household led by women
TRANSCRIPT
Household led by women
(DRAFT VERSION)
Antero Ferreira
NEPS - UNIVERSIDADE DO MINHO
April, 2007
COST ACTION A34
GENDER AND WELL-BEING:
INTERACTION BETWEEN WORK, FAMILY AND PUBLIC POLICIES
Symposium 2:
The transmission of Well-Being: Marriages Strategies and Inheritance
Systems in Europe from 17th-20th Centuries
Universidade do Minho, Guimarães, Portugal
1
Abstract
Our aproach attemps to study the great incidence of households led by women in Guimarães, a
city in Minho, (Northern Portugal), between 18th and 19th centuries, using annual lists of residents.
This phenomenon is associated with migratory streams that cause great isntability on this popu-
lation male ratio and household structure as well as on high illegitimacy, characteristic of the demo-
graphic and social pro�le of this region.
With this paper we intend to propose a classi�cation of these particular kind of households, taking
into consideration their composition, socio-professional and spatial distribution, and to observe their
reproduction.
1 Introduction
Some research already made about the city of Guimarães for 18th and 19th centuries, had called the
attention to the great number of households led by women, alguns dos quais some of which, led by single
women. This phenomenon, that could be related with the existence of predominant male migratory move-
ments, had called our particular attention because it corresponds to a particular household organisation
that one should not expect to �nd in the past.
The city of Guimarães, situated in the North of Portugal, in the South of Minho's province, is a region
where, thanks to the mild climate and �elds' fertility, the population has increased at an accelerating
rhythm. The city has always been an important industrial and commercial pole, being the centre of a
vast agricultural region that exceeds the municipality dimensions.
Trough out the times, its textiles, its tanneries, but also its goldsmiths, comb-makers and cutlers
has been famous. On the period under analysis, the second half of the 19th century, the traditional
industry was predominant, characterised by small workshops and by domestic system. The most of its
production was absorbed, if not controlled, by local tradesmen. It was a time of great urban changes,
with the building of new roads that link nearby cities, new streets and emblematic buildings for the city.
Symptomatic of this vitality, was the order placed by the city council of an urbanisation plan to engineer
Manuel de Almeida Ribeiro, in 1867. Making a note on these transformations, P. António Caldas, on his
2
work called �Guimarães. Apontamentos para a sua história�, published in 1881, claims to the �detractors
of Guimarães� that a�rmed that the city had not expanded since the12th century, time in which the
�rst King of Portugal, D. Afonso Henriques, lived in Guimarães. He was caution enough to list all the
streets that were situated outside the city walls, thus showing the city expansion and stating that if
our �rst king �(...) would come to Guimarães, certainly he would not know the city where he had been
born.�[CALDAS:1881]. On the same period, the �rst Industrial Exhibition of Guimarães, that took place
in 1884, represents the show-case of productive capacities of the city, �this vast workshop that we call the
municipality of Guimarães� [SAMPAIO:1991], and the dynamics that were being developed towards its
modernisation.
2 Sources and methodology
In this brief analysis, the aim of our investigation is the parish of Nossa Senhora da Oliveira (Picture 1),
the most ancient of the city, which comprises almost all the urban space inside the walls and also spreads
to a rural area, contiguous to the city walls. We based our research on an already existent demographic
database that includes all the parishes of the city centre of Guimarães between 1520 and 1910, and used
as main source the �Rol de Confessados� of the parish of the Senhora da Oliveira of 1799,1835 and, mainly,
of 1865.
2.1 The �Rol de Confessados� [RC] 1
�Rol de Confessados� are a parochial census organized by households, with all the resident individuals
referred by an explicit family hierarchy (wife, child, father/mother, father-in-law, brother/sister, nephew,
servant, foundling, guest...) distributed by places or streets. In each household the respective head of
family was mentioned by his �rst and last name, as well as his wife and the dependant ancestors, whether
they are parents or in-laws. To the children, nephews, brothers or other dependant without social
recognition, family names had not been attributed. For each adult individual was, generally, indicated
the marital status and the exact age. The �nal columns indicate whether each one of the cited individual
was �Con�rmated� and received the sacraments of Confession and Communion, in the case of the over of
sevens, and only confession in the case of the under sevens. This is a privileged source for the history of
the family as it allows us to analyse the composition of the family unit and their spatial location.
