how to destroy a saloon and breathe life into a movement: the physical rhetoric of carrie...

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SCRS 134 Final Project December 11, 2013 1 How to Destroy a Saloon and Breathe Life into a Movement: The Physical Rhetoric of Carrie Nation ’s Hatchet By Kevin D. Gilbert At the beginning of the twentieth century, the strategy of reform movements was to state their grievance, suggest a solution, publicly protest to further support, and petition the establishment for change. Carrie Nation emerged on the public stage and gained notoriety through strategic us e of symbolic violence. Some rhetorical scho lars argue that violenc e, by its very nature, should not be considered a style of rhetoric. I will employ these three lenses; Hegemonic Femininity, Symbolic Violence, and Body Rhetoric in the rhetorical analysis of my artifact, the hatcheta tions of Carrie Nation. Carrie was rebelling against the hegemon by blatantly violating their definition of a woman in the early 1900’s. She was married but decided for herself what she would or would not do. She violated the rules for where a woman could and could not go. She communicated her message through symbolic violence, that if the hegemon would not follow the same laws they had created she would by destroying illega l liquor and the property of those who sold it. And yet she remained pious. She believed she wa s doing God’s work and even called hersel f “God’s Bulldog”. She communicated very clear ly through body rhetoric . She was not only aggress ively defiant she was aggressively violent and felt confident enough in herself to openly dismiss the hegemonic

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Research Paper written for Rhetoric of Social Activism Class.

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SCRS 134Final ProjectDecember 11, 2013How to Destroy a Saloon and Breathe Life into a Movement: The Physical Rhetoric of Carrie Nations HatchetByKevin D. Gilbert

At the beginning of the twentieth century, the strategy of reform movements was to state their grievance, suggest a solution, publicly protest to further support, and petition the establishment for change. Carrie Nation emerged on the public stage and gained notoriety through strategic use of symbolic violence. Some rhetorical scholars argue that violence, by its very nature, should not be considered a style of rhetoric. Comment by Kevin Gilbert: INTRODUCTIONI will employ these three lenses; Hegemonic Femininity, Symbolic Violence, and Body Rhetoric in the rhetorical analysis of my artifact, the hatchetations of Carrie Nation. Carrie was rebelling against the hegemon by blatantly violating their definition of a woman in the early 1900s. She was married but decided for herself what she would or would not do. She violated the rules for where a woman could and could not go. She communicated her message through symbolic violence, that if the hegemon would not follow the same laws they had created she would by destroying illegal liquor and the property of those who sold it. And yet she remained pious. She believed she was doing Gods work and even called herself Gods Bulldog. She communicated very clearly through body rhetoric. She was not only aggressively defiant she was aggressively violent and felt confident enough in herself to openly dismiss the hegemonic rules about who she was. She served as an example of what women really could be instead of how the culture had defined and controlled them. Comment by Kevin Gilbert: CRITICAL LENS CONCLUSION RESTATED AS THESISIn this essay, I will pursue the claim that symbolic violence can be an effective form of rhetoric, especially when normal channels for redress are either unavailable or ineffective. I will do this through the analysis of a series of protests carried out by Carrie Nation in the early 1900s. Nations goal was to stop the illegal distribution of alcohol by single-handedly destroying saloons, one at a time. Rather than writing a scathing paper or announcing a call-to-arms in a rousing speech, she used advanced the movement through acts of symbolic violence. These actions drew national attention to the abolitionist movement and the early womens rights movement through their violation of what was considered the appropriate behavior for women of that era. In addition, I will discuss how Nation controlled her persona along with the structure and tone of her protests to effectively reach multiple and diverse audiences.Comment by Kevin Gilbert: THESISIn this essay I will discuss the three critical lenses I will ultimately use to analyze my artifact; Hegemonic Femininity, Body Rhetoric, and Symbolic Violence. It would be difficult to choose just one lens in my approach because, when analyzing the artifact, the necessity of addressing the other two becomes apparent. Religion