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Human Rights and the Church: A Theological Critique of the UCCP Human Rights Ministry

Prof. Victor R. Aguilan

Divinity School Silliman University

September 25, 2007 Theological Lecture Series

Presented to the Divinity School Faculty Chapel of the Evangel

Human rights are perhaps the most important politico-ethical concept of the present era.

The promotion and defense of Human rights are the litmus test of governmental legitimacy.

Human rights are those basic standards without which people cannot live in dignity. Human

rights are the rights a person has simply because he or she is a human being. Human rights

are held by all persons equally, and universally. Human rights are inalienable. To violate

someone's human rights is to treat that person as though she or he were not a human being.

The United Church of Christ in the Philippines (UCCP) has made human rights advocacy

part of its ministry. The 1993 Constitution and By-Laws incorporated human rights as one

of UCCPs declared principles. Section 10 says:

In accordance with the biblical understanding that all persons are created in the image of God, the Church affirms and upholds the inviolability of the rights of persons as reflected in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other agreements on human rights, the international covenants on economic, social and cultural rights and on civil and political rights, the 1984 Convention against Torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, and those that relate specifically to refugees, women, youth, children, minority groups and other persons who cannot safeguard their own rights.

The provision indicates that the Churchs understanding of human rights is

associated with legal norms. This is one of important characteristics in the human rights

advocacy of the UCCP. The Church is willing to use legal arguments in its human rights

ministry. The Church acknowledges the following United Nations (UN) documents on

human rights, namely: (1) The Universal Declaration of Human Rights which was adopted

by the UN General Assemble on 10 December 1948. Forty-eight members voted in favor

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with and eight abstained.1 The Declaration serves as a standard of achievement for all

peoples and all nations. The universal Declaration of Hunan Rights is not a treaty. It did

not direct members of the UN to enforce them. No sanctions or enforcement machinery

was set up. Although it is not a legally binding document, most nations have recognized the

principles of the Declaration. Its principles have been adopted in most state constitutions

including that of the Philippines.2

(2) The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the

International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights which were adopted in 1966. These two

Covenants were designed to be legally binding on all the States that ratify them. These two

International Covenants provide wider, and in more detail, the rights set forth in the

Universal Declaration. In addition, the two Covenants set up mechanisms through which the

United Nations can oversee the implementation by the State parties.

(3) The Convention against Torture and other Cruel or Degrading Treatment or

Punishment.

(4) Other agreements on human rights that relate specifically to refugees, women, youth,

children, minority groups and other persons who cannot safeguard their own rights which

include non-combatants and prisoners-of-war.3

It is the only Church in the Philippines that incorporated human rights instrumentalities and

UN declarations as part of its ecclesiology.

It should be mentioned that the Philippine State is a signatory of 26 International

Human Rights Instruments. Signed and ratified or acceded to by the Philippines. Some of

thexe are the International Covenant of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (7 June 1974),

Freedom of Association and Protection of the Right to Organize Convention (29 Dec 1953),

Right to Organize and Collective Bargaining Convention (29 Dec 1953), International

Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (23 October 1986), Optional Protocol International

Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (22 August 1989), International Convention on the

Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (15 September 1976), Convention on the

1 Douglas J. Elwood, Human Rights: A Christian Perspective, (Quezon City,: New Day Publishers, 1990),

21-22. 2 Ibid. 3 Protocol II: Protocol additional to the Geneva Convention of 12 August 1949, and Relating to the

Victims of Non-International Armed Conflict and Rights of Protected Groups (workers, women, children and juveniles, aliens, prisoners, aging persons, disabled persons, peoples and minorities) in Alvaro Senturias Jr. and others, eds., Human Rights, Justice and Peace: Manual of References (Quezon City: UCCP, 1989), 113-146.

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Political Rights of Women (12 September 1957), International Convention on the

Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (5 August 1981), Convention

on the Rights of the Child (21 August 1990), Slavery Convention of 1926 (12 July 1955),

Protocol Amending Slavery Convention (17 November 1964), Supplementary Convention

on the Abolition of Slavery, the Slave Trade and Institutions and Practices (17 November

1965), Convention on the Suppression of the Trafficking of Persons and the Exploitation of

Others (19 September 1952), Convention Against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or

Degrading Treatment or Punishment (18 June 1986), the Convention on the Consent to

Marriage, Minimum Age for Marriage and Registration of Marriage (21 January 1965),

International Convention on the Protection of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their

Families (13 November 1993), Convention on the Nationality of Married Women,

Convention on the Status of Stateless Persons (22 June 1955), International Convention on

the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid (27 July 1987), International

Convention against Apartheid (27 July 1987), Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees

(22 July 1981), Convention on the Prevention of the Crime of Genocide (7 July 1950),

Convention on Non-applicability of Statutory Limitation on War Crimes and Crimes Against

Humanity (15 May 1973), Protocol Additional to the Geneva Convention of 12 August

1949, Relating to the Protection of Victims of Non-International Armed Conflicts (Protocol

II) (11 July 1987) , Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court ( 28 Dec 2000).4

Civil and political rights, which are invoked most often today, include the rights to

"life, liberty, and security of the person," the right to a fair trial, and the right not to be

tortured, arbitrarily arrested, or summarily executed (i.e., without any legal process). They

also include freedom of thought, conscience, religion, and association. These rights are called

"first generation" rights. While Economic, social, and cultural rights deal primarily with

equality, and include the right to an adequate standard of livingto sufficient food, clothing,

housing, and medical care and to education. These are considered second generation

rights. They primarily set out the requirements for human well-being, but they also imply a

strong element of community well-being, in the sense that all should have enough. A

4 Ratification of International Human Rights Treaties - Philippines,, (accessed 12 November 2004); available

from http://humanrights.law.monash.edu.au/research/ratification-philippines.html.

