i tiv jukun ethnic conflict in wukari district...
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TIV – JUKUN ETHNIC CONFLICT IN WUKARI DISTRICT
OF TARABA STATE NORTHEAST NIGERIA:
HORIZONTAL INEQUALITIES APPROACH.
RUTH YOHANNA JOSHUA
A thesis submitted in
fulfillment of the requirement for the award of the degree of
Master of Science
Faculty of Science, Technology and Human Development
Universiti Tun Hussein Onn Malaysia
JULY, 2017
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DEDICATION
This research work is dedicated to the glory of God, who has given me the ability,
strength and wisdom to do it all. Also to my late mother Mildred Jabez who wished
to see us excel in life.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
First of all, I give praise and honor to God Almighty for giving me wisdom, health,
and ability to complete my study. I also wish to express my profound gratitude to my
able supervisor, Ass. Prof. Dr. Khairul Azman Bin Mohd Suhaimy who constructively
guided me throughout my study period in Universiti Tun Hussein Onn Malaysia
(UTHM). I learnt a lot from his vast experience in handling students’ affair which will
make a great impact throughout the history of my life. My appreciation goes to my co-
supervisor Dr Khairunesa Binti Isa who tirelessly scrutinized the document and
properly gives right advice on the writings. I am highly indebted to my humble
husband for the encouragement and financial support given to me.
Special appreciation goes to the Rector of Abubakar Tatari Ali Polytechnic,
Bauchi in person of Dr Sulaiman Lame, Mallam Sambo Aliyu and the management
for releasing me to further my education. All those whose publications; books, journal,
periodicals, reports were consulted in the course of this research are hereby
acknowledged. I also wish to express my gratitude to my parents, brothers and sisters
for their support in one way or the other. Finally all contributions and support from
colleagues and friends in the course of compiling this research work are also
appreciated. I pray that God rewards everyone accordingly.
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ABSTRACT
Nigeria has witnessed several types of conflicts such as ethnic, communal and
religious those are caused by certain factors. This issue is not far from Tiv-Jukun
conflict which has long history of perennial conflict. The conflict has been described
as the most violent dispute in North-East Nigeria since the Nigeria Civil War. The Tiv
and Jukun have had a history of political and economic relegation; however, there has
over the years been persistent conflict between the two ethnic communities who had
lived peacefully in the recent time. From history the Jukun were the early settlers in
Wukari, while the Tivs are considered immigrants and should not have right in Wukari
local government. This study used horizontal inequality as a conceptual framework to
examine the factors responsible for the ethnic conflict of Tiv – Jukun in Gidan idi
Wukari of Taraba state north east Nigeria, focusing on the social-economic factors
which were responsible for the conflict. Ten (10) participants were involved in this
study through interviews, using purposeful sampling and thematic analysis in order to
obtain results. Finding shows there is horizontal inequality in education, economic and
political factors between the Tiv-Jukun and none in-terms of health related matter. The
impact of this conflict results in killing of people, huge burning of houses, business
places, and schools, followed by looting of assets. The government set panel
committee but could not settle the conflict. However this study recommends that there
should be equal sharing formula in employment opportunities, education, and political
positions. Land issue should also be addressed by making land a resource for mutual
benefit.
.
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ABSTRAK
Nigeria telah menyaksikan beberapa jenis konflik seperti etnik, perkauman dan agama
yang disebabkan oleh faktor-faktor tertentu. Ini tidak terkecuali konflik Tiv-Jukun
yang mempunyai sejarah bertahun lamanya. Ia merupakan konflik yang paling ganas
berlaku di Timur Laut Nigeria sejak Perang Sivil. Etnik Tiv-Jukun mempunyai
hubungan yang baik dalam bidang politik dan ekonomi, namun berlaku konflik yang
kerap antara dua etnik ini sedangkan mereka telah hidup dengan aman dan harmoni
pada awalnya. Berdasarkan sejarah, etnik Jukun merupakan peneroka awal di Wukari.
Etnik Tiv bermigrasi dan etnik Jukun berpendapat mereka tidak sepatutnya
mempunyai hak ke atas Wukari LG. Dalam kajian ini, ketidaksamaan horizontal
sebagai kerangka kajian telah digunakan untuk meneliti kesan konflik ini terhadap
etnik Tiv-Jukun di Gidan idi Wukari yang terletak di Timur Laut Nigeria dengan
memberi fokus terhadap faktor sosio-ekonomi yang terlibat. Sepuluh (10) orang
responden telah terlibat dalam kajian ini dan melalui kaedah temubual, persampelan
bertujuan dan analisis bertema telah digunakan untuk mendapatkan keputusan dalam
kajian ini. Kajian mendapati berlaku ketidaksamaan horizontal dalam bidang
pendidikan, ekonomi, politik termasuk hal-hal berkaitan kesihatan di antara etnik Tiv-
Jukun. Kesan daripada konflik ini menyebabkan pembunuhan beramai-ramai,
pembakaran rumah, premis perniagaan dan sekolah serta kecurian aset. Pihak kerajaan
menubuhkan panel jawatankuasa namun tidak dapat menyelesaikan konflik ini.