During the analysis of this source, the main di�culty of the investigator is to identify the real meaning
of the word �house� for the writer. Previous studies have already alerted to the possible incorrections
of the study of the family structure based on these RC before the last quarter of the XIX century,
1Status animarum - Lent census of residents.
3
without identifying the family and considering as coresidents close relatives mentioned in the contiguous
households [AMORIM:1995]. The priest would usually consider as household the contributive unit and
not the unit of residence and it was possible to check that families that were mentioned in di�erent houses
would very probably live together in the same house. [FERREIRA:2001]
In this case, the roll of 1865, thanks to the accuracy of the parish writers we can �nd a source organized
by unit of residence, identi�ed by their number. Whenever there are two or more units in the same house,
they are clearly identi�ed by a space that divides them.
2.2 Parish registers
The information gathered in the RC was confronted with a database built on wedding, baptism and
death registers, organized according to the Parish Reconstitution Methodology. [AMORIM:1991] This
parochial database allows to follow all of the residents in a genealogical chain, o�ering the possibility
of nominative crossing with other sources, making easier the identi�cation of the individuals referred in
them. In turn, this matching allows us the enrichment of the information we already had about each of
the individuals in areas in wich the parochial sources are not so complete.
2.3 Methodology
Despite having a lot of RC of our disposal our choice was for the year of 1865, as it was the �rst in which
we have data for the two parts into which the parish of Oliveira was divided. The choice also depended
on the fact that the �rst modern general census of the Portuguese population had taken place in 1864,
as well as an electoral census of the municipality of Guimarães.
After having created a database based on the RC, we identi�ed the individuals and their family
relationships with the help of the demographic database. Such operation, made easier today thanks
to the use of speci�c software SRP [FARIA:2004][FERREIRA:2004], allowed us to determine part of
the family ties not mentioned in the roll and to complete information about the marital status and
occupations of the individuals. Later, we enlarged our database with information from the electoral
census, particularly as far as occupation and income are concerned.
4
Picture IMap of Guimarães (19th century)
Analised Areas
Source: Guimarães Património Cultural da Humanidade, CMG, 2002
5
3 The population of the parish of Oliveira - Guimarães (1865)
The population of the parish of Oliveira, as calculated from the RC was of about 2971 individuals (in
1864, in the general census of the population, there were 3131 individuals). According to the table that
follows, it is possible to notice the distribution of the 605 houses, duly identi�ed and assigned with a
number by the writers - from January, 31 1807 the city council had deliberated to adopt the system of
numbering the houses.
Table INumber of households and individuals by streets and places (17992/18653)
For the �rst part of the parish of Oliveira we have got information on the RC of 1799 previously
studied [FERREIRA:2003] what allow us a comparative analysis. In general terms, there was an increase
in number both of inhabitants and houses but this process was not uniform in the whole parish. It is
possible to observe that in the extra-walls area by the castle, Arcela and Cano, Oliveiras and Sta. Cruz,
there are 157 houses that correspond to 20% of the total, but only 16,6% of the total of inhabitants. The
growth of Santa Cruz street is worthy of remark as in 1799 had no more than 23 houses and 78 inhabitants.
The same can be referred about the streets of Sabugal and Infesta which are the natural continuity of the
in-walls street of Sta. Cruz. Opposingly, there is a decrease in the number of inhabitants in the group
2 [FERREIRA:2003]3 [FERREIRA:2005]
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constituted by Oliveira Square, Sta. Maria and Mercadores streets, the central area of the parish. If
we check the type of residents of this area - 33% of the total of clergy members, 23% of administrative
workers, 18% of land owners, 27% of the eligible and 23% of domestic servants - we easily conclude
that it is part of a process of urban reorganisation, implying building up new houses, enlargement of
some others and also displacement of some families to areas of expansion of the city outside the walls.
Surprisingly, such phenomenon is not noticed at Santiago Square, contiguous to Oliveira Square and
Santa Maria Street, probably due to the complexity of its social composition. In this Square we could
�nd a one legal clerk, several craftsmen and some small merchants, associated to complex households
with several families living together in the same house without any evident family relationship, various
families with illegitimate children and a tramp. Also the Nova do Muro Street, where tradesman and
mechanical o�cials, with their apprentices and their servants, were predominant, presents an increase in
the number of residents in this period.