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presumption has also developed that these rights may require state intervention, and that

governments have a duty to provide these rights as resources allow.5

For the UCCP, these UN documents are important for the Church ministry. The

documents are concrete standard of State obligation to its citizens. Though human rights are

violated around the world, nevertheless a commitment to human rights has increasingly

become a plumb line for evaluating the behavior of governments, transnational corporations,

multi-lateral agencies, and political parties. Moreover, human rights are especially important

as an arena in which Christians can find common ground with others searching for a

common good that protects the life and dignity of persons.

Today human rights advocacy is a constant element in the UCCP peacemaking

ministry. The Church has consistently emphasized that the protection of human rights is

integral with its peacemaking. There is no lasting peace without respect for human rights.

Promotion of human rights and democracy is one important practice in the just

peacemaking approach. According to Stassen, Extensive empirical evidence shows that the

spreading of democracy and respect for human rights, including religious liberty, is widening

the zones of peace.6

A Brief Overview of Human Rights Ministry of the UCCP

Before Martial Law the UCCP was in the forefront in safeguarding the principles of

religious freedom and the separation of Church and State. Bishop Enrique Sobrepea of the

UCCP organized and became the chairman of a national movement, the Religious Liberty

Union of the Philippines, the aim of which was

to call upon our countrymen, regardless of political affiliation or religious creed, who love the independence and value the sovereignty of the Philippines and who know the frightful and tragic history of church domination over civil power, to rally to this movement to warn the Filipino people against the ever-increasing danger of ecclesiastical meddling with state affairs, and so to lift high the torch of liberty and pass it on undimmed to other hands that this country shall remain forever free.

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During the 1954 General Assembly, the delegates and officers endorsed and encouraged the

members to join and support this movement. The Assembly voted:

5 Elwood, 23-27. 6 Glen H. Stassen, New Paradigm: Just Peacemaking Theory(2003, accessed 20 March 2004); available from

http://www.fullerseminary.net/sot/faculty/stassen/cp_content/homepage/Resource_files/1what_is_just_peacemaking_.htm. and Glen Stassen, ed., Just Peacemaking: Ten Practices for Abolishing War (Cleveland: Cleveland: Pilgrim Press, 1998).

7 Quoted from Ibid., 1015.

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That we as a Church give our endorsement to the movement to bring together all the elements in this country that believe in the principle of religious liberty and the separation of the Church and the State, for the purpose of uniting all their strength and resources to safeguard the maintenance of these principles in the Philippines against the insidious acts and policies of the hierarchy of a powerful religious element to undermine it. That we give expression to such endorsement in participating in definite and tangible steps to implement the movement

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In this statement the UCCP was not only vigilant in safeguarding the principle of the

separation of Church and State. It recognized the importance of collective action to

safeguard this democratic principle.

In 1960 the Church took a definite stand on each of the following social

concerns: economic development, agricultural development, population trends, modern

technology, industrialization, urbanization, unemployment, trade union movement and

management relation, and responsible laity.9 The UCCP issued an important Statement of

Social Concern which emphasized the nature and mission of the Church in society.

In 1964, the General Assembly adopted two statements Statement on Responsibility

Concerning Economic Development and Statement on Responsible Citizenship.10

The Statement on

Responsible Citizenship reaffirmed the biblical truth that God, as revealed in Jesus Christ, is

the ruler of all human affairs families, towns, nations, economic systems, social orders.

To him belong our souls and bodies, our possessions and cultures, our communities and

churches. It reminded the Church that the government makes many fateful decisions

concerning the life and welfare of the people; yet it also is under the judgment of God.11

To be a responsible citizen the General Assembly urged its members to be

supportive of the government by studying carefully the laws, programs, taxations and fiscal

policies. Church organizations such as the United Church Men, the National Christian

Women's Association, and the Christian Youth Fellowship could educate their members to

vote responsible elected officials. Responsible citizenship also entailed critical evaluation of

government policies and practices of elected officials. Thus the UCCP believed that there

8 Quoted from Ibid. 9 Legaspi City, Appendix pp. 222-227. see Lydia Niguidula, ed., UCCP Statements and Resolutions (1948-

1990) (Quezon City: United Church of Christ in the Philippines, 1990). 10 Statement of Responsibility Concerning Economic Development and Statement on Responsible

Citizenship Minutes of the Ninth Biennial General Assembly of the United Church of Christ in the Philippines, May 31-June 5, 1964. pp. 21-22. Cf. Niguidula, ed., 55-59.

11 Statement on Responsible Citizenship, Minutes of the Ninth Biennial General Assembly, May 31-June 5, 1964.

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could be no conflict between being a Christian and a responsible citizen.

During the 1970 General Assembly, ten years after the 1960 Statement of Social

Concern, the Church expressed the same statement.12

Furthermore, the Church has taken a

more proactive stance on issues affecting the nation during this period. According to the

General Assembly, the church must actively engage itself in the task of bringing about

social justice.13

The Church had even welcomed the emergence of protest movements of

students and working class youth for prophesying against social structures that perpetuate

poverty, injustice and violence. The Church also declared full support to all peaceful

means of pursuing demands and expressing and seeking redress of grievance. But the

Assembly rejected any and all forms of violence and subversion as means of seeking

reforms. The Church General Assembly reaffirmed its belief on the supremacy of civilian

authority over that of the military in the resolution of the countrys socio-economic and

political problems. 14

In addition to the Statement on Social Concern, the 1970 General Assembly adopted the

statement on Missionary Concern, Law, Order and National Unity15

The Church expressed its

concern on the outbursts of lawlessness and the rampant disregard of order which disrupt

national unity and solidarity. Lawlessness has become an obstacle to progress and national

development. The Church as an agent(s) of reconciliation to bring peace, harmony

and love to all people and in all places should initiate dialogue or a series of dialogue

to promote unity and understanding. However, in places where violence and armed

elements frustrate the efforts for peaceful and productive way of life, the State should

intervene to ease these problems and to bring justice to all.16

The significance of these General Assembly actions could not be over-emphasized.

