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1 INTRODUCTION For as long as there been humans we have searched for our place in the cosmos. — Carl Sagan, 1980 1.1 My Brief History I am an astronomer, and as such my professional interest is focused on the study of light emitted by objects in the sky. However, unlike many astronomers, my interest in the night sky didn’t begin until later in my life, well into my college education. I don’t have childhood memories of stargazing, I never thought to ask for a telescope for Christmas, I didn’t have a moon-phase calendar on my wall, and I never owned a single book about astronomy until I was twenty-one years old. As a child, my closest approach to the subject of astronomy was a poster of the Space Shuttle that hung next to my bed, but my interest was piqued more by the intricate mechanical details of the spacecraft rather than where it traveled. Looking back, I suppose the primary reason for my ignorance of astronomy was because I grew up in a metropolitan area, in the North County of St. Louis, Missouri. The skies are often cloudy in the winter when the nights are longest, the evenings are bright with light © Copyright, Princeton University Press. No part of this book may be distributed, posted, or reproduced in any form by digital or mechanical means without prior written permission of the publisher. For general queries, contact [email protected]

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Page 1: How Do You Find an Exoplanet? - Chapter 1assets.press.princeton.edu/chapters/s10645.pdf · 2019-09-30 · October 27, 2015 Time: 09:41am chapter1.tex 1 INTRODUCTION For as long as

October 27, 2015 Time: 09:41am chapter1.tex

1IN T RODUC T I O N

For as long as there been humans we have searched for ourplace in the cosmos.

— Carl Sagan, 1980

1.1 My Brief History

I am an astronomer, and as such my professional interestis focused on the study of light emitted by objects in thesky. However, unlike many astronomers, my interest inthe night sky didn’t begin until later in my life, well intomy college education. I don’t have childhood memoriesof stargazing, I never thought to ask for a telescope forChristmas, I didn’t have a moon-phase calendar on mywall, and I never owned a single book about astronomyuntil I was twenty-one years old. As a child, my closestapproach to the subject of astronomy was a poster of theSpace Shuttle that hung next to my bed, but my interestwas piqued more by the intricate mechanical details of thespacecraft rather than where it traveled.

Looking back, I suppose the primary reason for myignorance of astronomy was because I grew up in ametropolitan area, in the North County of St. Louis,Missouri. The skies are often cloudy in the winter whenthe nights are longest, the evenings are bright with light

© Copyright, Princeton University Press. No part of this book may be distributed, posted, or reproduced in any form by digital or mechanical means without prior written permission of the publisher.

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pollution from the city even when the clouds are absent,and the air is humid and mosquito-filled in the summer.1

Another important factor is that from age six until twelveI spent a good fraction of my time in my room build-ing with Legos. From early on I seemed destined to bean engineer rather than the astrophysics professor I amtoday.

It wasn’t until I attended a small engineering collegein the town of Rolla, Missouri (pronounced locally asRah-lah, Mizz-ur-ah) that I had my first memorableexperience with the night sky (the school is now knownas the Missouri University of Science & Technology). Thetown of Rolla boasts a population of about 20,000, butonly during the academic year; once the students leave forsummer break, the population dips below 12,000. One hotsummer evening in August 1997, just before the start of thefall semester, I was sitting in my room playing computergames over our homemade local area network when myroommate Jason convinced me to go out that night tosee the Perseids meteor shower. Jason had learned aboutthe shower from a public service announcement from thestudent radio station, KMNR, where we both worked asdeejays. With nothing much better to do before classesstarted, we and several friends drove out to a farmer’s fieldjust outside of town, threw out a few blankets and waitedfor the shooting stars.

As we watched the meteors of various sizes streak acrossthe night sky, I noticed a swath of faint, splotchy light andI asked if anyone else saw it, too. It turned out that we were

1But how ’bout them Cardinals?!

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The Human Activity of Watching the Sky 3

seeing the Milky Way—our own galaxy as viewed from theinside—along with many of the summer constellations. Itwas that event, at the age of twenty-one, that sparked myinterest in the grander Cosmos.