was another lens I had considered but upon review, I found that it can be covered in by the other three.Comment by Kevin Gilbert: CRITICAL LENSES I WILL BE USINGTo understand Nation and her hatchetations, the name she coined for these actions, it is important to understand not only her background but also what the world she lived in was like. My first impression of Carrie Nation and her hatchetations was not a flattering one. My high school history book described her a crusader for the temperance movement who used a hatchet to destroy saloons at the beginning of the twentieth century. It included a photograph of a stern woman with grey hair, clothed in black. She was holding a bible in one hand and a hatchet in the other. Given that information, my only explanation for her actions was that she was a crazy woman.Comment by Kevin Gilbert: TRANSITION TO BACKGROUNDBut it is not fair to judge Nation and her hatchetations based on that little bit of information. To understand her and her actions we need to look deeper. We need to understand who she was, what her motivations were, and the world she lived in. We must understand how the hatchetations were seen through many filters, such as; historical, religious, and the womens rights movement. Only by examining her actions in the context of the world in which they were performed can we appreciate them as a form of rhetoric.Comment by Kevin Gilbert: RATIONALE FOR KNOWING CONTEXTNations life was not an easy one. She was born November 25, 1846 in Garrard County, Kentucky. Her parents were slave owners and in her early years she suffered from poor health. She was poorly educated and her family was forced to move several times due to financial difficulties. Nations family had a history of mental illness and her mother would sometimes suffer from delusions to the extent that Nation would seek safety in the slave quarters. Nations first marriage was to Dr. Charles Gloyd, a physician and severe alcoholic, in 1867. They had a daughter together in 1868 and he died of alcoholism a year later (Nation, 1905, pp. 16-67) (Grace, 2001, pp. 1-54) (Kansas State Historical Society, 2013, p. 1) (Maxey, 2013, p. 1).Comment by Kevin Gilbert: CHILDHOOD THROUGH DEATH OF GLOYDSix years after the death of her first husband, she married David A. Nation. Nation was a Methodist minister, a newspaper journalist, a lawyer and almost 19 years older than her. They had a number of failed business ventures before moving to Medicine Lodge, Kansas where she managed a hotel and he preached at a Christian church. During this time, she founded a local branch of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, WCTU (Maxey, 2013, p. 1), and participated in the type of non-violent protests they endorsed. She saw these tactics as ineffective and, in her autobiography, says that she spent a good deal of her time praying for God to give her direction and received it when God came to her in the dream (Nation, 1905, pp. 70-130) (Grace, 2001, pp. 54-144) (Maxey, 2013, p. 1).Comment by Kevin Gilbert: MARRYING NATION & CALL TO ARMSThe WCTU was formed in 1874 in Chatauqua, Ohio by a group of like-minded women. They saw temperance reform as the protection of the home and through education and example sought to secure pledges of total abstinence from alcohol, and later from drugs and tobacco also (Woman's Christain Temperance Union, 2013, p. 1). Carrie Nation belonged to the WCTU and her hatchetations, if not directed by the organization, were carried out on behalf of the temperance movement because while WCTU was concerned about alcohol consumption as they were equally concerned about the unfair treatment of women (Grace, 2001, p. 116) (Woman's Christain Temperance Union, 2013, p. 1) (Martin, 2013, p. 1) (Maxey, 2013, p. 1) (Nation, 1905, pp. 138-139) (National Women's Historical Museum, 2013, p. 1). Resolution of this problem was also a goal of the Womens Suffrage Movement (National Women's History Museum, 2013, p. 1). Both organizations were looking to improve womens lives, the suffragettes by securing equal treatment for all Americans, regardless of their gender (National Women's History Museum, 2013, p. 1) and the WCTU by eliminating the use of a product that was responsible for many of the hardships those women endured (Woman's Christain Temperance Union, 2013, p. 1) (National Women's History Museum, 2013, p. 1) (Martin, 2013, p. 1). Comment by Kevin Gilbert: WCTU/SUFFRAGISMThe WCTUs campaign against alcohol was one of the few venues women of that time had for airing their dissatisfaction with the status quo (Woman's Christain Temperance Union, 2013, p. 1). At that time women were not allowed to vote (National Women's History Museum, 2013, p. 1). They had no control if their property. If they were divorced, they would not be given custody of their children. They enjoyed practically