Bagaimanapun kajian ini mencadangkan bahawa mestilah terdapat formula berkaitan
peluang-peluang pekerjaan, pendidikan dan kedudukan politik yang adil. Hal-hal
berkaitan pemilikan tanah dapat diatasi dengan menjadikannya sebagai sumber
kepentingan bersama.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
TITLE i
DECLARATION ii
DEDICATION iii
ACKNOWLEDGMENT iv
ABSTRACT v
ABSTRAK vi
TABLE OF CONTENTS vii
LIST OF TABLES ix
LIST OF FIGURES x
LIST OF APPENDICES xi
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS xii
CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1
1.1 Background 1
1.2 Tiv – Jukun conflict 5
1.3 Statement of the problem 8
1.4 Objectives of the research 12
1.5 Research questions 13
1.6 Significance of the study 13
1.7 Research methodology 15
1.8 Scope of the study 15
1.9 Conceptual framework 16
1.10 Research framework 20
1.11 Research plans 21
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1.12 Structure of the thesis 24
1.13 Chapter organization 24
CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW 26
2.1 Introduction 26
2.2 Historical development of conflict between Tiv – Jukuns 29
2.3 Concept of conflict 30
2.3.1 Conflict over resources/ assets 31
2.3.2 Conflict psychological wants 32
2.3.3 Conflict concerning values 32
2.3.4 Conflict over information 33
2.4 Types of conflict 33
2.4.1 Ethnic conflict 34
2.4.2 Political conflict 37
2.4.3 Religious conflict 38
2.5 Characteristics of conflict 38
2.5.1 Conflict is normal and unavoidable 38
2.5.2 Conflict can be functional or dysfunctional 39
2.6 Level of conflict 40
2.6.1 Intrapersonal conflict 40
2.6.2 Interpersonal conflict 41
2.6.3 Intergroup conflict 41
2.6.4 Organizational conflict 42
2.6.5 International conflict 42
2.7 Causes of conflict 43
2.8 Fear of domination 43
2.9 Citizenship/ indigenship 43
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2.10 Land 46
2.11 Ethnicity 48
2.12 Ethnicity and identity 50
2.12.1 Types of ethnicity 51
2.13 Types of ethnic groups 51
2.14 Primary and secondary ethnic groups 52
2.15 Theoretical framework 53
2.15.1 Primodialist method 54
2.15.2 Institutional approach 55
2.15.3 Political entrepreneurs approach 56
2.15.4 Competition over resources approach 58
2.16 Theories of ethnicity 60
2.16.1 Ethnicity as a contested concept 61
2.17 Conflict management strategy 62
2.18 Social stratification 65
2.19 Conflict resolution 65
2.20 Conflict transformation 66
2.21 Human needs theory 67
CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY 69
3.1 Introduction 69
3.2 Sampling techniques 70
3.3 Participants 70
3.4 Instrumentation 71
3.5 Method of Data analysis 72
3.6 Sources of data collection 74
3.7 Data reduction and analysis 75
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3.8 Codes 76
3.8.1 Defining of codes 76
3.9 Description of the study area 77
3.10 Conclusion 78
CHAPTER 4 RESULTS AND DISCUSSION 80
4.1 Introduction 80
4.2 Research objective 1 82
4.3 Research objective 2 84
4.4 Research objective 3 85
4.5 Theme identified in the analysis 86
4.5.1 Theme 1: Economic horizontal inequality factors 86
4.5.1.1 Access to land 88
4.5.2 Sub-theme 89
4.5.2.1 Land for occupation 89
4.5.2.2 Identity 92
4.5.2.3 Housing 92
4.5.3 Employment opportunities 93
4.6 Theme 2: Social horizontal inequalities 95
4.6.1 Sub-theme 95
4.6.1.1 Education opportunities 95
4.6.1.2 Healthcare opportunities 97
4.7 Theme 3: Political horizontal inequalities 98
4.7.1 Political opportunities 98
4.7.2 Fear of domination 100
4.8 Conclusion 102
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CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 104
5.1 Introduction 104
5.2 Discussions 105
5.3 Contributions 109
5.4 Recommendations 110
5.5 Conclusion 111
REFERENCES 117
VITA 186
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LIST OF TABLES
3.1 Demographic of the Participants 71
3.1 Population of ethnic groups in Gidan idi Wukari District 178
3.2 Population of Tiv clans in Gidan idi Wukari District 179
3.3 Population of Gidan idi Wukari Division by Ethnic Groups 179
3.4 Demographic of the participants 180
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LIST OF FIGURES
1.1 Geopolitical zones and conflict zones in Taraba State, Nigeria 16
1:2 Horizontal Inequality model of conflict 17
1.3 The Research Variables 20
1.4 Stages of the Research Plan 23
1.5 Organisation of the thesis 24
1.6 Theoretical framework 53
4.1 Horizontal inequalities causes of conflict. 102
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LIST OF APPENDICES
APPENDIX TITLE PAGE
A INTERVIEW GUIDE 132
B INTERVIEW TRANSCRIPTION 149
C DEMOGRAPHIC OF PARTICIPANTS 180
D ARCHIVES REFERENCES 181
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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
APC Arewa People Congress
HIS Horizontal Inequalities
IPC Igbo People Congress
IYC Ijaw Youth Congress
LTTE Liberation Tigers of Tamil Ealam
MASSOB Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra
NDC National Democratic Congress
NPC Northern People’s Congress
NPP New Patriotic Party
OECD Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development
OPC Odua People Congress
PD Prevention Diplomacy
USAID United States Agency for International Development
WHO World Health Organisation
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CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background
Globally, peaceful co-existence among nations is more challenging than ever before.
In fact, Nigeria as a nation had witnessed a serious number of national ethnic-conflicts
ever before the independence but the menace has aggravated in the last five decades
(Adegbami & Uche, 2015; Nwankwo, 2015). The historical development of ethnic
conflict (communal wars and violence) can be trace from within (internal) national
rivalry to external (physical). Subsequently, it is not very far from power rivalry and
decision making over economic assets and other significant human aspect such as
political power, land disputes and socio-cultural fanaticism (Egbefo &Salihu, 2014).
Essentially, ethnic conflicts has inflicted on the economic, physical and human well-
being of the nation and all efforts made by government, communities and private
individual to checkmate it seems to have produced few positive solutions (Anthony,
2014; Egbefo & Salihu, 2014).
Aggestam (2014) and Grimm and Leininger (2012) stated that every society
cannot exist in isolation and interaction between such societies have created more
ethnic conflict than peaceful co-existence. In addition, literatures have shown that
conflict can be small or big, noticeable or buried, and short-term or long lasting in a
given society. As a matter of fact, it is occurrence could be international, national or
locally motivated among ethnic groups. In a community, conflict do happen in
prolonged or acute tension between ethnic, religious and community clusters (Dave-
Odigie, 2011). For example the Israel versus Palestinian’s conflict is the case of
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chronic conflict. Despite of the United Nation reconciliation process the attainment of
a peaceful co-existence is more of a fallacy rather than a reality (Smith, 2010).
However, Douglas (2014) noted that the term ‘conflict’ is a concept tantamount
with human behaviour. As long as man cannot exist in isolation, then in the course of
relating with other members of the public there will be disagreements and confusion.
More so, such disagreement or misunderstanding occurs in form of agitation. Common
motive for conflict could be as a result of cheating or struggle for a favorable goals
(identity, fear of dominance and for economic gains) that have resulted into a conflict.
In the Nigeria case, it is not far from the global perception on the socio-political
and cultural conflict challenges experienced in other part of the world. Even though,
some conflicts are less frequent but their consequences are acute with high devastating
impact. In Nigeria context, commonest of the conflict is political rivalry that has
caused more destruction of lives and properties. Particularly, 1979 Western-political
hoodlum, General Babangida brutalism of political annulment in June 12, 1993 and
2011-post-election violence in northern Nigeria have witnessed loss of lives and
properties (Alemika, 2011). Though, reasons for conflicts could be for constructive or
destructive purposes in any given community (Hannum, 2011; Obi, 2010).
According to Gambo and Omirin (2012), both communal and ethnic conflict
have bedeviled Nigerian society since 1980s, particularly the nineteen (19) states of
the northern Nigeria. In fact, almost all northern state that has witnessed one form of
disputes or another in recent time. Even though, Tiv - Jukun is historical in nature
(Okereke, 2013). Ever since from the middle of 1980s the torrent of crisis had increase,
and subsequently led to losses of lives and destruction of properties. This disputes has
continued to demonstrate ethnic and religious patterns which have delineated clear
expression of law breaking and frustration among Nigeria communities (Gambo &
Omirin, 2012).