From that night on I started looking up to notice twin-kling stars of various subtle hues, the phases of the Moon,and the sky in general. One night later that year I saw aremarkably bright star that I hadn’t noticed previously.A few weeks later I asked one of my physics professors,Dr. Schmitt, about the mysterious star expecting to hearabout some component of a constellation with a Latinname or some boring numerical designation. I explainedabout how much brighter it was than the surroundingstars, and how it seemed to stand out so much clearer thaneverything else in the sky. He smiled and told me that Iwasn’t seeing a star at all. Rather, I was seeing the planetJupiter. Thinking back to that moment now, I supposethat was when I had just “discovered" my first planet! Thediscovery may have been thousands if not millions of yearsold and therefore hardly new to humanity. But it was newto me and it further sparked my interest in the subject ofastronomy.

1.2 The Human Activity of Watching the Sky

Throughout history humans have taken inventory of thenight sky, its stars, planets and other luminous bodies.Given many more nights staring up, rather than down atmy textbooks or across at my computer screen, I wouldhave noticed other bright planets in addition to Jupiter,

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including Mercury, Venus, Mars and Saturn. If I hadpaid careful enough attention, as my ancestors had thou-sands of years ago, I would have noticed that the planetsdid not always appear in the same place month aftermonth with respect to the surrounding stars. Comparedto the relatively static background of the constellations,the planets wander at their own pace, and sometimesmove in a direction opposite of the stars. The activity ofmeasuring the positions of astronomical objects relativeto the background of relatively static stars is known asastrometry. The history of exoplanets starts with humansconducting astrometric measurements of the planets, andthe story of the discovery of the nature of the Solar Systemplanets marks the dawn of science as we know it.

While the word planet, meaning “wandering star,”originates with the Greeks, astrometric measurements ofplanets were first recorded by the Babylonians, who startedrecording the positions of Venus sometime in the sev-enteenth century B.C.E. We know this based on theancient Venus Tablets, on which these earlier astrometricobservations were later reproduced and preserved. Thesetablets date back to the seventh century B.C.E., and theoriginal observations were most likely made in relation toreligious customs and beliefs, with the times of maximumseparation from the Sun associated with various omens.Later Babylonian texts noted the positions of other planets,along with the Sun and the Moon, and noted the periodicnature of these objects’ motion in the sky.

The Babylonian tabulations of planetary positionsare the earliest written records of humans tracking thepositions of night-sky objects. However, while various

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aspects of planetary motion were noted to be periodic andtherefore predictable, ancient astronomers had no propersystem of motion attributed to the planets and stars. Withthe advent of geometry, the Greeks later devised the firstmathematical description of the movements of objectsin the sky. They posited that the Earth was a sphere—they were aware that the Earth is not flat—and aroundthe central sphere rotated a larger sphere containing thestars and planets. This “two-sphere” model was advancedby the most prominent philosophers of the time, no-tably Socrates, Aristotle and Ptolemy, and later adoptedby Christian theologians through the sixteenth centuryB.C.E. (Kuhn, 1957).

The preference for the two-sphere model was notnecessarily based on its ability to make accurate physical ex-planations of observed phenomena, but were instead basedon assertions about nature that had aesthetic, rather thanscientific appeal as we would demand today. According tothe ideas of the early Greek philosophers, later expandedupon by Ptolemy, the basic elements of the Universehad preferred locations and behaviors. For example, in aPtolemaic Universe, the Earth and its constituents—earth,water, air and fire—were changing and imperfect. Further,things that are of the Earth tend toward its center, whichprovides an explanation for why objects are pulled to theEarth. While things of the Earth are subject to change,objects in the heavens were created perfect and immutable.Rather than falling toward the Earth, the outer sphere(s)containing the celestial bodies moved in circular motion,eternally cycling back on itself with no beginning and noend.

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The two-sphere model held sway for nearly two millen-nia, and as a result there was little progress in the physicalunderstanding of how the Universe works. The perfec-tion and constancy of the model, with celestial objectscycling along eternal circular tracks, made it appealing toPtolemaic and later Christian sensibilities. But beyond thevisual appeal of the heavens, the stars in the night skywere otherwise largely uninteresting. The stars, Moon, Sunand planets existed above the Earth, and the rules thatgovern change on the Earth were simply presumed to beinvalid for the heavens. This meant that finding detailedexplanations for astronomical phenomena wasn’t particu-larly compelling to most people in the centuries leadingup to the time of Copernicus (1473–1543), other thanthe impact that planetary positions had on keeping trackof time, aiding in navigation, and the connection betweenhuman fate and the precepts of astrology. Questions wererestricted to when astronomical phenomena would occur,and only because it was presumed that those phenomenaimpacted human affairs. Asking why the heavens move asthey do, or ascertaining their origins, was not the provinceof educated philosophers who were concerned with thenature of humans rather than the nature of stars, planetsand the Universe.