For the second part of the parish we do not have any information for 1799. We would like to point out
the eastern extra-walls area - Hortas, Facto, Trigais and Campo da Feira where farmers and landowners'
households are predominant. It is one of the areas of expansion of the city where we can also �nd some
traders and administrative workers. Going back into the walls area, from Sapateira and Espírito Santo
Streets, we have a commercial area where the mechanical o�cials and merchants are predominant. Finally,
from Val de Donas to Poço Streets we �nd landowners, administrative o�cials and clergy members.
Graph 1Structure of the population of Oliveira (1865)
Still in Table 1, we must point out the very low values of male ratio (63 in the whole parish). This
phenomenon, already noticed in previous studies [AMORIM:1983][FERREIRA:2003], seems to be a long
term characteristic in the city of Guimarães which seems to be still more obvious during the second half
of the 19th century. The age pyramid (Graph 1) clearly represents this reality especially for the ages in
7
between 15 and 35 years. Such lack of balance between genders is very complex and di�cult to explain.
On the one hand, as this is an area of a low mortality rate [AMORIM:1987] it can be associated with
the high male migration to the big cities, like Porto and Lisboa, and many times, to Brazil. This male
exodus has consequences on the household composition, with a signi�cant percentage of households led
by women (23%), and in the high illegitimacy rates of the North of Portugal [NEVES:2001]. On the other
hand, we cannot forget that the city is also an attraction point, situation clearly perceptible through the
parochial database, where it was possible to understand the great diversity in the origin of the individuals
who got married on or settle residence in Oliveira.
Also related with mobility, the domestic service is another reality that must be presented in this
analysis. The number of servants that can be found in the several households is striking. There are only
a few families that could not have at least one servant. Also striking is the instability of their presence:
although their number in the household is stable, there is usually a constant renewal every year. Where
do they come from? Where do they go when they leave the houses where they were working? Why do
they leave? These and many other questions remain without an answer for the moment. The study of
domestic service in the past is, undoubtedly, one of the most di�cult areas to deal with. We rarely are
in possession of any kind of information about this group besides their �rst name and their age, as they
are always identi�ed in relation to the household they are working at.
Anyway, it is possible to check that the importance of this group in the structure of the population is
considerable signi�cant: in 1864, 374 out of 2971 inhabitants (13%) are servants, among which 298 are
women (16% of the total of women). Taking into consideration only merely those whose ages are known
(Table II) it is possible to conclude that 10,8% start working as domestic servants by the age of 15.
Table IIDomestic service in Guimarães (1865)
The parish of Oliveira is predominantly inhabited by simple family households (56,6%), especially
couples with and without children and widows/ers with children. A special signi�cance is achieved by
households led by single woman with children (2,8%), which are a proof of what has previously been said
as far as the low male rates is concerned. We even think that the �gures for class 2c �Unrelated coresident
persons� (5,8%) can correspond partially to illegitimate families with whom we cannot clearly establish
8
a family relationship among their members. Familial isolation assumes also in this parish a particularly
signi�cance (23,1%).
Table IIIHousehold Structure 1865
The residence of a high number of clergy related with Colegiada de Nossa Senhora da Oliveira partly
explains the numbers found in class �1b - Single�, but the percentage of single women living alone is
also very important. The relative importance of non-conjugal family households, particularly classes �2a
- Unmarried siblings� and �2b - Other type of unmarried relatives�, are also associated to the canons
who, in many cases, lived with their brothers or sisters and even nephews. Finally we must refer the
particular situation of class �5e - Multiple household with no evident family relationship� (2,7%) due
to its relevance in this parish. This kind of household appears mostly in S. Tiago Square and Nova do
Muro Street, in both cases representing the most common type of household. Here, we are dealing with
complex households, in which more than one family unit live together in the same house without any
relationship between them, a phenomenon probably related with the di�culty in �nding accommodation
within the urban area. At the same level we have "2c - unrelated coresident persons�, (5,8 %) in which
9
groups of men and women, either single or widows/ers , without any family relationship, share the same
residence.