They showed that the Church understood its relationship with the State in terms of

enlightened cooperation. It encouraged members to develop a deeper and more

12 General Assembly, "A Statement of Social Concern , July 31-August 1, 1970, Appendix Ii 275-

291b.," in the Workbook Twelfth Biennial General Assembly, May 24-28 (1970). 13 Ibid. 14 Workbook Twelfth Biennial General Assembly, May 24-28 (1970), voted 70-116, 30. 15 General Assembly, "Statement on Missionary Concern - Law, Order and National Unity," in the

Workbook Twelfth Biennial General Assembly, May 24-28 (1970). 16 Ibid.

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comprehensive social awareness through social and political analysis in engaging the State.

The UCCP has rejected blind submission to political authority.

It was only during Martial Law (1972) that the Church began to speak about human

rights and employing the UN Human Rights documents and instruments. In the early years

of Martial Law the UCCP, along with other religious institutions, was willing to give Pres.

Marcos a chance. They thought that Martial Law would solve the problem of lawlessness,

criminality, violence and poverty. Pres. Marcos promised that Martial Law would bring peace

and order, economic development and an improvement in social conditions. But in 1974 the

General Assembly of the UCCP issued a statement on National Issues which warned the

members and the government on the danger of military abuses under Martial Law. The

Church was ready to collaborate with the Marcos Martial Law regime but not blindly.

Within the next four years (1974-1978) of Martial Law, Marcos revealed his

authoritarian and dictatorial character through questionable referenda and elections in order

to create a semblance of legitimacy as he continued to hold on to power, confirming the

oppositions allegation that Marcos declared martial law just to remain in power. The Marcos

regime could not tolerate dissent from religious people. The military raided the offices and

homes and arrested the leaders and staff of the NCCP, which included UCCP members.

The perspective of the UCCP towards Martial Law began to change in 1978. During

the First Quadrennium of General Assembly of the UCCP, the Assembly demanded the

restoration of civil and political liberties and the dismantling of the martial law making it the

first and only Protestant Church to have issued such a statement. The Church also approved

the creation of a Human Rights Desk. The establishment of the Human Rights Desk of

the UCCP seemed to indicate a head-on collision course with the Marcos Martial Law

regime.

And when Pres. Marcos ended Martial Law and lifted it with Proclamation No. 2045

on 17 January 1981 the UCCP leadership could not hide their misgivings on the genuineness

of the lifting of martial. To some Proclamation 2045 ending Martial Law was a sham. It did

not really dismantle the machinery of martial law and one-man rule because President

Marcos retained the machinery of martial law such as the dreaded ASSO (arrest, search and

seizure order) or the PDA (Presidential Detention Order) and the suspension of the writ of

habeas corpus. Furthermore, Pres. Marcos could still rule as a one-man ruler through his

emergency powers.

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The UCCP through the HR Committee viewed the lifting of Martial Law with

skepticism. They issued a statement stating that the lifting of martial law was farcical. The

statement declared:

The recent lifting of martial law by the President has not in any way changed the situation. The essence of one-man rule is still present. The enormous concentration of power in the hands of the ruler, with all the evils and excesses that it spawns, has not been contained. Thus, the lifting is in effect meaningless, considering that it has been made clear that the proclamation which lifted martial law retains as valid and effective all orders, decrees and letters of instructions made by the President during the period of the martial law regime. What is needed is not so much the "lifting" of martial law as the full and immediate restoration of all our democratic rights and processes. The lifting of martial rule is on the other hand negated by the provision of the recently unearthed National Security Code, which constricts all the more freedom. The lifting of martial law is therefore farcical.

All in all, we feel that the restoration of our democratic rights should be made clear, real and genuine. This can happen only if the basic civil and political rights of our people are fully and unconditionally restored.

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The Committee demanded real lifting of martial which meant full restoration of civil and

political rights

From 1981 to 1986, the Church came to the conclusion that under an authoritarian

regime, a dictatorship, the State would have the impunity to violate the human rights of its

citizens. The leaders of the UCCP were not hopeful that under the Marcos regime human

rights violations and militarization would stop. In fact the UCCP leadership was convinced

that Marcoss dictatorial rule had contributed to increasing human rights abuses, violence

and armed conflicts in Philippines. Thus the solution to end violence and armed conflict was

to end the dictatorship and restore democracy. Understandably, the Church welcomed the

fall of the Marcos' Dictatorship.

The years 1986 to 1992, President Aquinos term, was a period for restoration of

democracy. The UCCP was supportive of the Aquino government. But the Church

continued its human rights advocacy through the Human Rights Desk (HRD). Corruption,

exploitation, oppression and human rights violations continued to be rampant. In one report

to the Executive committee, Mr. Alvaro Senturias, Jr., HRD national coordinator, said For

17 Human Rights Committee, "Statement on the "Lifting" of Martial Law"," United Church Letter, Jan-

Feb 1981.

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as long as society is not transformed we must continue with our education, organization,

mobilization, services and research, documentation and publication work.18

In the area of concientization and education, the HRD sponsored a series of fora

and symposia on Peace and Human rights. It organized the National Forum which was open

to all, UCCP members, Catholics, other Protestants, Muslims and non-religious individuals

or groups.19

The HR Desk became a leading member of the Philippine Alliance of Human Rights

Advocates (PAHRA), an umbrella organization of human rights organizations in the

Philippines.20

It also assisted the formation of other non-government human rights groups

such as the Protestant Lawyers League (PLL) created before 1986 headed by Atty. Emilio

Capulong and Atty. Samuel Matunog both active UCCP lay leaders. The PLL provided legal

assistance to victims of human rights abuses.21

In 1989 the HRD work was broadened through the creation of the Justice, Peace

and Integrity of Creation Program Unit. The Church realized that peace, justice and human

rights are intertwined. The Church renamed the HR Desk to Justice, Peace and Human

Rights Program (JPHR). Much of the work of the JPHR has been focused on data gathering

and monitoring about cases related to human rights violations especially committed against

members of the Church.