If the night sky were populated only with stars, thenthe two-sphere model might have continued for centurieslonger than it did. However, then as today, planets cap-tured the attention of early philosophers, scientists and tin-kerers. While stars execute their uniform, circular motionabout the Earth, the planets are the iconoclasts, breakingthe rule of immutability. Venus and Mercury don’t use

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the entire night sky as their playing field, but rather appearto the naked eye only close to when the Sun is settingor rising, swapping positions from one side of the Sun tothe other. Venus in particular grabs people’s attention tothis day, appearing bright and bold just before and duringsunset on some days, and around sunrise on other days,hence its designation as the evening star or morning star,respectively. Mars, Jupiter and Saturn are also extremelybright, yet they move across the entire night sky driftingacross the background field of stars at their own paces.

Even more curiously, Mars, Jupiter and Saturn—alongwith the other outer planets, which are not visible tothe naked eye—occasionally halt and then reverse coursefor weeks to months, from night to night moving fromwest to east, counter to their more typical east-to-westmotion. From our vantage point of modern science, thisretrograde motion, coupled with the restricted movementof Venus and Mercury, are evidence against an Earth-centered Solar System. Venus and Mercury never stray farfrom the Sun because the Earth is orbiting exterior to themand we are looking in toward their smaller, Sun-centeredorbits. Meanwhile, Mars, Jupiter and Saturn orbit the Sunexterior to the Earth, so we can see them in their largerorbits that range over our entire night sky, often far fromthe Sun’s position. Furthermore, the orbit of the Earth can“overtake” the orbits of the outer planets, causing them toappear to move backward on our sky as we pass them.

However, the prevailing way of thinking about theUniverse before the sixteenth century compelled people todouble down on the preference for perfect circular motion.Ptolemy built on the concepts of circular motion that

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were originally proposed by Hipparchus and Apolloniusof Perga. Instead of traveling solely along giant circlescentered on the Earth, the planets also moved along smallercircles centered on a point along the larger orbital circle,known as epicycles. This circle-on-a-circle concept allowedthe planets to move from east to west on the sky most ofthe time, but the rotation of the epicycle allowed them tooccasionally reverse direction. The epicyclic modificationof Ptolemy was the dominant model of the Solar Systemfor more than a millennium, from the second centuryA.D. up until the time of Copernicus in the sixteenthcentury.

1.3 Asking Why the Planets Move as They Do

For much of his life, Nicolaus Copernicus was employedvariously as a politician, theologian, and physician. How-ever, his true passion was astronomy and he was well-versedin the astronomical philosophy of Ptolemy, with its spheresand epicycles. However, the use of epicycles required notjust small circles atop larger circles, but the model requiredother modifications such as offsets between the Earth andthe center of the different planetary motions to reproduce,for example, the varying brightnesses and speeds of theplanets throughout the year.

Copernicus found that circular planetary orbits couldbe accommodated by a Sun-centered (heliocentric) model(Sobel, 2011). Copernicus shared the Greek admirationfor circles because an object on a circular path has eternalmotion, which reflects the eternal perfection of the

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heavens. As an additional benefit, the arbitrary mechanismof epicycles was no longer needed to explain retrogrademotion. He first proposed his heliocentric model in a shorttreatise entitled Commentariolus (“short commentary”). Inthis short work he laid out a set of assumptions, notablythat there was no single center in the Solar System, butinstead several rotation points; the Moon orbits the Earth;the objects other than the Moon orbit the Sun; the starsare fixed and at a great distance from the Solar System;and the apparent retrograde motion of the outer planets isrelated to the Earth’s motion on a sphere interior to thoseplanets’ spheres. These assumptions formed the basis forhis later work, De Revolutionibus Orbium Coelestium (Onthe Revolutions of the Heavenly Spheres), which describedhis heliocentric model more fully.

It should be noted that Copernicus’ motivations for aheliocentric Solar System weren’t particularly compellingas viewed from a modern scientific standpoint. Becauseof his insistence on circular motion, which we now knowis not generally true of planetary motion, he proposedplacing the Sun near the center of his system based onanother aesthetic motivation: light tends to emanate froma central location, like light from a candle in an otherwisedark room. So he proposed to place the Sun at the centerof the Solar System—the center of the room, so to speak—with the planets, including the Earth, revolving aroundthe central light. Copernicus’ reasoning for a heliocentricuniverse provided a simpler explanation than an Earth-centered model with epicycles. But more important, theheliocentric model later found overwhelming and com-pelling support in direct observational evidence.