The analysis of the several sources handled, particularly the RC and the parochial database, gives us
a clear picture of the urban reality. In the case of Oliveira, we found a group of residents, who, either
by their wealth or professional activity, are �rmly integrated in the community. That is the case of
the landowners, the canons, the merchants or the craftsmen. On the contrary, there is another group
constituted by an enormous and unstable multitude of servants, apprentices, workers or even by isolated
women, either single or widows, about whom it was almost impossible to gather information.
4 Households led by women
A traditional perspective about society and family in the past leads us to imagine the female condition
under the permanent domination of the man: �rst the father, then the husband.
Graph IIHousehold Leadership (1865)
(percentage)
The situation we could �nd in Guimarães in the 18th and 19th centuries was totally di�erent: about
one third of the households are led by women. Taking the higher rates of female survival into consideration,
it would be natural that these households belong to widows. Yet, as it is evident in the graph below,
a signi�cant percentage of these households, more than 40%, are led by single women, of which 24%
correspond to family households composed by single women and their children.
10
Graph IIIHousehold Leadership by Marital Status (1865)
(percentage)
The distribution of these households according to the woman's age presents a picture that is compatible
with the previous hypothesis. The relative weight of the households led by single women is higher among
the youngest, and diminishes as they grow older. Anyway, its percentage is always higher than that of
the widows up to 45 and it never goes below 20%.
Graph IVFemale Household Leadership(1865)
by marital status and age(percentage)
A previous analysis of the organization of the social space, allows us to become aware of some di�er-
ences among these types of households. On the one hand, there are women with a somewhat important
social status, to whom the parochial writer sometimes would call �Dona� (the same as Mrs.) and who
had servants at their service. These are examples of phases in the life cycle of families with higher status:
either they are single women who inherited the place of residence and the belongings from their parents,
11
or widows who grant the continuity of the business of their husbands while their children do not get to
adult age.
In other cases, we are before women who would certainly belong to the lowest steps in the social
hierarchy. How do they survive? What do they do? It is not very common to �nd in the sources handled
a reference to female occupations. Anyway, for 1824 of female individuals referred in the roll of 1865, we
only know the occupation of 304 (17%). A vast majority is referred as servant, while the rest are referred
as �spinners� or �weavers�. If the domestic service was one of the most frequent occupations for these
women, the activities related with the textile industry, especially part-time, would undoubtedly represent
a strong means of balance of the domestic economy. In the report of the First Industrial Exhibition of
Guimarães [SAMPAIO:1991] that took place in 1884, it was already a�rmed that 50% of the women in
the city, independently from their social status, were spinners and weavers. In the report of the Second
Industrial Exhibition of Guimarães [ALMEIDA:1923] that took place in 1923, there is a history of the
industry of Guimarães in which cutleries, tanneries and textiles are, once more, presented as the main
activities. Among the various historical references we give particular attention to the following: �In 1794,
a provision was granted to Teresa Maria da Silva, widow of Manuel José Teixeira Guimarães, as being the
most pro�table business in the town of Guimarães, to manufacture all kinds of tablecloths and napkins
thus having many looms both in her house and outside, in which several workers of di�erent parishes
that were of 20 in number at her expense and daily pay, etc.� [ALMEIDA:1923, 122]
In the same publication, as far as traditional domestic industry is concerned, it is stated that the
clothes are sewed on at home by the housewives �(...) they are, so as to say, and inside the family, a
great help in the saving, that increases the nest-egg, or give crumbs of pro�t when done on previous
order. For selling, and still important today, many weavers weave the bragal4 on which they depend on
economically (...)� [ALMEIDA:1923, 134] As a conclusion on the analysis of the female occupations we
can notice that:
• In the roll of 1865, 22% of the women are married, and although their occupations are not mentioned,
it is possible to identify �ve spinners and three dressmakers after crosschecking information with
the parochial BD of Oliveira. These women can be inserted in the previously presented situation,
besides their domestic tasks they devote themselves to these activities thus contributing to an
increase of the income of the family household.
• In the above mentioned roll, 16% of the women are designated as �servants�, by far, the most
common female occupation.