In particular, Tiv - Jukun conflict is amid frequent socio-ethnic violence that
devour the economic and political stability in Nigerians’ peaceful co-existence in
recent time for national development (Egwu, 2004; Egbefo & Salihu, 2014; Alimba
(2014). In fact, this is one of the prolonged inter-ethnic conflicts that have repeatedly
arisen since 1959 to date. Likewise, Zangon-Kataf; Aguleri-Umuleri; Mango-Bokkos
and; the Ife-Modakeke conflicts were few of the common feuds in the Nigeria
communities. Egwu (2004) and Othman (2015) emphasized land dispute as the central
Themes thought-provoking clashes between the Tiv and the Jukun
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individuals/communities. Anthony (2014) stated that up to date the struggles and
efforts made by past and present government and the entire stakeholders to provide a
lasting solution to the adamant clashes and conflicts among Tivs - Jukuns’
communities seems to have produced few positive resolutions (Egbefo & Salihu,
2014). Therefore, it is the interest of this research to appraise the horizontal inequality
factors that cause conflicts and to provide a comprehensive framework for the peaceful
co-existence between Tiv - Jukun communities.
Alimba (2014) stated that the crisis have produced high tension that is
generating danger to the national security of Nigeria as a nation. Also, Nigerian
citizens have resulted to violation of the human rights and social injustices,
particularly, the women and children. A lot of people feel dissatisfied or unfairly dealt
with as a result of injustice and failure of the government authority to institute legal
action against those who carry out harmful actions of these crisis. Ethnic conflicts in
Nigeria have resulted into deaths and vandalism, several people suffered injuries of
various stages and others lost all they possess worth millions of Naira to the hands of
looters. Some remained permanently displaced and psychologically traumatized
because human minds control it all as conflict start in the hearts of men; so also peace
begins in our hearts. The implication is that the same citizens that start conflicts have
the capacities to achieve peaceful resolution but these could only be attain through the
communities’ socio-cultural, political and economic factor assessment.
Saleeman et al. (2015) noted that not all conflicts are negative in inclination.
Some conflicts could serve as a foundation for peace-building initiatives. More so, if
conflict is non-violent that is constructively and cooperatively approached it could
manifest a positive change for the correction of injustice among communities.
Nevertheless, literatures have provided wealth of information on the consequences of
communal conflicts in many nations, particularly in the recent Nigeria’s Boko Haram
violent and Tiv - Jukun socio-political battles occurrences. In addition, scholars have
provided both empirical and theoretical evident that the damage of conflicts might not
be immediate but it could have lifelong impact on the unborn generation (Usman,
2013; Adetoye & Omilusi, 2015). Subsequently, Le Billon (2009) stated that history,
governance and economic factors are the root causes of conflicts. The approach for the
development of any possible resolution must therefore attend to specific causes in the
specific settlement/community/ethnic group in order to reach an amicable conflict’s
resolution. Le Billon (2009) further outlined the other causes of conflicts such as land
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resoursces, political position, and fear of domination. In addition, citizenship identity,
religion and most importantly poverty as factor were listed in the studies of Le Billon
(2009; Salawu, 2010).
Imobighe (2003) asserted that ethnic conflict strategic management in Nigeria
can be analysed through assessment of roles, beliefs and attitudes of people in the
conflict situation. Hence, it includes an assessment of interests and purposes liable for
the occurrence of conflict and defines the cause response and avenging actions of
aggrieved people. He emphasized that to resolve any conflict situations, it is useful to
uncover the historical antecedent to place, the root causes of the crises and solution
should evolved within the people involved before reaching a position that would offer
amicable settlement.
On a practical note, Nigeria’s ethnic conflict connote a circumstances where
relationship between different ethnic group ethnic or religious groups in a diverse-
ethnic, religious or multi-cultural societies is regarded by absence of affectionateness,
mutual mistrust and anxiety, and a propensity in the direction of violent hostility.
Salawu (2010) asserted that in Nigeria today, ethnicity and religious intolerance has
turn out to be the pivot of countless ways of nationalism varying from claim of
language, cultural self-government and religious control to request for local political
autonomy and self-determination. All these have caused some kinds of prejudice
among communities on the basis of distinguished schemes of socio-cultural signs,
religion and economic. Consequently, common mistrust and lack of friendliness
between different ethnic groups describes the reason why ethno-religious conflicts
have turned out to be lasting feature of Nigeria as a country since 1980s until now.
Salawu (2010) elucidated that there is no practical difference between ethnic and
religion conflict in the Nigeria context. In fact, most conflict that started as ethnic or
political conflict mostly ended as a religious calamity and vice-versa. This showed
why Nigerian government has a paramount interest in a research of this nature.
Consequently, this research is crucial because the various political, traditional,
ethnic leaders and religious scholars, in most communities of conflict, particularly, Tiv
- Jukun leaders barely meet to deliberate the root causes of conflict. More so, is to
develop an assessment framework for peaceful co-existence and how to reduce/avoid
future ethnic, political and socio-economic conflicts in Nigeria.
Sequel to the above, the utmost aim of this research is to critically appraise the
horizontal factors responsible for the Tiv - Jukun ethnic group conflict. More so, to
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develop a multi-directional model for the Tiv - Jukun’s conflict management strategies
that could enhance peaceful co-existence particularly for Nigeria with a bad history of
ethnic conflicts. The outcome of this research could provide better understanding for
bridge-building framework for establishing common self-reliance that could sustain
Nigeria’s diverse-ethnic societies. At the same time, the proposed Tiv-Jukun conflict
strategic management framework could be adopted or adapted for the ethnic conflicts’
resolution in other region in Nigeria and beyond.
1.2 Tiv – Jukun conflict
Taraba state is located at the north east of Nigeria, with the population of 164,728,600
and Wukari has 257,470 (Gani & Adeoti, 2011). The contest that happened in Taraba
state, which takes on for years, is primarily among the Tivs, and the Jukuns. Jukuns
tribe constitutes the mainstream in Taraba, whereas the Tiv form the bulk in Benue.
At hand are likewise Tiv minorities in Taraba, Nasarawa and Plateau states, as well as
a small Jukun lesser in Benue. The Jukuns comprise of both christian and moslem
religion, with very few who practice traditional religion. While the Tivs are mainly
christians with few moslems and traditional religion. The contest happening Taraba
among the Tivs and the Jukuns has incline on focus on struggle on land property, as
suitably as dominance over economic possessions and political post. Political clashes
so intense especially about the control of Wukari and Donga the customary Jukuns’
areas. Around has remained struggle above the sitting of the border among Benue and
Taraba States, deference (or disrespect) for border separations, and political
dominance of the boundary towns and settlements.