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His motivations aside, Copernicus’ idea proved rev-olutionary because it provided an entirely new way ofobserving and interpreting the Universe. Kuhn astutelynotes that the Copernican Revolution ushered in a newparadigm of scientific thinking.2

A scientific paradigm is a system of thought that formsa starting point for working out scientific problems. Forexample, before the modern germ theory of disease, illnesswas thought to be due to poor air quality, or “miasma.”Today, our understanding of bacteria, parasites and virusesprovides a much more effective framework for treatingand preventing diseases that would be unrecognizable tomedical practitioners of, say, the eighteenth century.

Similarly, the assumption that the Earth does notoccupy a special place in the Universe provides a commonstarting point for working out modern astronomy prob-lems, and this approach was largerly unheard of beforeCopernicus’ revolutionary idea. Because of Copernicus’paradigm shift the assumptions under which scientistsinterpreted the world around them were fundamentallychanged. With the Sun moved to the center of the planets’orbits, the Earth was no longer the center of the entireUniverse. With the new model, there was at last a systemof planetary motion around the Sun; there was now aSolar System, a logical, universal mechanism for explainingthe motion of planets. Later observations and reasoningrevealed the Sun to be one of myriad stars in a Universe

2Owen Gingerich once told me the story of Thomas Kuhn, who extendedthe definition of paradigm to the scientific realm. Thomas was one day walkingnear Harvard Square, whereupon he was asked by a beggar if he could ’pare adime. I love a good pun!

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that was much larger than just the Earth and its immediateenvirons.

Contrary to popular belief, the church initially tooka rather pragmatic stance toward Copernicus’ new idea.His heliocentric model provided a much easier methodof computing predictions for the positions of the planets,and was therefore quite a bit more useful than previousastrometric methods. Copernicus was also a part of thechurch hierarchy, and he was very careful to follow properrules and etiquette when publishing his ideas, going sofar as to dedicate De Revolutionibus to the pope (Pogge,2005). Immediately following the publication of Com-mentariolus, some religious leaders, both Catholic andProtestant, expressed disdain at the removal of the Earthfrom the center of God’s creation. But there was not anorganized, church-led suppression of Copernican thinkinguntil several decades later. Copernicus was nonethelesssensitive to potential religious objections to his theory,which is one reason he waited until late in his life to publishDe Revolutionibus.

Another obstacle to the widespread acceptance of theheliocentric model is the requirement of a moving Earth.A static Earth at the center of the Solar System fit into theexisting philosophical beliefs that the elements associatedwith the Earth tend to fall toward its center. However, thistendency is distinct from the modern notion of gravity,and many scoffed at the notion of a moving Earth becauseit was felt that things resting on the Earth’s surface, as wellas the atmosphere and the Moon, would fly away if theEarth moved around the Sun. After all, if a horse-drawncart laden with supplies turns a corner too quickly, the

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cargo will fly over the edge. Shouldn’t the same hold truefor the Earth and its “cargo”? Another objection was relatedto the firmly held belief that there could be only one centerof motion, and having the Earth orbit the Sun as one centerwhile serving as the center of the Moon’s motion seemedabsurd.

Copernicus’ heliocentric model provided an adequatematch to existing observations, but so did the prevailingEarth-centred (geocentric) model. To Copernicus, movingthe Sun to the center of the planetary orbits provided asimpler, more mathematically elegant construct, but thetension between new and old theories would only besettled using the force of new observational evidence. Ifa model says astronomical objects—or the entire Universe,for that matter—should behave in a certain way, there areusually consequences that can be observed if that modelis true. New observations of the Universe often providetests of key aspects of theoretical models. Should the newtheory pass the observational tests, then it can be adoptedas a viable means of understanding the Universe, especiallyif the competing model cannot pass the same tests. Sadly,Copernicus died within a year of his theory’s publicationand therefore never saw the tests that led to the widespreadacceptance of his hypothesis.