When the Aquino government announced its plan to negotiate with the communist

armed group and ordered the release of political prisoners the UCCP expressed full support

to the government. But when the peace talks failed and the government launched the total

war against the rebel groups resulting in gross violations of human rights the UCCP

became very critical of the governments counter-insurgency approach. The Church officials

rejected the militarist solution in addressing the armed conflict. It consistently denounced

alleged human rights violations committed by soldiers. Eventually some Church members

became victims of increasing human rights violations. Some were killed by the military.

18 Alvaro Senturias, Jr. HRD Report of the National Coordinator of the period July 1986 to January

1987 in the Minutes of the Exe Com February 25 -28, 1987, QC. UCCP 19 Alvaro Senturias, "Inextricably Linked: A Historical Development of the Program Thrust of the

Human Rights, Justice and Peace Desk of the United Church of Christ in the Philippines," in Human Rights, Justice and Peace: Manual of References, ed. Riza Gube (Quezon City: UCCP, 1989).

20 Executive Committee Minutes of the Meeting, 21 Alvaro Senturias and others, eds., Human Rights, Justice and Peace: Manual of References (Quezon City:

UCCP, 1989).

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Other killings were perpetrated by the rebels. But some perceived the Church as biased

against the government and its soldiers because of its human rights advocacy. Military

intelligence even accused the UCCP of being a communist front and its leaders of being

communist sympathizers.22

That accusation was strongly denied by the Church officials.

The UCCP issued documents, statements and resolutions which revealed the

consistent position of the Church in linking peace with human rights advocacy.23

There

could never be peace without upholding human rights. Even in the midst of armed conflict

the Church asked the warring parties, rebels and soldiers, to respect human rights of

combatants and non-combatants, especially women and children.

During the terms of Pres. Ramos, the UCCP became more conscious of the close

connection between human rights and peace. The UCCP expressed its critical support to the

peace initiatives of the government. The UCCP leaders participated in the National

Unification consultation (NUC) and peace efforts of the government. One concrete result of

the Ramos peace initiatives was the peace agreement between the GRP and MNLF, which

included the creation of the SPCPD. The UCCP gave a critical support to the GRP and

MNLF peace accord. In spite of the initiative of the Ramos government, the peace effort

failed to resolve the communist armed rebellion. Meanwhile the CPP-NDF-NPA remained

suspicious of the government. The Communist leaders maintained its position that just and

lasting peace could be won after the complete victory of the national democratic revolution

through armed struggle.

The Church was also critical of the Ramos globalization economic strategy known

as the Philippine 2000 - that by year 2000 the Philippines would become a new industrial

country (NIC) or economic tiger similar to South Korea and Singapore. The Church said

We must end the human and non-human sacrifices to an economy that is starting to work

for some people, but which in the end, will not bring all of us the new life of abundance,

22 Pahayagan Malaya, a national newspaper, bannered in its headline Military names 25 red front

groups. 23 Council of Bishops, "Peacemaking: Our Ministry, 21 August 1986," in UCCP Statements and

Resolutions (1948-1990); Executive Committee, "Peace Where Art Thou? -a Statement of Pastoral Concern," in Minutes of the Meeting February 26-28 ; Executive Committee, "A Declaration against Violence, 23 February 1990," in UCCP Statements and Resolutions (1948-1990),On May 11, 1987. Council of Bishops, "Statement on the Ceasefire and Peacemaking, January 1987, Executive Committee, "A Declaration against Violence, 23 February 1990," in UCCP Statements and Resolutions (1948-1990), ed. Lydia Niguidula (Quezon City: United Church of Christ in the Philippines, 1990)

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peace and equity. The Church further said, Progress we must, but not at a scale and at a

pace that means death to the country's workers and farmers. 24

Under President Estrada and President Macapagal-Arroyo, human rights situations

remain precarious especially when the government took a mailed-fist policy against the

insurgent groups. There were no ceasefire between the government and the CPP-NPA. The

Arroyo government chose military action over peace negotiations in dealing with the CPP-

NPA. This militarist approach promotes anti-democratic values and practices. Participation

of people in politics is viewed as one-sided, i.e., people in conflict areas must show overt

support to soldiers. Groups or individual who do not support the soldiers are perceived to

be supporting the rebels. Dissent is not tolerated. There is resurgence of "red-labeling" and

of the communist bogey. Even religious institutions such as the CBCP, UCCP, Philippine

Independent Church, and the NCCP were labeled as communist fronts.25

The militarist approach to solving the armed conflict has also undermined the rule of

law. The extra-judicial killings or political killings have risen since 2001. Many of those killed

were activists or militants from different left-leaning political groups.26

Some twenty (20)

members of the UCCP have been recorded as victims.27

When we include those 12 pastors

and lay leaders killed between 1988 and 1989 by the military or armed vigilantes the number

of victims would reach a total of more than 30 victims.28

The figures would even go higher

when we add 40 members of the UCCP Lower Rano in Digos massacred by the NPA in

1989.29

It is sad to say that a total of more than 70 UCCP members have been killed since

1986.

24 Executive Committee, "Appendix 4: Open Letter to the People of God, 1-2 July 1994, "Hilario Gomez Jr

"Appredix 5:Open Letter to the President, 16 December 1994," in State of the Mission of the United Church of Christ in the Philippines, ed. Council of Bishops (UCCP Ellinwood Malate, Manila: United Church of Christ in the Philippines, 1998), 88-89.