no protection under the law. Charges of rape were rarely prosecuted and the state regulate age of consent was as low as seven (National Women's History Museum, 2013, p. 1) (Woman's Christain Temperance Union, 2013, p. 1). Records from the end of the 19th century showed that Americans spent over a billion dollars annually on alcoholic beverages. At the same time, they spent $900 million on meat and, not surprisingly, less than $200 million on public education (Woman's Christain Temperance Union, 2013, p. 1). Local political meetings were often held in saloons where women were excluded. The women of the WCTU saw the saloons not only as a corrupting influence on the family but also as the fortress of the oppressors of the female gender. In the small farming communities of the Midwest where there may not have been an organized suffrage group but there was almost always a WCTU chapter (National Women's Historical Museum, 2013, p. 1) (Woman's Christain Temperance Union, 2013, p. 1).Comment by Kevin Gilbert: THE ROLE OF WOMENAs the name implies, the Womans Christian Temperance Union was founded on Christian beliefs. In their earliest public protests, the women would enter a saloon, demand that the sale of liquor be stopped then drop to their knees and pray or sing hymns (Nation, 1905, pp. 103-105). Sometimes their efforts would result in the closure of a saloon but these victories were more often than not followed by the opening of another saloon nearby. Carrie Nation, herself, participated in many of these protests but saw them as ineffective. In her autobiography, The Use and Need of the Life of Carry A. Nation, she describes how god spoke to her in a dream one night and told her she had to destroy a saloon in a neighboring community if they did not stop selling alcohol. Nation believed she had been charged by God to destroy saloons. She wrote that she had been ready to become a martyr for her beliefs just like John Brown (Grace, 2001, p. 150). Comment by Kevin Gilbert: CARRIE SEES WCTU ACTIONS AS INEFFECTIVEThe hatchetations Nation performed were not condoned by the WCTU (Woman's Christain Temperance Union, 2013, p. 1). Their president at the time was Frances Willard, a woman who fervently believed that the way to meet their goals was through established channels of petitioning the government and by means of non-violent protests (Martin, 2013, p. 1). She believed the organizations watchwords Agitate Educate Legislate left no room for violent acts and initially strove to distance the WCTU from Nations radical acts (Woman's Christain Temperance Union, 2013, p. 1). This was difficult to do because Nation always wore her white WCTU ribbon during a hatchetation and the publicity they brought to the group not only spread their message of temperance but resulted in a swelling of their ranks (Kansas State Historical Society, 2013, p. 1). Besides, since Nation was working on their behalf and not at their behest, any negative fallout from her actions could be blamed on Nation, herself, and not the WCTU (Martin, 2013, p. 1) (Grace, 2001, p. 280) (Woman's Christain Temperance Union, 2013, p. 1).Comment by Kevin Gilbert: NOT CONDONED BY WCTUNations choice of weapon has significance also. The hatchet is much the same as an axe except it has a smaller head and much shorter handle. Its similarity to another weapon of the time, the tomahawk, made it a good choice for inspiring fear in men. The tomahawk was a streamlined version of the hatchet used with great skill by the Native American Indians (Taylor, 2013, p. 1) (Tomahawk (axe), 2013, p. 1). When swung, it could slash open flesh, it could be thrown to bring down a retreating enemy, and was also used to secure their iconic battle trophy, a human scalp (Taylor, 2013, p. 1). These images were still fresh in the minds of those living at the turn of the century in rural Kansas.Comment by Kevin Gilbert: WEAPON CHOICEAs stated earlier, women had little to no rights at that time. They were seen as weak and ineffectual by most men. These men saw the efforts of the temperance movement as little more than an annoyance, another fly buzzing around their head. It was understood that positions of power and authority were the birthright of all those lucky enough not to be born female (National Women's History Museum, 2013, p. 1) (Woman's Christain Temperance Union, 2013, p. 1). Women had just as much power as the men decided they could have. If a woman said or did something that displeased a man, he was perfectly within his rights to strike her and had little to no fear of recourse, legal or otherwise (Woman's Christain Temperance Union, 2013, p. 1).Comment by Kevin Gilbert: MEN AS OPPRESSORSNations hatchetations were so effective because they changed the paradigm of power between masculine and feminine. Nation was reported to be over 6 feet tall so, in most cases, she