Now general positions, the Jukun assertion to exist the unique citizens of
Wukari, or “indigenes” also deliberate the Tiv as “settlers”. The Tivs discard this
opinion, on the foundation that they also must been existing there for numerous
generations and so have equivalent privileges; they criticize of being relegated and
leftward out in Taraba. Similarly, the Jukuns few in Benue also protest of relegation,
deficiency of occupation openings, and anxiety. The Tivs, who are perceived as
“settlers” are disadvantaged of various privileges given to native individuals, such as
depravation in schooling, political representation, economic chances, employment,
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etc. The Tiv thus say they are belligerent for equal privileges which they believe they
are authorized to as native of Taraba state.
Tiv - Jukun contention emerged amid 1990 and 1993. Beginning the first week
of September 2001 forward, in specific, there were manacles of fight and counter
aggression by Tiv - Jukun militant factions on a weekly, and occasionally a daily basis
in the border townships and settlements. There are persistent into December 2001 and
January 2002. Tiv grumble of maltreatment in Taraba in addition claim that the Jukun
incident these aggression was intentionally to safeguard a political benefit in Taraba
in the run-up to each election as in the scheduled 2003 polls (Ukiwo, 2003).
Contention happened in the years 1959, 1980, 1981, 1982, 1990 and 2001.
Major Contention happened in 1959 lead the National Votes in Nigeria that year and
exemplified Tiv protests alongside the colonial powers that be, their dogmas, the
Northern oligarchy and Northern People’s Congress which the Jukun mostly
recognized through which the Tiv saying as the indication of their coercion and
supremacy (Horowitz, 1985).
Some analysts link the dispute between these two groups and north central
Nigeria in general to political difficulties courting back to the expatriate period.
Throughout this era, the British gave power above this massive area occupied by
several racial subgroups to its associate, the Hausa-Fulani Muslim oligarchy that
seized control in several shares of northerly Nigeria. The Tiv strongly reject Hausa-
Fulani power, causing in main explosion of contention as early 1960s that requisite
military intrusion to enclose. Whereas the Tiv favored partisan associations with
southern political group, the Jukun joined up per the Northern Peoples’ Congress
(NPC), organized by the Muslim medieval oligarchs from the north (IRIN, 2001). The
political proportions of the contention are dual: old-style and modern. The previous
worried of control of Wukari metropolitan and partisan post and further possessions.
The last concentrated on the Jukuns rejection to embrace any Tiv in Wukari Traditional
Assembly where resolutions are made that touch their social life.
Another issue is Land which is regularly called as reason of the contention.
Whereas land is repeatedly stated, it is of a fact that is one an aperture aimed at political
and further forms of encounter. While it is regularly believed that the Tivs who are
predominately farmers are intruding on the agriculture land possessed by the Jukuns it
revolved out that the actual problem is that the Tivs are suspect of not enduring by the
customary laws of land organization, which necessitate them to gain approval from the
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community leader, constituency head, district head, and dominant monarch before
preparatory to cultivate on a section of land. Rather, the Tiv would not agree that they
are “immigrants” and do not distinguish the Jukuns as unique native (Akintola &
Yabayanze, 2017).
An additional issue in the dispute is the great inhabitants’ growing of the Tivs,
which generates a want for additional farmland and political control. The Tivs are often
blamed of inviting relations from neighboring Benue region, which raises the mandate
for parcel, as well as the numerical power of the Tivs. The Jukuns sensation that in
their opinions, of which they are particularly honored, are being challenged by the
influx of Tiv and ensure embarked upon a “rejukunisation” course. These countless
reasons, distant and direct have directed to an tremendously fierce hostility among the
Tivs and Jukuns (Moti, 2010). Tribal faction are said to contain in vehemence when
they impression ambiguous about their confidence or danger resulting the depriving of
a control base during a common election. Tribal entrepreneurs are said to drudge on
this disturbance to strengthen communal unity thereby hastening distrust and
divergence (Roe, 2004).
In summary, tribal factions are believed to involve in ferocity when they sense
ambiguous around their safety or danger. Nigeria is a society with diverse languages,
religion and cultures as a result of poor and inadequate controlling of contention rising
from these differences, the delinquent of nationhood has known system to calamity
that has persist the subject of the argument Moreover this does not despicable we
cannot be as one country, even though the circumstance that certain Nigerians are
disadvantaged of their privileges in other shares of the nation. Therefore the denial of
rights of citizen to reside in places other than their own should be addressed. This can
only be completed through the legitimate adjustment that should plainly indicated that
Nigerians have privileges of home, have access to social benefits such as employment,
participate in politic, education and scholarships and own land to farm. By so doing it
will reduce the tension amongst the diverse ethnic groups that are sparingly spread
around virtually all cities and towns of the country. Land issue must be addressed in a
circumstances wherever certain are deprived of right to use to land since they remain
guest or settlers which can split the motherland separately rather than harmony, this is
somewhere the role of traditional monarchs are relevant. However, in Nigeria, the age-
old animosities between the various ethnic groups arising from conflicts over
ownership and control of land appear to have been exacerbated by the ineffectual
8
nature of the Land Use Act of 1979 in the rural areas. While the Act provides that the
Governor holds all land in the state in trust for the people, the reality is that traditional
forms of ownership are better recognized among the rural populace. Prevention
diplomacy (PD) suggests the greatest approach for working and supporting fights
within Tiv land. The reasons of contention in Tiv land are difficult, and hence
necessitate an approach that identifies this difficulty (Osegbue, 2017).
1.3 Statement of the problem
The conflict in Wukari of Taraba state that has been happening for years is mainly
between the Tivs, and the Jukuns. The Jukuns being the major tribe in Taraba state,
while the Tivs the major tribes in Benue state. Also there are Tiv minorities in Taraba,
Nasarawa and Plateau states, and few Jukun minority in Benue state. The battle in
Taraba state between the Tivs and the Jukuns is likely to focus on struggle over land,
control over economic resources and political or administrative position. Political
clashes have been especially strong around the influence of Wukari long existing
traditional Jukun centre. Land has been the major contributing factor of the incessant
conflict going on in Wukari local government area. The respondents interviewed
agreed that land has been their major problem between the two ethnic groups of Tiv -
Jukun. The Jukuns are not ready to let the Tivs have access to the land by claiming
that it is their own inheritance and therefore want to protect the land as their inheritance
for their future generation. While on the other side the Tiv argued that land is not the
problem but fear of domination. The Jukuns are so concerned that the Tivs’ population
is fast growing and will one day over power the Jukuns, that’s why the Jukuns are
denying the Tivs access to penetrate into their land.
