I Am: Identity in African Art

What can the visual arts tell us about an individual or acommunity? This resource explores the concept of identity intraditional African art and culture by focusing on twelve objectsthat speak to various roles within a society. These objectsrepresent cultural groups from different parts of the continent,reminding us of the diversity that exists across Africa.

Grade Level: College, Grades 3-5, Grades 6-8,Grades 9-12

Collection: African ArtCulture/Region: AfricaSubject Area: Dance, Fine Arts, History and Social

Science, Music, Visual Arts, WomenActivity Type: Art in Depth

INTRODUCTION

What can the visual arts tell us about an individual or a community? This resource explores the concept ofidentity in traditional African art and culture by focusing on twelve objects that speak to various roles withina society. These objects represent cultural groups fromdifferent parts of the continent, reminding us of the diversity that exists across Africa.

The artists who created these works developed a visual language to convey aspects of individual andcultural identity such as age, status or profession, and spiritual beliefs.The majority of pieces wereproduced in the late 19th or early 20th century and are considered traditional African art. However, identityis continually being refashioned to meet new needs, and as these roles change we see old forms evolveinto new ones.

Whether expressing individual or community characteristics, the images seen reveal the union between artand life in Africa. They range in material and function and display important concepts that anyone,anywhere, can appreciate and understand.

I AM... A HUNTER

Hunter’s Shirt, 19th–20th century, Bamanaculture (Mali), Strip cloth, various attachedtalismans, 33 ½ in. high, Gift of Robert andNancy Nooter, 95.66

The Bamana (bah-mah’-nah) people are farmers andhunters living on the western edge of the SaharaDesert. Traditionally, hunters prepared to go into therealm of dangerous animals and spirits byparticipating in rituals that took place at theboundary between village and wilderness. Tunicssuch as this Hunter’s Shirt helped them call onsupernatural energies for safety and success.

This Hunter’s Shirt is made of mud cloth, whichconsists of white cotton strips that were sewntogether and then dyed with mud. The cloth isdecorated with an array of animal fragments andcharms, including special pouches called basi. TheBamana people believe that if the basi are opened,the charms inside lose their power to ward off eviland bring good fortune to the wearer.

Decorated tunics are worn as symbols of successduring festivals, processions, and other gatherings.The hunter’s ability to straddle the boundarybetween known and unknown ensures his importantstatus in the community.

I AM...AN ELDER

The Ogboni society, made up of elders, is one of themost important Yoruba [yoroo-BUH] governinginstitutions. By virtue of their age, Ogboni areconsidered close to the spirit-realm of the ancestors.Within each community, they decide the most seriousjudicial matters and control the selection, installation,and funerals of community rulers.

The facial features on this plaque illustrate severalOgboni concepts. The bulging forehead suggestsintellectual power, and the projecting eyes signifypenetrating insight as well as ase, “spiritual energy orlife force.” Two mudfish issue from the nostrils; thesefish, who can live in water or on land, serve as ametaphor for the Ogboni ability to cross between thetwo halves of the Yoruba universe—aye, the world ofthe living, and orun, the spirit-realm.

The small holes along the edge of this plaque provideloops for attaching it to ceremonial garb. When not

being worn, this plaque might have been placed onan altar, where sacrificial offerings would be pouredover it.

Ogboni Society Plaque, 19th century or earlier,Yoruba culture (Nigeria, Republic of Benin), Copperalloy, 8 5/8 in. high, Adolph D. and Wilkins C. WilliamsFund, 2000.97

I AM...A FARMER

Chi Wara Headdress, 19th–20th century,Bamana culture (Mali), Wood, 34 in. high,Adolph D. and Wilkins C. Williams Fund,77.93

Another object from the Bamana people of Mali isthis Chi Wara Headdress, part of a mask consisting oflong strands of raffia (grasslike material) that coverthe wearer’s face and body. The headdress borrowsfeatures from two different animals: it has the snoutof an aardvark, which digs in the ground like afarmer, and the antlers of an antelope. Highlyregarded among the Bamana, the antelope bends itsneck just as cultivators bend their backs, and its longantlers are as straight and slender as growing milletstalks, a major crop in the area. Chi Wara, asupernatural being who was half-human and half-animal, was the first farmer; he taught mankind howto cultivate the fields and continues to instruct theBamana people in agricultural affairs.

During annual ceremonies Chi Wara masqueradesalways involve two masks symbolizing the productiveunion of men and women. The masked participantsbend over as if hoeing the ground.

I AM...A JUDGE

Masquerades are vital in many African cultures,providing entertainment, helping to solve problems,and unifying the community. This full mask ensembleembodied the Dan judgment spirit Ga Wree-Wre,who descends on the community to help settledisputes.

Ga Wree-Wre’s eyes are covered with white pigmentas a sign of purity and beauty. The spirit wears anelaborate headdress featuring cowrie shells, glassbeads, and a coneshaped hat. Strung along the chinare more beads, brass bells, and brass leopard’steeth, and a cloak of striped fabric falls over the raffiaskirt.