At the time of Copernicus, astronomical instrumentswere no more than basic surveyor’s tools—means ofmeasuring positions, angles and times in order to chartthe motion of objects visible to the naked eye. TychoBrahe (1546–1601) combined the latest versions of thesetools with meticulous attention to detail to make markedimprovements to past astrometric measurements of the

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planets. While Tycho strongly opposed Copernicus’heliocentric model, his collaborator Johannes Keplerinherited—or stole, depending on one’s perspective—Tycho’s data after he died, and used the highly precise datato refine Copernicus’ model. Rather than uniform circularmotion around the Sun, Kepler found that a modified lawof motion could account for all aspects of planetary motionas manifest in Tycho’s astrometric data.

The first of Kepler’s laws states that planets move alongellipses rather than circular paths, with the Sun at one ofthe two foci. The second states that the closer a planetis to the Sun along its orbital path, the faster it moves,and vice versa, such that equal areas inside of each orbitalellipse are swept out in equal intervals of time. Today,we understand this through the lens of the conservationof both energy and angular momentum. The smaller thedistance d between a planet and the Sun, at perihelion, themore negative the potential energy: gravitational potentialenergy goes as −1/d2. In order to reduce its potentialenergy (note the negative sign) while conserving its totalenergy, the planet must increase its kinetic energy byspeeding up. The opposite happens at aphelion, or themaximum orbital separation along the ellipse.

Kepler’s third law is perhaps most familiar to physicsstudents. It states that size of a planet’s orbit, given by itssemimajor axis a , is proportional to its orbital period, P ,such that

P 2 ∝ a3(1.1)

Kepler’s third law provided a unified mathematical frame-work for understanding the motion of the planets within

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Copernicus’ heliocentric model. The Universe containingthe Earth, Sun, Moon and five naked-eye-visible plan-ets was no longer an ad hoc collection of mechanisms,but rather a self-consistent system. However, lingeringconcerns about a moving Earth remained until the SolarSystem bodies could be inspected much more closely thanwas possible with the naked eye.

In the early 1600s, Dutch glass workers developedthe first telescopes, which used systems of lenses to im-prove upon the eye’s light-gathering ability and spatialresolution. These original telescopes were used for, e.g.,spotting distant ships out at sea. A few years after theconstruction of the first telescopes, Galileo Galilei, anItalian polymath cut from the same cloth as Copernicus,started building his own telescopes and improved onthe original Dutch designs. Rather than looking hori-zontally at objects on the Earth’s surface, Galileo turnedhis improved telescope upward to the night sky. Whathe found from his newfound vantage point would haveastounded the ancient Greek philosophers and surelywarmed Copernicus’ heart had he been alive to share theview.

Galileo’s observations of the brightest object in thenight sky, the Moon, revealed a crumpled, cratered land-scape that stood in stark contrast to the supposed perfectlyreflecting surface of a body made of ether, a perfectsubstance through which heavenly bodies moved and wereconstructed. The dark patches, rather than reflecting theimperfections of the Earth, were intrinsic to the Moon.Similarly, the projected image of the Sun’s surface showeddark patches (sunspots) that changed in both size and

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location on timescales of days. Neither the Sun nor theMoon was perfect and immutable.

His close inspections of the planets were equally surpris-ing. Venus was observed to exhibit phases during its orbit,similar to the Moon throughout the month. This showedconvincing evidence for at least one planet orbiting theSun rather than the Earth. The resolved image of Saturnshowed that it was not perfectly circular, but rather hadelongations on either side that change throughout the year.These elongations are known to be Saturn’s characteristicring system, but their variability was another knock againstthe unchangeable nature of the heavenly bodies.

The surprises kept on coming when Galileo examinedJupiter. Unlike Saturn, Jupiter resolved into a seeminglysolid disk with no rings. But Galileo had a finely tunedattention to detail, and he noticed several “stars” that layin a straight line that passes through Jupiter’s center andalways appear near Jupiter on the sky. Night after night,these attendant points of light would move from sideto side and appear to change in number as one or twowould disappear only to show up again in a new locationthe following night. Remarkably, from this apparentlyrandom jumping about on a two-dimensional surface,and despite interruptions due to poor weather, Galileowas able to infer that the points of light were executingthree-dimensional orbital motion around Jupiter. This wasprofound because Jupiter suddenly became another centerin the Universe, around which other bodies orbited. Andsince Jupiter orbits the Sun, it was evidence that the Earthcould move through the Solar System without losing itsMoon, atmosphere and human inhabitants.