25 The AFP's PowerPoint presentation "Knowing the Enemy" categorizes progressive party list, human rights organizations and many others as "communist fronts." See also the Council of Bishops, Here We Stand -Council of Bishops - Disclaimer on the Military Accusation against the UCCP - 31 May , 2004 (photocopy, 2004)

26 Amnesty International, Philippines: Political Killings, Human Rights and the Peace Process, 15 August 2006(Amnesty International, 2006, accessed 16 November 2006); available from http://web.amnesty.org/library/index/ENGASA350062006.

27 CONTAK Philippines, 21 Church People Killed as of 20 June 2006(CONTAK Philippines, 2006, accessed 16 November 2006); available from http://contakphilippines.tripod.com/speaknow/id7.html.

28 Senturias, "Inextricably Linked: A Historical Development of the Program Thrust of the Human Rights, Justice and Peace Desk of the United Church of Christ in the Philippines."

29 "Rano Massacre Victims," The United Church Letter, December 1989,

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Human rights groups have accused the government of gross violations of human

rights from illegal detention, disappearances, arbitrary arrest and complicity in the

extrajudicial killings.30

The Arroyo government has denied that extrajudicial killings are State

policy and human rights violators have impunity. But the approach chosen by President

Arroyo in resolving the armed conflict, like the approach of her predecessor, is the militarist

solutiona total war strategy. And the UCCP has consistently reminded the government

that the total war strategy would never solve the armed conflict and it would only bring more

death, destruction, curtailment of civil and political rights, and worsening human rights

violations.31

Theological Warrants

It appear that the human rights ministry is a product of a changing political context.

Nonetheless the Church has found warrants or authorization from its rich Reformed

theological heritage.

The human rights ministry is one of various social ministries of the UCCP which

found warrants on Jesus Christ own mission to the world who was sent into the world. This

Christological foundation of human rights ministry is part of the confessional heritage of the

UCCP. The earliest document of the UCCP, the Basis of Union, declares our common

faith and message: Jesus Christ, the Son of the Living God, our Lord and Saviour. This is

reaffirmed in Article II Section 1 of the 1993 UCCP Constitution and By-Laws which says,

The United Church of Christ in the Philippines is an integral part of the one, holy, catholic,

and apostolic Church of Jesus Christ. In the Reformed tradition Christology or the entire

story of Jesus provides the norm for all ethical decision.

Jesus Christ considered every human life has value because all of humanity was

created in God's image. He boldly proclaimed that God loved the entire world, and that God

was personally interested in every individual. The 1960 Statement on Social Concern the

Church declares that

Even as the Lord of the church came not to be ministered unto, but to minister, so He calls His disciples to be His servant-people. (John 13:14-17). They are called to witness and to serve Christ in the world. (Acts 1:8; Matthew 20:26-28). It is through

30 Miriam Coronel-Ferrer, "National Security: The Invincible Code?," Sulong Update, June 2006. 31 Resolution and Statement of Great Concern Regarding The Current Explosive Breakout In Human Rights

Violations 8th Quadrennial General Assembly on May 27, 2006,

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its members that the church confronts the world at all points of daily life. (II Cor. 5:17-20). Even as Christ came that men might have life and have it abundantly, (John 10:10), so Christians are to bear witness to this and have been called from the world into a fellowship of unity and peace with forgiving love by their concern and compassion for the world. (Matthew 25:31-46; Luke 10:23-27).

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The incarnation, God becoming flesh reaffirms the sanctity of human life. God

through the incarnation gave value to being human. Jesus Christ by electing to become

human and his willingness to give up his own life so others may live reveals the greatest

expression of Gods concern toward human life.

Another theological warrant is the doctrine of Imago Dei. The Statement of Faith of

the UCCP declares that persons are created in the image of God, sinful but destined to live

in community with God. Entrusted, with Gods creation and called to participate in the

establishment of a meaningful and just social order. The UCCP affirms this biblical

teaching found in Genesis chapter 1 verse 27 which states So God created humankind in

his image, in the image of God he created them; male and female he created them. The

biblical doctrine created in the image of God or Imago Dei is one of the bases for the UCCP

human rights ministry. The Church declares that the root of human rights must be sought in

the creation of human beings in the image of God.

The UCCP Statement of Faith affirmed the value and dignity of the human person. In

the same paragraph the Statement of Faith affirms that man (humanity) participates in the

creation of a just and meaningful social order. This was the basis why the UCCP rejected

martial law and one-man rule because it was anathema to the full growth and enrichment

of a Christian community and oppressive to the challenges of a creative and responsible

Christian discipleship. Authoritarian rule or one-man rule denies peoples participation in

the creation of a just and meaningful social order.

This is reiterated in the 1993 UCCP Constitution Article II Section 10 states in part,

In accordance with the biblical understanding that all persons are created in the image of

God, the Church affirms and upholds the inviolability of the rights of persons.33

Human

32 Minutes of the Seventh Biennial General Assembly May 19-24, 1960. Cf. General Assembly, "Statement of

Social Concern May 19-24, 1960," in UCCP Statements and Resolutions (1948-1990), ed. Lydia Niguidula (Quezon City: United Church of Christ in the Philippines, 1990).

33 UCCP 1993 Constitution and By-Laws (Quezon City. United Church of Christ in the Philippines, 1995)

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rights are gifts from God.34

The Church believes that it is the will of God for us to enjoy

the fullness of our humanity which implies the full enjoyment of human rights. Hence, the

Church should advance the Christian concern for the dignity and well being of people. 35

Hence any violation of human rights is a denial of human dignity and is a form of

violence. This is emphasized in another document A Declaration against Violence, in which the

Church affirms that persons are created in the image of God. There is no distinction. All

persons have equal worth in the sight of God.36

The image of God creates value in the

human person. The worth or value of a human being is God-given. And each human being

has the same or equal worth. This image of God makes humanity fully human. The Church

further declares that human life is "a divine gift." Human life is to be regarded not only with

dignity but also with sanctity. The concept of human dignity and of the sacredness of human

life can be best described as the value of human beings above the market, the state, political

parties and ideologies. Hence no human being can rightly take another human life, for

human life belongs solely to God.