Another contributing factor is employment opportunities, the chances of
employment to both ethnic groups differ, the Jukuns are given upper hand and more
opportunity when it comes to employment. The Jukuns believe to be the indigenes and
will not allow settlers (Tivs) to take over offices in their land in which the Tivs refused
to accept that claim. The Tiv also claimed to be entitled to job opportunity in Wukari
of Taraba state, because they have been living there for decades. Therefore need to be
considered. Some of the Tivs respondents interviewed argued that they cannot fold
their arms to see all the lucrative jobs given out to the Jukuns. While the Jukuns
9
claimed is their right to be placed in the lucrative jobs being their own land. This has
been causing a lot of problem between the Tiv –Jukun ethnic groups, that has been
causing conflict up to today.
The ethnic conflict is global problem nowadays and it is consequence is so
huge on the nations’ economic, political and peaceful co-existence of citizens. The
world population is predominately within the age bracket of 30 years and the future
hold that they stand to face great consequence of ethnic conflict if urgent attention is
not given to this problem (WHO, 2009). In fact the peaceful co-existence of future
generation societies/communities is at risk of being exposed to more violence that
could affect their political and economic development. Also, United States Institute
for Peace (2010) reported that ethnic conflict is a global problem, even though, its
occurrence is more rampart in Africa and its consequences could be disastrous if not
effectively managed. In this regard, no nation whether rich or poor, developed or
under-develop is free of ethnics’ violent devastating effects. However, there are
several forms of ethnic conflict which includes: land disputes, discrimination, belief
and value difference; socio-cultural disposition. Nevertheless, disunity, disharmony
and bitterness are the outcomes of ethnic conflicts which hinder progress and
development in any given society.
Today, Nigeria has more than two hundred and fifty (250) major ethnic groups
which belong to different socio-cultural values. Since independence, Nigeria as a
nation has been facing the problem of diverse ethnic-religious, socio-economic and
political conflicts (David, 2012). The dilemma of the characterization and diversity of
Nigeria ethnic populace has resulted into persistent recurrence of socio-ethnic and
political violent. In fact, these have constituted different ethnic interest group with
selfish goals such as Bakassi Boys in the eastern; O' dua People Congress (OPC) in
the west and; the Boko Haram in the northern Nigeria. Dahida (2015) and Sampson
(2012) stressed that the existence of divided interest ethnic groups have propagated
communities/societal intolerance that have created more violent and bloody with more
devastating loss of life and properties using the ethnic local paramilitaries as the
perpetrators of ethnic conflicts’ dogmatic plan.
However, many authors have stated that youth violent is one of the problems
confronting Nigeria as a result of ethnic conflicts. Researcher such as Awogbenle and
Iwuamadi (2010) stated that over 60% of the ethnic conflicts are perpetrated by youths
within the age brackets of 20 and 35 years in Nigeria. In 2003, 2007 and 2011, Nigeria
10
recorded more than 83,700 youths were killed in the ethno-religious conflicts, even
though; most of these conflicts were politically motivated (Sampson, 2012; David,
2012). Also, in recent time in the northern Nigeria, over 13,000 young and old people
were massacred (Usman, 2013); over 70% of these dead were males (Okereke, 2013)
while their families (children and women) are living death to bear the grave
consequence of these conflicts.
Presently, Nigeria is in the state of insecurity with political uncertainty and
some ethnic regions are living in fear. According to Giroux and Gilpin (2014), majority
of the northern youths are the ones caught up using sophisticated and dangerous
weapons in both rural and urban areas of the country. The increased deaths of guiltless
citizens have created more fear and insecurity than ever before.
In addition, it was observed in the literature that between the year 2005 to 2010,
Nigerian police documented about 1.4 million conflicts/violent cases that truly
occurred. Nwankwo (2015) and Aggestam (2014) stated that politics; religion belief
and socio-cultural difference and; land resources disputes were the root causes of the
ethnic conflicts (Federal bureau of investigation, 2011). On the contrary, economic
factor and fear of domination were outlined in the study of Drobizheva et al. (2015) as
the ground trigger of the ethnic conflicts. Giroux and Gilpin (2014) stated that in
Nigeria ethnic conflict situation is ever evolving and there is urgent need to address it
through rigorous empirical findings with the view to provide resolution for peaceful
co-existence in Nigeria as a nation.
Furthermore, notable scholars buttressed this contention that numerous
sections of the country today are convulsed in inter and intra-ethnic conflicts leading
to loss of lives as well as the destruction of personal and government property. It is sad
to note that gun begin to rule and ruin the country. Obviously, human lives seem
worthless and all effort made by the various tiers of government to checkmate the
wanton killings and destruction of property seem not to be yielding expected results,
the problem is harmfully affecting the economic and social development of the nation.
Essentially, the need to live in unity is nonnegotiable; hence, this inevitable march to
perdition must be stopped.
Consequently, Ajayi (2014) extensive literature identified areas of challenges
in the ethnic conflicts such as economic inequality; discrimination and mutual hatred
and fear of domination. He further noted that ever since independent, “there exists
persistent cavernous ethnic tension and crises engendered by horizontal inequality
11
factors (fear of domination, ethnic identity and mistrust), resulting to exaggerated
political competition”. Few studies examine the impact of horizontal inequality factors
in the context of national peaceful co-existence for Nigeria integration process
(Agbaje, 2013; Ajayi, 2014).
Ajayi (2014) noted that though the factors responsible for incessant ethnic
conflicts within the community are of various types and likely to cause conflict among
the people of Nigeria, socio economic factors are the major contributing factors. First,
educational, employment and political inequalities that is knowledgeable and elitist
untruth, district politics conveyed in tribal consciousness, division and afraid of
domination. Second, all these stopped the growth of real loyalty or national-spirit but
instead created the way for inter-ethnic hatred, argument, favoritism, dishonesty,
misuse of power, politicization of census and security scheme.
In the recorded history, Nigeria since from the creation was thrown into
misunderstanding and incessant difficulty by the presiding leaders who blown the
glowing coal of the above disintegrative events into a blaze. Teething problems of
nationhood, mostly rotating round the question of power-allocation, had taken Nigeria
to the state of breakdown after the independence of October 1, 1960 (Ajayi, 2011).
The Nigerian Military tried to change the condition but did not succeed because the
system had previously been affected by prolonged favoritism and division, its act
instead led to a series of happenings that ended up in the 1967’s civil conflict, political
calamity and socio-economic conflicts till date. Intellectuals’ perceived democratic
dispensation as preferable landscape for the Nigerians’ peaceful co-existence, but
today’s reality is far from yesterday’s idealistic understanding. For this reason, it called
for more empirical studies.