was taller than most men she encountered. The combination of her imposing physical presence, the potential for pain and destruction symbolized by the hatchet, and the obvious conviction of her religious fervor was enough to turn the tables (Grace, 2001, p. 147). The masculine, always the oppressor until then, suddenly felt what it was like to be the oppressed. The feminine, always required to yield to the masculine, saw in Nation the personification or real power. A woman was taking what she deserved without fear of violent repercussion. The symbolic violence of the hatchetation was indistinguishable by the men of the time from the violence of a physical attack.Comment by Kevin Gilbert: BODY RHETORICThe practice of Hegemony is when one picture of the world, that of the dominant group, is systematically preferred over those of the oppressed groups. This picture is reinforced through practiced routines and, when deemed necessary, through extraordinary measures. (Murphy 74). At the beginning of twentieth century, there were distinct cultures, roles, spheres of action, functions, and statuses for men and women. A mans place was out in public, earning money, and making the decisions that affected the rest of society. A womans place was defined to be in the home, where the heart was protected from the amoral competition of capitalism (Campbell, FEMININITY AND FEMINISM: TO BE OR NOT TO BE A WOMAN 101). Comment by Kevin Gilbert: MALE HEGEMONYThe argument was a convincing one that, on the surface, appeared to be indisputable. Women were judged by four virtues; piety, purity, submissiveness, and domesticity (Welter 152). These were not just the roles defined for them by men. They were the virtues by which women judged all women including themselves. Piety was reinforced through selective reading of the bible. Any woman who was not pious she must have been in league with Satan and therefore a witch. Purity was reinforced though shame. If a woman was impure no man would want her for a wife and no respectable woman would want to be associated with her. Submissiveness was the fast track to the ultimate goal of a woman, marriage (Welter 152). What man in his right mind would want to marry a woman who disagreed and contradicted him? If a woman did not have a man to support her she was seen as a failure, a spinster. Domesticity was the virtue that women pursued most actively. For, even though competitiveness was considered a masculine quality, women saw this as a way to excel (Campbell, FEMININITY AND FEMINISM: TO BE OR NOT TO BE A WOMAN 101). They compared themselves to their neighbors, relatives, and friends to see which one had the cleanest house, the nicest clothing, and happiest husband (Welter 174).Comment by Kevin Gilbert: THE DEFINED ROLE OF WOMENBesides competitiveness, other qualities such as aggressiveness, confidence, and intelligence were seen as distinctly masculine qualities. Any woman who possessed these qualities was seen as more of a man and, therefore, less of a woman. Unfortunately, these qualities were exactly what women needed if they wanted to improve their lot but the hegemony argued that they were inherently unable to do it. One argument began with the observation that On average, women are smaller than men. As a result, it was assumed that they had smaller brains, and that therefore their brains presumably were too small to sustain the rational deliberation required in politics and business (Campbell, Man Cannot Speak for Her 11) Because the belief system had been in place so long and was so universally accepted, any woman who found she had those masculine qualities was forced by her own shame to hide them, lest she be seen by her peers as too manly. The hegemony made them entirely dependent on men with little to no legal rights. At that time thirty-sevens states had ruled that, in a divorce, a woman had no rights to her children and that all her possessions and earnings, in fact, belonged to her husband (Campbell, Man Cannot Speak for Her 5). Is it any wonder then that many women remained in loveless marriages while their husbands took mistresses? Violence is tied to aggression which, again, was considered a masculine trait. Violence does not necessarily mean harming another person physically. Violence can be seen as a forced intrusion into a secure environment. Symbolic violence is a violent act that does NOT harm another being and can be an effective means of communicating with a hegemony. Erin J. Rand argued, If violence forcefully, compellingly, and irrevocably narrows the grounds for response, it necessarily enables particular possibilities even as it eliminates many others, therefore founding and defining the rhetorical agency of the subject. Thus, violence and rhetoric may not, in fact, be antithetical, and outright denunciations of violence may foreclose rather than