In addition, the doctrine of Imago Dei affirms theologically to respect political

plurality and that no political ideology or system can be divinized or absolutized. Every

ideology, State ideology, every political party and every political program, including national

democracy (Nat-Dem), is open to critique and revision in the light of Imago Dei. Positive

Laws, the state and political parties are to serve people and not people serving them.

The image of God in human beings also leads to a creation of a community. The

Statement of Faith says "destined to live in community with God." This implies that human

beings are created in the image of God for community and not simply as isolated individuals;

they are to enjoy and fulfill their human rights in community with other people. Community

makes humanity responsible for the welfare of others. This community dimension of the

Imago Dei is important because the Church believes that it is speaking in behalf of its

members and with the Filipino people, especially the poor. In addition this community is an

inclusive community. An inclusive community includes Christians and people of other faiths.

34 General Assembly, "Resolution for the Creation of the Human Rights Desk, 21-26 May 1978," in

UCCP Statements and Resolutions (1948-1990), ed. Lydia Niguidula (Quezon City: United Church of Christ in the Philippines, 1990).

35 Ibid. 36 UCCP Executive Committee, "A Declaration against Violence, 23 February 1990," in UCCP

Statements and Resolutions (1948-1990), ed. Lydia Niguidula (Quezon City: United Church of Christ in the Philippines, 1990).

15

The UCCP acknowledges that human rights are for everybody. And as Gods creatures,

Christians are called to live and to serve God in the world, in community.

Issues in Human Rights Ministry

However human rights advocacy is very controversial in the UCCP. There are those

who say that the Bible is silent about human rights; others argue that the church should be

concerned with saving souls for heaven rather than protecting and empowering humans for

life on earth; a third group insists that Christians should be mediators of reconciliation,

rather than conscientizing and encouraging people to fight and claim their human rights,

which runs counter to the command of Jesus to love your neighbors and even your enemies;

and the fourth criticism is that human rights is a communist propaganda.37

The most controversial issue besetting the human rights ministry of the UCCP is the

perception that it supports communist propaganda. This view is reflected in a paper by

Edwin Torres, a human rights lawyer, who wrote:

A nagging problem revolving around the advocacy of human rights springs up when it relates to insurgency. Some regard the advocacy of human rights as nothing but anti-government propaganda, the advocates themselves being veiled communists or communist coddlers. The reasons why other people do not take the cudgels for the victims is that they might be suspected as such. We also hear the familiar expression that kung sundalo walang human rights, ngunit kung rebelde, merong human rights.

38

Although this perception is prevalent among the military some members of the UCCP have

expressed a similar observation regarding the UCCP human rights ministry. In 1990 the SU

Church issued this statement

Many UCCP members believe that its leaders, or at least the better media-exposed among them, are committing the UCCP to a one-sided position in the propaganda war of the Communist Party of the Philippines/New Peoples Army/ National Democratic Front against the Government. It is perceived that the UCCP, through its Justice, Peace and Human Rights Desk, vigorously crusades against the human rights violations committed by Government forces, but is muted in its condemnation of violations committed by Communist rebels. Indeed, the UCCP, time and again, appears to have reserved the politically-charged phrase human

37 Erme Camba, "Interview by Author, Dumaguete City," 5 December 2006. See also "Military

Names 25 Red Front Groups," Pahayagang Malaya, November 25, 1987.; Christian V. Esguerra, "Government Links Electoral Watchdog to Reds," Philippine Daily Inquirer, May 21 2004.

38 Trans. when soldiers, they dont have human rights; but if rebels, they have human rights. A similar expression is a rebel killed human rights violations; a soldier killed all right. in Edwin Torres, " Legal Aspects of Human Rights in Human Rights, Justice and Peace: Manual of References," in Human Rights, Justice and Peace: Manual of References, ed. Alvaro Senturias Jr. et al. (Quezon City: UCCP, 1989), 59.

16

rights violations for acts attributable to Government forces, and resorts to a mere general denunciation to all forms of violence and criminality from the left, right, middle, and everybody else wherever communist rebels are held responsible. It has therefore, however unintentionally, become a tool in the propaganda war of the contending parties. It is well known that it has been labeled pro-CPP-NPA-NDF.

The one-sided treatment of this matter diverts the UCCP from its true

witness and mission among the Filipino people. For by indulging in the sloganeering of contending political ideologies, the UCCP deprives itself of the opportunities to actually uplift all victim human rights abuses. And by grossly distorting and limiting the scope and coverage of human rights violations to those committed only by Government forces, the UCCP disqualifies itself from its calling to minister to all the people regardless of political persuasion or label. And finally, by feeding the fires of hatred, which the present adversarial propaganda generates, the UCCP proves unfaithful to our Lord Jesus Christs rule of redemption and love

39

Other local churches have expressed agreement to the statement of the Silliman Church

Council. This perception of the one-sided treatment of human rights by the Church has

created an impression that the UCCP leaders are pro-Communist. Moreover, some members

think that the church is discriminatory in ministering to human rights victims.

The Roman Catholic Church tried to address this issue in a pastoral letter of the

Catholic Bishops of the Philippines. The Bishops raised concern about the manipulative way

in which human rights violations were being reported. The CBCP explained in their pastoral

letter:

We find it most distressing that the killing of innocent people and other violations of human rights are actually cause for rejoicing. This is putting it too strongly, perhaps, but we fear it is equivalently what is happening today in the Philippines when one or other political group positively gloats over massacres or cases of tortures, etc. When these are perpetrated by an opposing group and its crime is treated as only one more piece of propaganda ammunition to be used to destroy its credibility before the bar of public opinion this is what we mean by "the manipulative use of human rights violations"; the reprobation and publicizing by one political bloc of violations of human rights not specifically to put a stop to them (despite the rhetoric) but merely to blacken the political image of the other. This is using the misfortune of othersthe victim, that is, of human rights abuseto one's narrow advantage. This is putting the suffering of the people secondary to what political and ideological mileage can be gotten from it.