Ga Wree-Wre’s costume combines elements of thewilderness- forest (raffia skirt) and animals (leopard’steeth)- with the ingenuity and style of humancivilization (textiles, metalwork, beads) to signify the

spirit’s role in both realms: Dan spirits reside in theforest and enter the village when needed. Unlikeother masks, however, Ga Wree-Wre does not dance.Instead, this spirit moves slowly and gracefully, sittingwhen necessary to review issues carefully beforejudgment is made. Ga Wree-Wre (as well as otherDan masks) has human interpreters who translate itsexpressions.

Ga Wree-Wre Mask, 19th–20th century, Dan culture(Liberia), Wood, metal, fiber, cowrie shells, glassbeads, brass, bone,, hand-woven cloth (raffia skirt notoriginal), 47 in. high, Adolph D. and Wilkins C.Williams Fund, 92.242

I AM...A YOUNG MAN

Statue of a Bird, 20th century, Senufoculture (Mali, Northern Côte d’Ivoire,Burkina Faso), Painted wood, 52 ¼ in. high,Gift of Robert and Nancy Nooter, 85.1541

This statue symbolizes Senufo [suh-noo-fo] beliefsregarding ancestry, family, and community.According to Senufo myth, the bird was present withthe first man and woman. Sometimes the bird itself iscalled “the first ancestor.” Perched on its winglikeflanks, the two young birds on this statue symbolizethe next generation.

The bird represented here is a hornbill. Male andfemale hornbills work together to create a safenesting site, usually in the hole of a tree. About aweek before laying her eggs, the mother walls up thehole with mud, leaving just enough space to enter.Once she is inside, the father hornbill packs her in,this time leaving just enough space to slip food in toher and the chicks. When the chicks are too big tostay in the nest they break out. This nesting habit isseen as a metaphor for rebirth or regeneration, animportant concept for the poro, a male Senufosociety whose young initiates proudly wear thesestatues as headdresses in recognition of theirstrength and passage into manhood.

I AM...A DEITY

Esu [eh-shoo], the messenger god, is an omnipresentforce in the Yoruba world. If a person pays respectand makes offerings to him, Esu will communicatewith the other gods (orisa) on his or her behalf. But ifhe is not properly honored he becomes a trickster,garbling messages and wreaking havoc. Esu controlsa person’s life force, enabling (or disabling) sight,intelligence, and awareness. It is therefore imperativefor an individual to maintain a good relationship withhim.

When Esu wants to send a message, he sounds aflute, as shown on this staff. A second face, whichrepresents Esu’s dual nature and his presence in thespirit world, appears at the tip of the arc projectingfrom his head. To carry this staff, a devotee wouldhook it over his or her shoulder, so that one facelooks forward, the other back.

The carvings along the top of the staff ’s arcrepresent medicine gourds. The cowrie shells carvedon the sides— along with the actual shells, beads,and sacks suspended from Esu’s shoulders—aresigns of wealth and power and are meant toencourage others to become followers of thisimportant Yoruba deity.

Esu Staff, 19th–20th century, Yoruba culture (Nigeria,Republic of Benin), Wood, cowrie shells, glass beads,string, cloth, seeds, 15 3/8 in. high, Arthur andMargaret Glasgow Fund, 88.43

I AM...A MOTHER

Seated Mother and Child, late 19th–early20th century, Baule culture (Côte d’Ivoire),Wood, 19 in. high, Arthur and MargaretGlasgow Fund, 2000.3

This beautifully carved work depicts a mothercradling her child. She herself is an embodiment ofbeauty–from her intricate body marks to her lovelysculpted hairstyle. At the same time, though sheholds her child gently, her erect posture andimpassive face register the remoteness of nobility.

Women are highly regarded in many African societiesas the givers of life, and royal lineage often followsthe female line. This woman’s seat—a typical Akanthrone designed with upward curving edges andsupported on five pillars—signals her royal status.

The Akan people say that a woman must be “strongand solidly rooted on the earth, but upright on it.”Made for an altar or shrine dealing with fertility, thisfigure exemplifies strength as she celebrates thebeginning of new life.

I AM...A HEALER

A recurring theme in African culture is the separationbetween civilization and a wilderness seen as full ofmystery and danger. Those who are able to harnessthe supernatural forces outside the boundaries of acommunity are revered as extraordinary individuals.This large calabash (a kind of gourd), here placed ona wickerwork stand, would have been employed by ahealer belonging to the Suaga [soo-aga] association,a group that deals with community justice, protectionfrom evil forces, and ritual cleansing.

The objects attached to the wicker bands encirclingthe calabash speak to the owner’s mastery over thetwo realms of spirits—nature spirits and ancestralspirits. Control of natural forces is represented byanimal elements and shells, while ancestral spiritsare invoked through the five statuettes. Called tadep,the figures characteristically show the left hand orboth hands raised to the chin in a gesture linked to

the Suaga association.