4home linen out of which trousers bragas were made and, later, also tablecloths or cloths for covering the bread, etc.Houaiss Dictionary, 2001
12
• The matching of the statements with the collected data in our sources allows us to conclude that
the majority of the women in Guimarães, either married or not, would dedicate themselves, at least
partly, to activities related with the textile industry - spinning, weaving, dressmaking, etc.
In this context, we are forced to a�rm that both the domestic service and textile activities would be the
most common occupations of the women who appear as �heads of the family� in the city of Guimarães.
With their activity, they would be the main sources of income of the family household, associating the
income of their children, whenever they have any. In some other situations we can �nd several women
who share the same house, without identifying any family relationship among them. We believe that
this association became the formula they found to face the expenses with dwelling as well as a way of
mutual support to face their daily needs. This survival strategy which we called of �supportive structure�
was quite common in this town. We refer to the group of families or individuals who live together in
the same house, sharing lodging expenses, eventually some common spaces (the kitchen) and sometimes
constituting real production units. This strategy is common both for households led by men or by women.
Yet, whenever this leadership is assumed by women, this situation is much more common. Let's analyse
some examples:
• At house number 27, Rua do Cano, lived 34-year-old Rosa Maria, married, with an absent husband.
In the same house lives another woman, 48-year-old Josefa, single, with her also single 28-year-old
daughter.
• At house number 22 in Trabaços lived 41-year-old, Joaquina Rosa, single and with two children,
Valeriano, six and José, �ve. She shares this house with Ana Maria, a widow whose age is unknown.
• At house number 8, Rua de Santa Cruz, lived four women: Rosa Maria, an 80-year-old widow,
Maria Joaquina another 71-year-old widow, Maria Pisca, 79, whose marital status we do not know
and Ana Gonçalves, also a widow whose age is not known. In the same house, the canon writer
identi�es another unit in which Josefa Maria Lebre lived, about whom we do know neither the age
nor the marital status. In the next year, they were all still living in the same house.
• At house number 55, Rua de Santa Cruz, lives Ana Maria, single, 50 years old, with her two children,
Rosa, 16 and Manuel, 13. In the same house also live Manuel Joaquim, 42 and Clementina Rosa,
31, without any reference to their family relationship with Ana Maria.
• At house number 19, Rua da Sapateira lives Maria Rodrigues, single, 58 years old. In the same
house and without any reference to their family relationship, live Maria de Jesus, widow, 77 years
old, Rosa Maria, widow, 69 years old, Maria Joana, widow, 77 years old, Catarina Salgada, widow,
13
77 years old, Josefa Maria, single, 51 years old, Ana Machado, widow, 61 years old, Francisca
Almeida, widow, 77 years old and Francisca Rosa, 66 years old, with no reference to marital status.
• At house number 13, Rua da Infesta, lives D. Maria, single, as well as Luísa Rosa and D. Ana, all
single. Their ages, as well as their family relationship are unknown, although very probably they
are sisters. With them also live two servants, Manuel and Maria, with no reference to their age
either. In the same house, though in a di�erent unit, lives João José Ferreira, 30 tears old, married,
grocer, and his wife Maria Teresa, 30 years old, as well as two other women bout whom there is no
information about family relationship: Violante Rosa, widow, 56 years old and Ana do Nascimento,
single, 25 years old.
5 Conclusion
�The demographic dynamism of the Minho (...) found in emigration a regulatory mechanism that
was able to keep a minimal lack of balance between the population and the means of subsistence
available.(..).�[NEVES:2001, 209] Knowing that the migratory streams of this period, particularly the
emigration to Brazil, attracted especially men, we have as a result, a consequent lack of balance in the
male relationship, with signi�cant consequences at the level of the access to marriage and the structure
of domestic households. This process is, no doubt, decisive as far as the high number of households led
by women that is found in Guimarães is concerned. In a society that reserves to the woman a status
of submission towards the man, the situation of autonomy that these women assume, has a particular
signi�cance. Though di�cult it may have been for the existence of these women without the �support�
of a male companion, they were able to �nd survival strategies in companionship and solidarity with
other women in the same situation, by sharing a home and dedicating themselves to the most common
activities in this city: domestic service and domestic textile industry.
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