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1.4 Exoplanets and Completing the CopernicanRevolution

More than four centuries after Copernicus’ revolutionaryidea we now live in an era of astronomy marked by anotherparadigm shift thanks to the discovery of planets aroundstars other than the Sun. The study of exoplanets—fromtheir initial discovery to their physical characterization—is known as exoplanetary science.3 The new knowledgeflowing from this rapidly growing field is revolutionizinghow we think of the origins of the Solar System specifically,and the formation and evolution of planetary systemsthroughout the Galaxy more generally.

Before the discovery of exoplanets our concepts ofplanetary systems were shaped and guided by a sample ofone: our own Solar System. The downside of this sample-of-one approach should be fairly obvious. Focusing onour Solar System alone is like doing sociology based onsolely investigating one’s own life history. An approach tounderstanding humans by considering only oneself maybe preferred by most children, but eventually we all growup and realize that we cannot understand ourselves andour society without studying other humans. Similarly, wecannot hope to understand our own planet’s origins, andthe formation of planetary systems in general, withouta large sample of planets other than those in the SolarSystem.

3Planets orbiting other stars were initially called extrasolar planets. However,Virginia Trimble noted that she had never heard of a planet residing inside ofthe Sun. While some might blanch at the mash-up of Greek and Latin, the morecommonly used word today is “exoplanet."

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The dominant view of planets that existed beforethe discovery of exoplanets is worth examining. Black(1995) provided a comprehensive yet pessimistic reviewof planetary science in an article entitled “Continuing theCopernican Revolution.” Some of the noteworthy featuresof the Solar System that informed the dominant paradigmcirca 1995 include:

1. The planets all lie more or less in the same orbitalplane, with mutual inclinations less than4 degrees. The exception is the innermost planet,Mercury.

2. The average angular momentum vector of theplanets is nearly parallel to that of the spinangular momentum of the Sun.

3. The planets have nearly circular orbits, againwith the exception of Mercury.

4. All of the planets orbit in the same direction, andwith the exceptions of Venus and Uranus, theyall spin in the same direction as their orbitalmotion and in the same direction as the Sun’sspin.

Many of these features were noted hundreds of yearsearlier, around 1755, by Immanuel Kant. Based on thefeatures of the Solar System, he proposed that the planetsall trace a common origin to a flattened, rotatingdistribution of gas—a nebula.4 This nebular hypothesis wasexpanded upon by Pierre-Simon Laplace, who envisioned

4Kant also correctly reasoned that the Milky Way galaxy is a flatteneddisklike distribution of stars orbiting a common center.

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the nebula cooling and contracting to form successivelylarger rings moving away from the newly formed centralSun. These rings then collapsed to form the planets.

While the nebular hypothesis of Laplace and Kantran into speed bumps between the eighteenth centuryand mid-twentieth century, by the time of Black’s reviewarticle the notion of planets forming out of a flatteneddistribution of gas and dust surrounding a newly formedstar was the dominant model of planet formation. Indeed,it still is. We think that the process of planet forma-tion is a by-product of the process of star formation. Inthe interstellar medium—the collection of gas and dustthat roams in the vast expanses of the Galaxy betweenstars—there exist large clouds containing relatively dense,cool pockets of molecular gas. These molecular cloudsexperience compression, perhaps due to the shock frontsemanating from supernovae explosions from nearby starformation regions, and as a result start to contract underthe pull of their own self-gravity. If the force of gravitycannot be counterbalanced by the internal thermal supportof the molecular cloud, the cloud begins to collapse in onitself.

Molecular cloud collapse leads to one or many centralconcentrations that become stars. As the molecular cloudmaterial condenses toward the central star, the conserva-tion of angular momentum leads to the formation of aflattened, spinning disk containing gas and dust; materialcan compress along the spin axis of the natal star/disk.Turbulence, viscosity and magnetic fields help transportthe inflowing gas through the disk and onto the centralstar, while stellar winds and irradiation push disk material

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back out into the interstellar medium. The leftover dregsof the star-formation process go into forming larger andlarger collections of solid material that form the seeds ofplanet formation.

