremains in crisis and retreat could have a positive effect by weakening the security (mukhabarat) state at least tosome degree. The potential collision between demography and troubled economies is another factor that threatensthe grip of the mukhabarat state. These states will eventually come to the realization that they cannot contain popularresentment and hardship through repressive means and through restrictions on rights and freedoms. The strength ofany Arab government will be measured appropriately by the popular support it enjoys as opposed to the fear it instills.

    Some analysts have observed that the crisis of the nation-state could also create more space for activities in theinformal sector, especially by civil society organizations. Future work on the nature and effectiveness of Arab civilsociety organizations, particularly those engaged in electoral activities, is important and lacking at this point. This isimportant given the likelihood that societal demands on electoral systems will increase without a necessaryimprovement in their quality. While fostering an effective electoral system has not been on the wish list of most Arabruling elites, recent developments make such reform inevitable. Still, some governments seem to believe that theycan manipulate elections as an important tool for maintaining power. One of the objectives of this volume is toidentify and describe these electoral laws and systems in order that researchers, activists, and electoral organizationsmay engage in a debate about their quality (both present and normative).

    The role of religion: Religion has presented itself in the last few years as an alternative to decaying ideologies and todecaying economic and living conditions in a significant number of Arab states. One Arab commentator explainedthe success of the Islamic movement in Algeria as due to two factors:

    First, the failure of the Arab Socialist systems in achieving economic stability. This was enhanced by the1967 breakdown which was the first blow dealt against Arab socialism and which left bad effect on Arabmorale. Second, there was the corruption which had crept into the whole Algerian system, and thedeteriorating economic conditions in the country at large.3

    The same can be said about almost all Arab states where religion has surfaced as an element in contemporarydebates. The commentaries in this compendium have been confined mostly to electoral law and practice and havenot delved into a pointed discussion on religion and politics in the Arab world. As far as this author knows, Islamicprinciples do not stand in opposition to the principle of choosing ones own government, the freedom to be engagedin the management of public affairs, and the right to express ones opinions and criticize a freely elected government.It remains to be seen, however, whether future debates on Arab electoral systems will include an examination of therelation between religion and electoral laws and processes.

    Conclusion: Most electoral workers and scholars would agree that there is no single ideal electoral system. Thatsaid, there are core principles to be adhered to in order for a system to be considered transparent and accessible. Anations electoral system should ultimately be evaluated on the basis of its ability to facilitate the exercise of thefranchise, the expression of the will of the people through periodic and genuine elections, conducted on the basis ofequal suffrage and secret ballot. The authors of the reviews in this compendium have attempted their own modestassessment of the electoral systems surveyed. We hope that this compendium will serve as an effective catalyst for

    3 Sanaa University Symposium, p. 22

    9

  • International Foundation for Election Systems www.IFES.org10

    a dynamic dialogue on election systems and their application in the Arab world, and that together, our efforts to assesselectoral processes will contribute to their continued reform and improvement. The great Arab scholar Ibn Khaldun (1332-1395 C.E.) is known for his monumental work al-Muqaddimah4 in which he pondered, among other things, the nature ofa dynasty and its life span. He predicted the maximum duration of a dynasty to be three generations or one hundred andtwenty years. He further stated, the life span of a dynasty corresponds to the life span of an individual; it grows upand passes into an age of stagnation and hence into retrogression.5 I have a feeling that Ibn Khaldun would be persuadedto change his opinion if we had electoral systems in the Arab world that met the minimum threshold of freedom andfairness.

    4 Ibn Khaldun, The Muqaddimah: An Introduction to History, F. Rosenthals translation, (Princeton University Press, 1989)

    5 Ibid, 138

    Dr. El Obaid is currently a professor of law at McGill University in Montral Canada. He is also serving as the LegalAdvisor on the Ethiopian Justice System Reform program for the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA.)Dr. El Obaid received his PhD from the Institute of Comparative Law at McGill University in 1997. He has publishedseveral articles including, A commentary on the New Sudanese Constitution, and has co-authored such reports asFive Years After the Genocide in Rwanda: Justice in Questions.

  • 2002 Arab Election Law Compendium www.ArabElectionLaw.net 11

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  • International Foundation for Election Systems www.IFES.org12

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  • 2002 Arab Election Law Compendium www.ArabElectionLaw.net 13

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  • International Foundation for Election Systems www.IFES.org14

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