At the same time, Mertens (2014) stated that past research on the ethnic
conflicts have focused on the elites’ opinions only (selected leaders in the
community/society) with the application of subjective research approach that was only
qualitative. On the contrary, the real answers to the conflicts’ strategic management
lie within the ordinary people in the community who are the recipient of the negative
impact of ethnic violent/conflicts. Therefore, to get to the causes of ethnic conflicts in
the Nigeria’s Tiv - Jukun communities, there is need to find out what is happening in
the grass root that are aggravating the influx of insecurity, insurgents, ethnic disunity
and socio-political violent and so on. Therefore this research will involve the opinion
12
of all demography of the community within the study area in order to gain in-depth
understanding of the issue.
Consequently, Dahida (2015) noted that a number of diverse countries in the
world have employed their diversity as strength while in Nigeria it is an
insurmountable problem. Today, Nigeria’s unity political and socio-economic
development is unpredictable as a result of ethnic conflicts. More so, the predicament
of Nigeria’s political, economic and internal security crisis cannot be adequately
diagnose or clearly understood, except the appraisal and the findings of the underlining
causes and effects and solution are provide through an objective research outcomes.
Every community from the simplest to the most complex has some form of
social inequality. In particular in Nigerian power, prestige is unequally distributed
between individuals and social group. In many societies there are also marked
differences in the distribution of wealth. Power refers to the degree to which
individuals or groups can impose their will on others with or without the consent of
those groups. Prestige relate to the amount of esteem or honor associated with social
positions, qualities of individuals and styles of life. Wealth refers to material
possession defined as valuable in a certain society. It may include land, livestock,
buildings, money and other forms of property owned by individuals or communal
groups (Vaezghasemi, Razak, Ng, & Subramanian, 2016). The term social inequality
simply refers to the existence of socially created inequalities (Khandakar, 2016).
The research’s outcome is to find out the contributing factors responsible for
the Tiv - Jukun’s ethnic conflict in Gidan idi community in Wukari local government
area of Taraba state in northeast Nigeria, and suggest strategies to resolve the conflict
that could enhance peaceful co-existence in the study area. Thus, the research builds
on the inequality theory of ethnic conflict resolution (Steward, 2011). The outcome of
this research could provide the implications to advance the Tiv-Jukun conflict strategic
management framework that could be adopted or adapted for the ethnic conflicts’
resolution in other region in Nigeria and beyond.
1.4 Objectives of the research
The primary aim of this research is to evaluate the impact of horizontal inequality factors
on the peaceful co-existence of Tiv - Jukun in Northern Nigeria with the purpose of
13
proposing Tiv - Jukun conflict strategic management framework for the peaceful co-
existence between the two ethnic groups. Hence, the objectives of the research are as
follows:
i. To ascertain the current statuses of factors responsible for the ethnic conflict of
Tiv-Jukun in Gidan idi Wukari Taraba state northeast Nigeria.
ii. To describe the impact of the horizontal inequality factors on the Tiv - Jukun
peaceful co-existence in Gidan idi Wukari Taraba state northeast Nigeria.
iii. To determine the dominant factor responsible for the Tiv - Jukun conflict in
Gidan idi wukari Taraba state northeast Nigeria.
1.5 Research questions
The research’s questions are as follows:
i. What are the current factors responsible for the ethnic conflict in the Tiv -
Jukun communities in Gidan idi Wukari Taraba state northeast Nigeria?
ii. How is the horizontal inequality factors impacted on the peaceful co-existence
of the Tiv - Jukun communities in Gidan idi Wukari Taraba state northeast
Nigeria?
iii. Which dominant factor influence the Tiv – Jukun conflict in Gidan idi Wukari
Taraba state northeast Nigeria?
1.6 Significance of the study
The importance of this research is to highlight the inherent causes of communal
violence in northern Nigeria. Hence, to proffer solutions by proposing Tiv - Jukun
conflict strategic management framework for the peaceful co-existence between the
two ethnic groups. The research can hence help as guide to understanding the
communal fierceness in Nigeria and also be possibly beneficial guide for the
lawmakers on exactly how to handle and confront communal disputes not only in
Nigeria as a nation but as well as in other part of the world. It can expand the awareness
and analysis on communal disputes. It also serves as a source to further researches and
scholars for future investigation on related disputes.
14
Land has been the major contributing factor of the incessant conflict going on in
Wukari local government area. The respondents interviewed agreed that land has been
their major problem between the two ethnic groups of Tiv - Jukun. The Jukuns are not
ready to let the Tivs have access to the land by claiming that it is their own inheritance
and therefore want to protect the land as their inheritance for their future generation.
While on the other side the Tivs argued that land is not the problem but fear of
domination. The Jukuns are so concerned that the Tivs’ population is fast growing and
will one day over power the Jukuns, that’s why the Jukuns are denying the Tivs access
to penetrate into their land.
Another contributing factor was the employment opportunities; the chance of
employment to both ethnic groups differs, the Jukuns are given upper hand and more
opportunity when it comes to employment. The Jukuns believe to be the indigenes and
will not allow settlers (Tivs) to take over offices in their land in which the Tivs refused
to accept that claim. The Tiv also claimed to be entitled to job opportunity in Wukari
of Taraba state, because they have been living there for decades. Therefore need to be
considered. Some of the Tivs respondents interviewed argued that they cannot fold
their arms to see all the lucrative jobs given out to the Jukuns. While the Jukuns
claimed is their right to be placed in the lucrative jobs being their own land. This has
been causing a lot of problem between the Tiv - Jukuns ethnic groups, that has been
causing conflict up to today.
However a number of research have been carried out on Tiv - Jukun ethnic
conflict in Nigeria but few have gone into the impact of socio- economic and socio
political horizontal inequalities on ethnic conflict. In this respect, this believed to
contribute a new knowledge gap that concerns the nexus between ethnic conflict and
development in Nigeria. Hence, to examine this knowledge gap, the study aims to
introduce a fresh idea into the study of ethnic conflict in Nigeria that links the
multidirectional socio-political and economic factors in a single model. A further
compelling reason to identify this knowledge gap is because most studies dwell on
issues such as religious conflict while few examine other intangible variables such as
land resources; citizen identity; fear of domination and language recognition. The
evident is that there is shortage of understanding of the past studies’ research gaps.
This study intended to focus at the other issues responsible for ethnic conflicts in
Nigeria, particularly, Tiv - Jukun’s in the study area.
15
At the same time, Mertens (2014) stated that past research on the ethnic conflicts have
focused on the elites’ opinions only (selected leaders in the community/society) with
the application of subjective research approach that was only qualitative. On the
contrary, the real answers to the conflicts’ strategic management lie within the ordinary
people in the community who are the recipient of the negative impact of ethnic
violent/conflicts. Therefore, to get to the causes of ethnic conflicts in the Nigeria’s Tiv
- Jukun communities, there is need to find out what is happening in the grass root that
are aggravating the influx of insecurity, insurgents, ethnic disunity and socio-political
violent and so on. Therefore this research will involve the opinion of all demography
of the community within the study area in order to gain in-depth understanding of the
issue.