Over the past three years, we have had ample evidence of this kind of treatment of human rights issues in one-sided reporting of violations. All too often, the crimes of

39 Silliman University Church, "Statement on Human Rights, Su Church Council Minutes, April 6,

1990," in UCCP Cagayan de Oro Consultative Forum for Unity Report, (Cagayan de Oro: UCCP-CDO, 2003).

17

the military are played up extravagantly and similar crimes by the NPA are either passed over in silence or muted down or explained awayand vice versa.

It is for this reason that we have been insistent on the condemnation of all transgressions against human rights whether they are committed by the military and government or by the CPP-NPA or by any other power in our society.

40

The CBCP pastoral letter was a call to human rights groups to be fair, truthful and genuinely

side with victims whether rebels, soldiers and civilians. Human rights advocacy should not

be used as a means to advance a partisan political objective.

Even though similar observation was expressed by some member of the UCCP in

connection with its human rights ministry, it should be mentioned that the UCCPthrough

the initiative of the Human Rights Desk under the leadership of Alvaro Senturiasissued a

statement holding the National Democratic Front and the New Peoples Army accountable

for having committed gross human rights violations against civilians who were members of

the UCCP in the infamous Rano massacre where more than 40 people, including women

and children, were killed by the New Peoples Army. In an open letter addressed to the

Philippine Government and the National Democratic Front the UCCP wrote:

We condemn this heinous act, and in the name of the victims, demand justice. Yet in this time of grief, we recognize that we must not succumb to hate and vengeance. Such will only serve to further the bloodshed. As a church committed to a just and lasting peace, we call on the National Democratic Front to acknowledge full responsibility for the massacre and to ensure that such a tragedy will never again occur. We also remind the Philippine Government that its military approach to solving insurgency inevitably leads to the escalation of the level of human suffering in this country.

41

The UCCP has acknowledged in this letter that human rights ministry must always take the

side of the victims and should hold the violators accountable whether perpetrated by rebels

or government soldiers.

Yet, some members of the Church have pointed out that the UCCP Human rights

ministry did not continue this fair and balanced monitoring of human rights violations. After

the Rano massacre incident, the UCCP has neither monitored nor reported human rights

40CBCP, The Manipulative Use of Human Rights, 11 July 1989(accessed 12 Nov 12 2006); available from

http://www.cbcponline.net/documents/index.html. 41 Erme Camba and others, "Justice Not Vengeance: An Open Letter to the National Democratic

Front and the Government of the Republic of the Philippines, 3 July 1989," in UCCP Statements and Resolutions (1948-1990), ed. Lydia N. Niguidula (Quezon City: United Church of Christ in the Philippines, 1990).

18

violations allegedly committed by the NPA. There is a perception that the HR monitoring

and advocacy of the UCCP depend only on the claims made by politicized human rights

groups.42

There is a perception that the UCCP national leadership has ignored reports of

non-government organizations, which have accused the CPP-NPA-NDF of engaging in

political assassinations of noncombatant (government personnel, civilians, and former

comrades),43

extortions from political parties during election (permit to campaign)44

,

destroying public utilities (buses, tractors and cellular phone towers),45

and recruitment of

children (child-rebels/soldiers).46

The CPP-NPA rebels are accused of violating the

provisions of international humanitarian law (IHL) which they have publicly recognized

when they signed the Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and

International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL) with the Government of the Republic of the

Philippines (GRP) in 1998.47

The Church must condemn human rights violations committed by the NPA and

other rebel groups. But such abuses by insurgents do not justify the military or the

government committing further human rights violations through extrajudicial killings and

enforced disappearances of any person, including members of political groups and civil

society organizations that are suspected of being sympathetic to the insurgents cause.

42 Two examples are BAYAN and KARAPATAN, legal national democratic organizations which

have neither criticized nor reported human rights violations perpetrated by the NPA 43 Pdi Editorial: Terrorism, ( Inquirer News Service, Oct 01, 2004, accessed 15 August 2005); available

from www.inq7.net. and Amnesty International, Report on the Philippines - Covering Events from January - December(2005, accessed 18 Aug 2006); available from http://web.amnesty.org/report2004/phl-summary-eng.

44Sol Jose Vanzi, Bishops Score NPA 'Taxation' Scheme on Candidates (PHILIPPINE HEADLINE NEWS ONLINE, 2003, accessed 18 August 2006); available from http://www.newsflash.org/2004/02/hl/hl100230.htm.

45 NPA Rebels Go on a Rampage with Simultaneous Attacks, (Inquirer News Service,, 11 January 2004, accessed 15 December 2004); available from http://www.inq7.net/reg/2004/jan/11/reg_1-1.htm.

46 Gilbert Bayoran, NPA Still Recruiting Minors, 29 March (The Visayan Daily Star (electronic version), 2003, accessed 28 April 2004); available from http://www.visayandailystar.com/2003/March/29/topstory5.htm;. and Human Rights Watch, The Philippines: Child Soldier Use 2003, 1 January(2004, accessed 18 November 2006); available from http://www.hrw.org/reports/2004/childsoldiers0104/13.htm.

47Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law between the Government of the Republic of the Philippines and the National Democratic Front of the Philippines, (16 March 1998, accessed 12 August 2006); available from http://www.derechos.org/nizkor/filipinas/. Part II, Article 4: It is understood that the universally applicable principles and standards of human rights and of international humanitarian law contemplated in this agreement include those embodied in the instruments signed by the Philippines and deemed to be mutually applicable to and acceptable by both parties. (italics supplied) cf. See also the official documents of the Basic Rules of the New People's Army (29 March 1969),, (accessed); available from www.geocities.com/~cpp-ndf.