protect the agency of its victims (Murphy 432). Comment by Kevin Gilbert: MASCULINE QUALITIES IN WOMENIn The Transfiguring Sword, Cheryl Jorgensen-Earp discusses the use of symbolic violence by suffragists in England saying that, although a clumsy and ambiguous mode of communication, they believed it activated and amplified their message in the ears of their hegemony (3). Such violence was meant to shake the confidence of the establishment about who really wielded the power and if they were ignored would inevitably lead to a climate of anarchy (Haiman 100).Comment by Kevin Gilbert: SYMBOLIC VIOLENCE Any violence, including symbolic violence, inherently contains a threat. The threat can be explicit or implicit. One means of conveying this threat is through body rhetoric. Body rhetoric is the means of promoting your message through the medium of your physical body (DeLuca 10). Though open to misinterpretation, it is a primary tool because We are first of all bodies situated in social space (Aune 431) and instinctually are drawn to the message our bodies convey. In this way, a respectively attire lady standing silently can be seen as participating in aggressive defiance (Stillion Southard 400). Comment by Kevin Gilbert: MORE BODY RHETORICAll that changed on the night of June 5, 1900. In her autobiography, The Use and Need of the Life of Carry A. Nation, Nation claims to have heard the voice of God in a dream. She writes that the voice repeated Go to Kiowa over and over in hushed tones and over this she clearly heard the words, Ill stand by you. Her interpretation of this message was, Take something in your hands, and throw at these places in Kiowa and smash them. Two days later she gathered several rocks, walked into Dobsons saloon in Kiowa, Kansas, announced to the patrons, Men, I have come to save you from a drunkards fate, and smashed all the saloons stock. She then gathered more rocks and repeated her performance at two other saloons in town. In spite of her actions, Nation was not arrested in Kiowa. The sheriff took her into custody but told her no charges would be pressed if she promised leave town and not return. Nation took him up on his offer but as she continued her campaign throughout Kansas these offers became fewer and her arrest record grew.Comment by Kevin Gilbert: GO TO KIOWAAfter one of her raids her husband jokingly said that she should use a hatchet. Her reply was, That is the most sensible thing you have said since I married you.Comment by Kevin Gilbert: MR. NATIONS SENSIBLE WORDSCarrie belonged to a temperance group called the Womens Christian Temperance Movement, WTCU, whose members formed the core of her collaborators. There are reported to have been around 20 hatchetations. I have reviewed accounts of 13 and have found that they all follow a similar pattern that I consider the structure of a hatchetation. It consists of a Prayer Meeting, a Procession, a Pronouncement, and the Act of Destruction.In the Prayer Meeting, Carrie would lead a group of women, mostly WCTU members, in a religious service. It would be held in a church, if an invitation was extended, if not, the house of a follower would suffice. The topic of the service would always center on the evils of alcohol and participants were encouraged to testify. This served to determine who the worst offenders in the community were. Ultimately it would lead to a call to action. Carrie would accept the charge and the Procession would begin.The Procession was a march from the site of the Prayer Meeting to that of the offending saloon. Carrie would lead the way, aided by spoken direction of her followers. The congregation would grow as it moved along, sometimes picking up the faithful, often bolstered by the curious onlooker. Upon arrival at the establishment, Carrie would announce that she was going alone and that her people should wait outside and pray for her success. This served to form a human barrier to slow and discourage those who may consider coming to the aid of the bar owner.Once she had entered the saloon, the Pronouncement began. Carrie would pull out her hatchet, announce who she was and order those in charge to destroy their liquor or she would be forced to do it herself. The Pronouncement was usually met with either silence or comments of derision. Once Carrie had determined that ample time had passed, she would launch into the Act of Destruction.This segment was just as it sounds. Carrie would launch into a fury with the hatchet, her target was any alcohol in the saloon but, as she made her way, anything else she came upon was fair game. She was known to destroy glasses, chairs, tables, paintings, mirrors and even the bar itself. This would inevitably end when Carrie had decided her work was finished or upon the arrival of an officer of the law. In the latter case, she would calm herself, surrender