1.7 Research methodology
The research used Steward’s (2009; 2011) inequality theory of ethnic conflict to assess
the impact of horizontal inequality factors on the peaceful co-existence of the Tivs -
Jukuns ethnic groups in Taraba state in Nigeria.
The research methodological was qualitative method through the use of
interview conducted on purposeful sampling on ethnic groups. The population used
for the research was citizens of Tiv - Jukun communities who resided in the
communities inclusive of elites and masses/less-privilege individuals. In addition,
interview used to gather data from the masses/less-privilege individuals in the
communities. The data collected was analyzed by transcription of interview result.
The research’s data analysis finally examined the structural relationship between the
independent and dependent variables of the proposed Tiv - Jukun conflict strategic
management framework. In a nut shell, a detailed methodological approaches used for
the research were explained in the chapter three of this thesis.
1.8 Scope of the study
The research’s scope comprises of Wukari of Taraba state in Nigeria. The state sited
in the north east geo-political location in Nigeria. Hence, the state contains former
federation of Wukari that are present Taraba north and south Local Government Areas
16
(LGA). Both LGAs included of three wards, namely: Donga, Wukari and Takum.
These two major ethnic tribes in the LGAs were the Tivs and Jukuns while other
minorities were Kuteb, Ichen, Hausa and Chamba (see Figure 1.0). The LGAs are co-
existed with surrounding rural settlements. In order to create important and sufficient
analysis, the investigation is limited to Tiv - Jukun LGAs. The potential participants
involve the sample size drawn from the residents of these two communities.
Figure 1.1: Geopolitical zones and conflict zones in Taraba State, Nigeria
(Edward & Abel, 2012)
As presented in Figure 1.1 the interesting factor behind selecting the Tiv -
Jukun LGAs as the study state is because of their distinctive characteristics in terms of
the perennial conflicts/violent that had resulted into destruction of lives and properties.
The notable causes of such conflicts were noted either: political, social, economic or
culturally motivated. Sufficient coverage of the study areas is imperative in order to
arrive with a clear t research result.
1.9 Conceptual framework
The conceptual framework in a research is the abstract outline, logical formation of
meaning that guides the formulation or development of the study (Baxter & Jack,
17
2008). Hence, Framework is based on the identification of key concepts/ideas and the
relationships between the key variables that constituted the body of the study.
(Auerbach & Silverstein, 2003) noted that researchers of social science themes can be
grounded in a conceptual or theoretical framework. In the context of this research
where inequality or exclusion between the ethnic group in access to social amenities,
favoritism in political position and language and other ethnic identity in which they
constituted the exogenous variables in the ethnic conflicts. As presented in Figure 1.2,
the variables are believed to constitute common interest among ethnic groups that will
likely open wound of the grievances within the diverse ethnic groups.
Figure 1.2: Horizontal Inequality model of conflict
Source: Adopted from Stewart (2010)
The variables considered for this study were adopted from a vital literature
review as presented within the contextual factors and communal index. The intent of
this research is to provide a logical conceptual framework so as to grasp the importance
of horizontal inequality variables within the communal indexes as key determinant of
ethnic conflicts in different geographical setting as relates to Tiv - Jukun communities.
The framework also seeks to understand change on how concepts and ideologies of
ethnic conflicts evolve horizontally or circularly in history.
More so, the research’s variables were practically based on horizontal
inequalities as postulated by Stewart (2009; 2011). The inequalities among the groups
of individuals are mutual identity shared. Such inequities have political, socio –
economic and cultural position, each one of which comprises amount of rudiments
which may be a thing of concern to individuals in some cultures, on the other hand not
Contextual factors Outcome
Communal index
Competition
and
Intolerance
Ethnic
conflict
violent
Horizontal inequality
variables
Economic
Social,
Political
Cultural
Citizenship
Domination
Within the ethnic
communities
Historical grievances
Political
entrepreneurs
Institutional structure
Social amenities
Tolerance level
18
in others. Any kind of horizontal inequality can offer a reason for political utilization,
but political inequities (political denial of particular groups) are most possible ways to
inspire community rulers to instigate insurgence, as can be perceived, for instance, in
the new incident of Kenya (Stewart 2010). By distinction, social - economic
inequalities and those of cultural position are expected to encourage the mass of the
people.
Ostby’s investigation around 55 nations from 1986–2003, discloses an
important increase in the prospect of conflict in nations with more pronounced
economic and social horizontal inequalities. She also describes groups on the other
hand by ethnicity, belief and province, and finds a major relation between horizontal
inequality and the commencement of violent clash for each description. Economic
horizontal inequalities are measured by average domestic properties and social
horizontal inequalities by average existences of education. The result of this horizontal
inequalities is relatively high, the possibility of war rises as numerous as when
equating the anticipated conflict commencement when all variables have average
beliefs, related to a circumstances where the extent of HIs of resources among ethnic
societies is at the 95th percent (Østby, 2008).
Cederman et al., 2010, once more using cross-country suggestion and the G-
Econ statistics for 1991 to 2005, display that ‘individuals with riches levels far from
the state average are more possibly to have civic war. This is found where the society
is better-off or not as good as the usual (Cederman, Gleditsch, & Buhaug, 2013).
Some scholars have derive to a comparable conclusion exploring the factors of
separatist violence. They cover 31 nations starting from the North Southern America,
East Western Europe, and South Eastern Asia. Over again, the prospect of a rebellious
conflict growths the wealthier or poorer area is in positions of GDP per capital, likened
with the nationwide average. In accumulation, intra-nation studies establish an
optimistic connection concerning the level of horizontal inequalities (HIs) and the
occurrence (its strength) of war (Brown & Langer, 2010). Research in other war
involve nations have shown a relative between horizontal inequalities and amount of
crises. In an inspection of the Moro insurgence in the southern Philippines, a tough
connection among the relative denials of Muslims, measured in terms of disparity
returns to education, and battle strength using a breach measure of human growth, note
stable econometric provision for association between provincial denial and the strength
of the Marxist insurgence around constituencies of Nepal (Macours, 2011).