The planet formation process is brief compared to thelifetime of the central star. Stars like the Sun have lifetimesof roughly 10 billion years. However, the planet-formationepoch lasts only 10 million to 100 million years, or aperiod several orders of magnitude shorter than the life ofthe eventual system containing planets and the host star.Before the diversity of exoplanetary systems was observed,the Solar System was generally assumed to represent astatic “fossil record” of the planet-formation process. Smallplanets formed close to the star, where the density ofgas was smaller than in the outer regions, and where thetemperatures were too hot for the condensation of volatilessuch as water ice. However, beyond the so-called snow line,the disk temperatures dropped to the point at which icescould condense and solid planetary cores could form moreeasily. Together with the increased density of gas the giantplanets were able to form more efficiently, hence Jupiterand the other gas giants at large orbital distances.

The discovery of exoplanets immediately challengedthis picture of gas-disk-to-planet fossil preservation.Exoplanet architectures provide strong evidence of post-disk gravitational jostling among planets. For example,gas-giant planets around other stars are often discoveredin orbits much smaller than the 5.2 astronomical units(AU) that separate the Sun and Jupiter. Also, gas-giantexoplanets are often in eccentric orbits, and sometimes theorbits are significantly tilted with respect to other planets

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in the system, and with respect to the stellar spin axis.The prevalence of eccentric, tilted, close-in planets hasled to the invocation of gravitational interactions betweenplanets and their disks, between planets and their stars,and among planets. With a sample of one, it wouldbe difficult to make a strong argument for such radicalgravitational interactions and inward orbital migration.But with the view afforded by thousands of alien planetarysystems, we can now see that the orderly architecture ofthe Solar System may be an exception rather than the rulethroughout the Galaxy.

An analogy for our view of planetary systems before andafter the discovery of exoplanets is the story of a Victorianhouse in the middle of an urban area such as Manhattan.5

Imagine growing up in such a house, but never having theopportunity to look outside, and therefore never seeingother dwellings where other people live. Then, one dayat the age of twelve you are afforded the opportunity tostep outside and look around. The high-rise apartmentcomplexes, townhouses and condominiums would looknothing like the house you spent your whole life in.Any theories of how other people live would be radicallychanged, and instantaneously so. At the same time, yourmind would be flooded with basic but perplexing questionssuch as, How do people get up into their dwellings fromthe ground level? How were these towering complexes builtand who built them? Do people collectively own the entirebuilding, or do they own only parts of the building?

5Here, I’m envisioning the house in one of my favorite children’s books, TheLittle House, by Virginia Lee Burton.

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All of these basic questions have fairly basic answers,but those answers would be far from obvious on the firstfew days outside of the little Victorian house. Similarly, thelarge number and variety of planetary systems that we havefound elsewhere in the Galaxy are causing us to confrontsimilarly basic yet perplexing questions. Having “grownup” in a Solar System with a system of small, rocky planetsclose to the Sun (Mercury, Venus, Earth and Mars), and asystem of gas giants further out (Jupiter, Saturn, Uranusand Neptune), how do we understand the existence ofhot Jupiters: gas-giant planets orbiting right next to theirhost stars with orbital periods of days rather than years(Schilling, 1996)? How do we explain the formation ofplanetary systems containing three to seven sub-Neptune-sized planets all packed into regions smaller than theSun–Mercury separation (Mayor et al., 2009; Lissauer etal., 2011; Swift et al., 2013)? What context do we have forSaturn-sized planets that orbit not one, but two stars—circumbinary planets from which one would see vistassimilar to that of Luke Skywalker standing on Tatooine,the fictional double-Sun planet in the movie Star Wars(Doyle et al., 2011; Orosz et al., 2012)?

Our models of planet formation, which had for decadesbeen informed by and tuned to explain our own SolarSystem and its architecture, must now undergo radicalrevision. Describing the Solar System is no longer the onlychallenge facing planet-formation theorists. Indeed, as ofonly 2014 we now know that our Solar System is noteven a typical planetary system in the Galaxy. Tiny reddwarf stars outnumber stars like the Sun by a ratio ofabout ten to one, and there are one to three planets per

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red dwarf (Dressing & Charbonneau, 2013; Morton &Swift, 2014). Just as with Copernicus’ radical theory, inwhich the Earth was dethroned from its central positionin the Solar System, thanks to the discovery of exoplanetsthe entire Solar System has been moved from its positionof primacy in our thinking about planetary systems ingeneral. The birth and rapid rise of exoplanetary sciencehas fundamentally and radically changed our paradigmfor understanding the existence, origin and evolution ofplanets on a galactic scale.

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