her hatchet and allow herself to be arrested and led away to the cheers of the crowd. The hatchetations had five identifiable audiences, each one further removed from the action but nevertheless, interested in and influenced by it. The primary audience was those for whom the destruction was aimed to sway, the bar owners and those who kept him in business. The secondary audience was those who followed and encouraged Carrie, her actions acknowledged and validated their beliefs. The third audience was usually not present at the event itself. These were the local politicians who allowed the illegal saloons to exist and frequently profited by their operation. The fourth audience was the newspaper reporters who recognized a hot story when they saw it and knew it would lead to increased sales. The fifth and final audience was the American public, who read of this crusader and wondered if it could happen in their own backyard.Comment by Kevin Gilbert: AUDIENCESThe persona of Carrie Nation can be described in one word, contradiction. She was 54 years old at the time of her first hatchetations, an older woman for that time. She very much looked the part of the wife, mother, grandmother, and Christian woman that she was. She had grey hair that she normally wore in a bun and wire rim glasses. Her outfit was a heavy black dress and veil that suggested she was a gentle widow woman, perhaps out to get a little something for tonights dinner. Those who met her outside a hatchetation were often greeted by a kind word and pleasant smile. Those who followed her saw her as a wise, courageous, and nurturing leader.Comment by Kevin Gilbert: IMAGE OF CARRIEThere was one item that Carrie carried with her that served as the catalyst to transform her persona, the hatchet. This common tool, deftly used by almost all women of that time to split kindling one minute would just as easily change a rooster from an alarm clock into Sunday dinner. With the hatchet in her hand, the pleasant grandmother became something much darker and dangerous. She was a physically imposing figure too. At nearly six foot tall and 175 pounds, she was larger than many of the men she was confronting.The tone of the rhetoric changed with each stage of the hatchetations. In the Prayer Meeting it was virtuous but subjugated, the tone of a tired victim at the end of her rope. By the time the Procession begins the tone has become one of confidence and determination. This is reinforced as their numbers increase the further they go. By the time the Pronouncement begins the tone has evolved to that of checked rage. It is kept at bay until the Pronouncement is over and its answer is received. The tone of the Act of Destruction is one of righteous indignation and revenge. It is beautiful to the followers and terrifying to those in the fray.Comment by Kevin Gilbert: CHANGING TONEPurpose This type of violent physical rhetoric worked well for the temperance movement at the time. There was a shock value to it that helped not only the temperance movement but the suffragette movement also. It said that if men in power could ignore the pleas of those who counted on them and that women were ineffectual creatures to do with and dismiss as they pleased, they would have to live with the consequences of assumptions. The consequences, in this case, were a downpour of violence and destruction.The violence tempered the resolve of the movement. It was the only tactic that seemed to be understood by the opposition. The surprising result of these actions were publicity for the cause, a growth in their numbers, and a long-awaited sense of accomplishment.Comment by Kevin Gilbert: VIOLENCE TEMPERED RESOLVEBut, can Carrie Nations hatchetations be considered rhetoric? The Mirriam-Webster Dictionary describes rhetoric as, the art or skill of speaking or writing formally and effectively especially as a way to persuade or influence people (Merriam-Webster, 2013). However, John Bowers, Donovan Ochs, Richard Jensen, and David Schulz in The Rhetoric of Agitation and Control see rhetoric as less constrained. They define rhetoric as the rationale of instrumental, symbolic behavior explaining that A message or act is instrumental if it contributes to the production of another message or an action (Bowers, Ochs, Jensen, & Schulz, 2010, p. 1). I am going to go with the definition Bowers (et al.) gives because it fits so well what Nation was trying to accomplish. Her words were few but her acts definitely contributed to the message of the WCTU by drawing attention to their cause in a manner that was impossible to ignore.In Unruly Arguments: The Body Rhetoric of Earth First!, Act Up, and Queer Nation, Kevin DeLuca argues that rhetoric does not have to be written or spoken these activist groups practice an alternative image politics, performing image events designed for mass media