19

If the Church would not expose and denounce HR violations by armed rebel groups,

the human rights ministry of the UCCP threatens its legitimacy as authentic witness and

genuine advocates of the victims. The repeated and vocal criticism of the government on the

human rights violations, when seen in conjunction with the apparent silence regarding the

abuses committed by rebel groups, are met with unsympathetic public reception. Often,

Church human rights activists are accused of being mere rebel sympathizers, more

concerned with protecting the human rights of the rebels than of the citizens. Given these

considerations, the UCCP human rights ministry needs to evolve some general guidelines for

handling this issue.

To remain as a credible witness the Church should include in its monitoring

human rights violations committed by all parties- State and non-state actors. 48

It is

recognized that Churches are ideally suited to collect reliable information about human

rights abuses and to make them known to the wider public. Churches can conscientize their

people, monitor and influence governments, and support the many human rights

organizations that are active and effective in providing a future for people whose rights are

denied and whose dignity is marred. However Churches are expected to side with the victims

regardless whether the perpetrators are rebels or soldiers. Ideological or political partisanship

in human rights advocacy hinders a fair and truthful monitoring and reporting. Human

rights defenders and religious people should probe the claims of government and insurgent

groups. They should ask the difficult questions about the reliability and veracity of the

assertions made by government and rebel movements. Whether or not honest answers are

forthcoming is a crucial issue that should be persistently raised. In time of war, the

government is known to engage in deception, lies and covert actions. However insurgent

48 The traditional mandate of NGO human rights groups is primarily, if not the exclusively, has been

to monitor, highlight, and struggle against gross violations of human rights perpetrated by agencies of the State. Generally, the State, as the legally constituted entity in control of the territory under its jurisdiction, has the sole legitimate right to use force to ensure safety, preserve security, maintain law and order, and guarantee the protection of the fundamental rights of its citizens. Under such a framework, it is understandable that human rights groups focus on protesting the human rights abuses committed by the State. See Karapatans profile (Alliance for the Advancement of People's Rights)- It was born out of the struggles in the various human rights organizations and basic mass organizations since 1992. Karapatan has distinguished itself as the genuine alliance for the advocacy of the full range of human rights (civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights) along the national democratic line. Karapatan firmly rejects the idea of 'neutrality" in the human rights movement, and wholeheartedly declares its bias for the interests of the broad masses of the people. Compare with PAHRA (Philippine Alliance of Human Rights Advocates)-reorganized in 1986 - commits itself to the development of a strong, progressive, dynamic, and pluralist human rights movement that engages the state to comply with its HR obligations and non-state actors to fulfill their HR responsibilities.

20

groups often spread disinformation, use propaganda and hide facts. This issue does in fact

complicate genuine human rights advocacy, monitoring and reporting of human rights

abuses.

For this reason, it is a Christian duty to tell the government and rebels that human

rights violations are morally wrong. At least it may convince the parties to strictly abide by

the Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and International

Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL) which may alleviate to some extent the threats to personal,

community and political security even as the war goes on. But the Church should be vigilant

not to fall into anti-communist hysteria. Christians should not allow themselves to be used

by the government as propagandist in its war against insurgents.

The truth must be upheld by the Church. The truth should never be a casualty of

war. Protection of human rights is not complete without the freedom from deception and

lies. The right to the truth implies the command "Thou shall not bear false witness." It is a

command that seeks to protect the right to the truth against the practice of false accusation.49

False accusation in court or in public discourse can undermine justice. Thus, truth must be

upheld to protect the innocent. In a democracy, the right to the truth means the right to

information and knowledge necessary to make valid decisions; and the right to know those

actions of others that will seriously and adversely affect him, her or the community.

Contemporary understanding of this right implies the right of the citizens to information

and the freedom of expression necessary for their well-being and participation in society.

The right to the truth obliges people, government and political parties not to employ

deception, disinformation and other means that will make the transaction unjust and the

adverse consequences hidden from the party affected. To lie to the people is a disservice to

them. It is to subvert the truth. To subvert the truth is to violate the right to information

which violates the dignity of human persons and society's welfare.

For truth creates the basis for trust, which means, we can rely on another's integrity

because persons who trust one another count on each other to tell the truth and not to

betray or cheat each other.50

Therefore truth is to be protected. When it is damaged,

everybody suffers; and when it is destroyed, societies falter and collapse. No groups or

governments can safeguard human rights as long they violate the criterion of truthfulness.

49 John Calvin, Institutes of Christian Religion. 2 Vols., ed. John T. McNeill, The Library of Christian Classics (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1960.), II. 7. 47.

50 The Oxford English Dictionary (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1933).

21

Conclusion

The UCCP has made human rights advocacy an essential part of its ministry. The

1993 Constitution and By-Laws incorporated human rights as one of UCCPs declared

principles. It is the only Church in the Philippines that incorporated human rights

instrumentalities and UN declarations as part of its ecclesiology. The Church has

consistently emphasized that the protection of human rights is integral with the Churchs

peacemaking ministry. There is no lasting peace without upholding human rights. The

UCCP has remained committed to human rights ministry even when some of its members

have been harassed, arrested, detained and killed.

Moreover commitment to human rights serves as plumb line for evaluating the

behavior of governments, political movements and members of society. The UCCP believes

that the Christian Church must stand firm in defending human rights. Rooted in the biblical

teaching the Imago Dei- that all human beings, male and female, are created in the image of

God the Church must uphold the universality of human rights.

Thus it is expected to uphold the truth and justice in human rights monitoring and

reporting of HR violations whether perpetrated by rebels or soldiers. The Church must

always be on the side of the victims of human rights violations. It must expose and

denounce all those who violate human rights. It is a Christian duty to tell the government

and rebel forces that human rights violations are morally wrong.