Diviner’s Calabash, 19th–20th century, Mambilaculture (Nigeria, Cameroon), Calabash, wood, wicker,shell, horn, bone,, other natural materials, 24 in. high,Kathleen Boone Samuels Memorial Fund, 2010.7a-b

I AM...A KING

Moshambwooy Mask, 19th–20th century,Kuba culture (Democratic Republic ofCongo), Raffia cloth, glass beads, cowries,fur, wood, hide, 17 in. high, Arthur andMargaret Glasgow Fund, 2010.63

The Kuba [koo-ba] make up one of the greatestkingdoms of central Africa. Moshambwooyrepresents both the king and Woot, the legendaryfounder of the Kuba. When used to act out familiarKuba myths and stories, this mask is accompanied byother masks. One story, for example, features a maskthat portrays the king’s brother (and the commonman), who tries to steal the king’s power and takeaway his wife, represented by a mask that alsosignifies the beauty of women. The king, being themore powerful and stronger of the two, wins thestruggle and keeps both his wife and his royal power.

The Kuba are highly regarded for their patterning andbeading skills, which can be seen in theMoshambwooy mask. Notice the white animal-hairbeard, which underscores age and knowledge. Itappears that Moshambwooy is bald, but dependingon the performance, he will wear different headcrests.

I AM...A WIFE

In 1883 white settlers defeated the Ndebele [in-deb-lay] and confiscated their land, forcing them torelocate to different parts of South Africa. Art becamea way to assert their identity, and they use similarbold, colorful, geometric designs for their homes,clothing, and jewelry. Beaded garments, commonthroughout southern Africa, often signify the wearer’sstage in life and convey aspects of their individualidentity. Different types of beaded artifacts maycommunicate social and marital status, number ofchildren, and a person’s home region or ethnicity.

Ndebele beaded aprons are made and worn bywomen, who embroider them with glass seed beadsin a simple design for everyday use or in moreelaborate patterns for ceremonial use. This five-paneled apron, called an ijogolo, is reserved formarried women; traditionally the groom’s family

gives the bride a plain leather or canvas apron for herto embroider. Each of the five panels represents acalf, which in turn symbolizes future children.

Beaded Apron, 19th–20th century, Ndebele culture(South Africa)Leather, glass beads, string, 27 5/8 in. high, From theRobert and Nancy Nooter Collection,, Adolph D. andWilkins C. Williams Fund, 2008.17

I AM...AN ORATOR

Linguist’s Staff, 20th century, Asanteculture (Ghana), Gilded wood65 ½ in. high, Kathleen Boone SamuelsMemorial Fund, 86.200a-c

Traditional African cultures value oral history, and theAkan are especially known for their subtle andelegant spoken language. It is not surprising,therefore, that an orator is an important member ofthe chief’s entourage and his staff an important partof the spectacle. In addition to being anaccomplished linguist, he is well-versed in the folkstories and traditional proverbs of his people andserves as an advisor and spokesman for the chief. Inperforming these roles, a linguist is sometimes calleda “wife” of the chief.

A distinctive aspect of the Akan language is the use ofsimiles and metaphors; connecting the verbal andthe visual is a cornerstone of Akan aesthetics. Thefinial of this staff illustrates the proverb of the roosterand the hen. The rooster looks straight ahead, whilethe hen turns to whisper something in his ear. Themessage is that the king does nothing withoutconsent from his “wife.”

Below the finial are two shafts covered withgeometric designs and connected by a “wisdomknot.” The entire staff is made of wood and thencovered with thin sheets of gold.

I AM...AN ANCESTOR

The Yoruba believe that the welfare of the livingdepends on their relationship with their ancestors,“beings from beyond” who still exist. Yoruba festivalsto honor ancestors include dramatic appearances bydancers wearing body-length masks, known asEgungun, with layer upon layer of brightly patternedcloth. The cascade of fabrics conceals the dancer,who peers out through a mesh panel at the top.

During the Egungun’s spinning dance, the strips offabric fly out dramatically, as if in a whirlwind,evoking the return of ancestral spirits to thecommunity of the living. Sometimes newer, machine-made layers cover older, hand-woven ones that arevisible at the mask’s lower edges, revealing that themask has been used over a period of years.

A carved headdress of a subject relevant to a

particular family and its ancestors may be affixed tothe top of an Egungun mask, and family membersmay add strands of cowrie shells to the costume toshow their wealth. Like all masks, the Egungunconceals its wearer’s identity because it is meant toreveal instead the presence of an ancestor or spiritthat is otherwise unseen.

Egungun Mask, 20th century, Yoruba (Nigeria,Republic of Benin), Cloth, metal, mixed media, 63 in.high, Gift of Dr. and Mrs. Jeffrey Hammer, 92.133