dissemination. Often, image events revolve around images of bodies-vulnerable bodies, dangerous bodies, taboo bodies, ludicrous bodies, transfigured bodies. These political bodies constitute a nascent body rhetoric that deploys bodies as a pivotal resource for the crucial practice of public argumentation (DeLuca, 1999, p. 10). Our physical bodies can, themselves, constitute an effective form of rhetoric. It is clear that Nation was practicing body rhetoric, she put her body in the middle of the protest. Her attire and imposing physical presence conveyed as more of a message than much of the events approved by the WCTU. Previous temperance demonstrations could be ignored because they took place outside the saloons. Nation brought the argument into the saloons in the form of her body.What about use of symbolic violence as rhetoric? Any type of violence being used in activism must be controlled and it is important not to confuse symbolic violence with token violence. Token violence involves actual, but minor, attacks on representatives of the establishment and is used to motivate the establishment to respond to such attacks with counterattacks far out of proportion to the original provocation (Bowers, Ochs, Jensen, & Schulz, 2010, pp. 47-48). It is hoped that their audience will remember the violent nature of the establishment in comparison to the small violent act of the activists.Symbolic violence involves violent acts against objects, not living entities. In The Scholastic Fallacy, Habitus, and Symbolic Violence: Pierre Bourdieu and the Prospects of Ideology Criticism, s James Aune endorses the use of symbolic violence as rhetoric when he writes, If we complicate the traditional liberal opposition between rhetoric and violence to include ideology as symbolic violence, we will end up with a richer reflection on the relationship between rhetoric and social change and we can reopen an important political debate about violent revolution. He continues by quoting Erin J. Rand,If violence forcefully, compellingly, and irrevocably narrows the grounds for response, it necessarily enables particular possibilities even as it eliminates many others, therefore founding and defining the rhetorical agency of the subject. Thus, violence and rhetoric may not, in fact, be antithetical, and outright denunciations of violence may foreclose rather than protect the agency of its victims (Aune, 2011, p. 432).This applies to Nation and her hatchetations because, after years of ineffectual protests by the temperance groups, there was no real progress. The movement was losing support as followers saw few of their efforts come to fruition. Despite all their work, the saloon down the street was still in operation and patrons freely used it without any trepidation. However, this one woman could enter a saloon and within a matter of minutes it would be out of business. Who would not see the value in such an action, especially if the destroyed property was being used to violate the law?In From Gay is Good to the Scourge of AIDS: The Evolution of Gay Liberation Rhetoric, 1977-1990, James Darsey defines what he calls catalytic events as moments in the life of a movement that provide the appropriate conditions for discourse. He further says that they are events that are (1) historical rather than rhetorical, (2) are nontactical (either extraneous to the movement in origin, spontaneous in origin, or both), (3) achieve tremendous significance for the movement, and (4) precede rhetorical response that constitute demonstrably discrete, internally homogeneous rhetorical eras (Morris & Browne, 2013, p. 470).While Darseys approach tends to simplify the history of a movement to a series of catalytic events and the reactions to them, it may be helpful to view Nations hatchetations as catalytic events. Each one of them upset the status quo and forced some type of reaction and adjustment by the establishment.In summary, although she was not acting under the direction of the temperance organization she belonged to, the WCTU, and in defiance of their policy of nonviolent actions, with her hatchetations, Carrie Nation contributed to the rhetoric of the temperance movement. She drew media attention back to the cause that resulted in a swelling of their ranks. Her actions renewed discussion of alcoholism and temperance. While the WCTU did their best to distance themselves from her actions, this one woman, acting on her own and not causing physical harm to others, was able to do what they could not. She could enter a world closed to women in a way that could not be ignored and act on her convictions. Taking this into account, her description of herself as "a bulldog running along at the feet of Jesus, barking at what He doesn't like" (Maxey, 2013, p. 1) doesnt seem far from the truth.

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