19
Mancini uses constituency records to scrutinize the link between horizontal
inequalities and the prevalence of conflict in regions of Indonesia. After regulating for
a numerous of intervening issues, such as economic growth, cultural variety and people
magnitude, they find that HIs in child mortality rates and its change above period of
time are absolutely (also significantly) related with the existence of lethal ethno-
communal conflict. Other processes of HIs, in public service occupation, education,
landed farming labour and joblessness, were similarly connected to occurrence of
crises, nevertheless the impacts were not as much of noticeable as those of child
fatality. The Indonesians consequences propose that fierce conflict is more probably
to exist in parts with comparatively low levels of economic growth and larger than
religious divergence. In difference with average measures of (vertical) earnings
inequality as well as further decently demographic pointers of tribal variety were
establish to yield no important effect on the possibility of ethnic conflict (Mancini,
2008). The discussions on such horizontal inequalities are as follows:
i. Economic Horizontal inequalities comprise differences in right to use and
possess assets, human and natural resource, financial and social, so also
inequities in salary levels and job openings, which depend on such assets and the
general situations of the economy.
ii. Social Horizontal inequalities cover disparities in access to area of services, such
as educational opportunities, housing and health care services, as well as the
gains of educational and health care effects.
iii. Political Horizontal inequalities comprise differences in the sharing of political
chances and control amidst groups, which include control over the military,
cabinet system of government, local and provincial governments, congressional
assemblies, the police force and the presidency. They also include inequities in
people’s abilities to take part in politics and explicit their desires.
iv. Cultural Horizontal inequalities consist of differences in the credit and standing
of diverse groups’ ethnicity, belief, cultures, patterns and practices (Stewart,
2009). Most importantly, traditional titles and recognition.
According to (Stewart & House, 2002) disparities between ethnically specified
groups importantly raises the danger of clash. Supporting this view, and Steward
(2009; 2011) and Stewart and Brown (2007) stated that ‘whenever traditional
differences concur with political and economic dissimilarities among groups, it can
20
cause deep-rooted bitterness that can lead to fierce struggles’. From the foregoing, the
variables for this research conceptualized as presented in Figure 1.3.
Figure 1.3: Research Variables
Source: Adapted from Stewart (2011)
1.10 Research framework
To ascertain the current statuses of the factors responsible for the ethnic conflict of
Tiv-Jukun in northern Nigeria. From the view of the participants and my view Land
has been one of the major factor of conflict in the study area of Tiv - Jukun in the
Northern part of Nigeria. The Jukuns who claimed to be the original owners of the land
want to protect their land from any settler therefore depriving the Tiv access to the
land. The Jukuns feel it is their inheritance and would want to keep it for their children
and great grandchildren, the Tivs rejected the idea by claiming they are also part of the
state. They claimed their forefathers have been living in Taraba state for decades
therefore they have the right also to have access to the Land to farm, as identity and
for housing.
Independent variables S
oci
o-e
cono
mic
fact
ors
Employment Opportunity
Education accessibility
Health services
Land properties
Po
liti
cal
& c
ult
ura
l
fact
ors
Political position
Ethnic & citizen recognition
Fear of domination
Peaceful
Co-existence
Dependent variables
Traditional titles recognition
21
There is a great impact on the peaceful co-existence between the Tiv - Jukun as a result
of the horizontal inequality. From the view of the participants and my view Land has
been one of the major factor of conflict in the study area of Tiv - Jukun in the Northern
part of Nigeria. The Jukuns who claimed to be the indigenes of the the state and owners
of the land want to protect their land from any settler therefore they protect their land
from the Tivs by depriving the Tiv access to the land. The Jukuns feel it is their
inheritance and would want to keep it for their children and great grandchildren, the
Tivs rejected the idea by claiming they are also part of the state.
Figure 1.4 Research framework
1.11 Research plans
This study was carried out and split into five phases of research design as illustrated
in Figure 1.3.
At phase one, the research process consists of defining research problem from
pre-conceived knowledge, experience and preliminary studies that are the research’s
priority, this dictates the real comportment of the study. This step comprises of the
studying of related writings, to give an understanding of the factors of horizontal
inequality within the economic, social and political indexes in the Tivs and Jukuns
communities in Wukari locality of Taraba state in northeast Nigeria.
Consequently, stage two provided extensive literature review on the related
subject matter as history for the initial progress of the research aims, queries and
22
expectations which centers on the influence of horizontal inequality factors on
peaceful co-existence in the study area. Upon the critical literature review, the research
breach was found. The research aims were formulated in order to achieve the study’s
objective and contribution of the research based on the findings.
Afterward, research structure marked the third step in the research method. The
structure gives an understanding into the nature of the study that indicates whether
deductive or inductive method is to be applied. Thereafter, the following step seeks to
framework the research design and methodological parts of the research within the
context of qualitative research design as above mentioned and graphically illustrated
in Figure 1.5.
23
Figure 1.5: Stages of the research plan
Finally, feedback from the participants are coded, categorized and theme and
sub theme emerged. The data analyzed are presented, and interpreted as the research
findings and discussion in accordance to the research questions and assumptions set in
order to answer the research’s objectives.
Define Research Problem from pre-conceived
knowledge, experience and preliminary studies
Study and Compile related literature
Develop Research Questions, Objectives and Assumptions
Deductive Approach
Interview
Research Design and Methodology
Stage 1
Stage 2
Development of Research Conceptual Framework
Inductive Approach
Interview/note taking Define Target Population
and Sampling Methods Transcription
Member/Peer checking Contact Participants again if
there is problem
Process, Analyze and Interpret Data using
outcome of interview
Report Research Findings, Conclusion and Future
Research Area
Stage 3
Stage 4
Stage 5
24
1.12 Structure of the thesis
The research is arranged and designed in to five chapters. The thesis chapters were
outlined as presented in Figure 1.6.
Figure 1.6: Organisation of the thesis chapter
1.13 Chapter organization
The research is expected to contain five chapters. Chapter one present the background
of the study, statement of problems in accordance to subject matter of the study
discussed. Hence, research questions, research aim and research objectives clearly
outlined. This chapter will also discuss conceptual framework, research’s scope and
plan in accordance with the layout structure of the thesis presented logically.
Chapter two dwell on the literature review with the primary purpose of
discussing the trends, development of the key components and research gaps of the
past studies on the ethnic conflicts globally and locally within Nigeria context. The
Chapter One
Research Background; Statement of Problem; Research Questions; Aims and Objectives;
Research’s Scope, Significance and Methodology were briefly discussed
Chapter Two
1. Literature review on ethnic conflict as related to the research problem.
2. Past impact studies on the ethnic conflicts globally and within Nigeria context.
3. Research gaps established.
4. Concept and foundation theories of ethnic conflict.
5. Development of theoretical assessment framework for the research.
Chapter Three 1. Research methodological approach in connection to choice of research strategy.
2. Interview; Purposeful random sampling technique and data collection.
Chapter Four
1. Descriptive.
2. Research findings and Discussion of the interview conducted at the two
communities.
1. Summary of the research findings.
2. Presented in this is the Overall research summary; Conclusion on suggestions and
recommendation for future research direction.
Chapter Five
117
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