HISTORY OF HUMAN SETTLEMENT AND

RESOURCE USE

The following text reviews the history of human occupation in the Basin and some Federal policies that have helped to shape human uses of resources. 2 The main purpose of this discussion is to develop a better understanding of the relationships between settlement patterns and the progression of natural resource use in the Basin. A brief description of land-use practices of American Indians is included, but more details of the relationships between American Indians and Basin resources are presented later in this chapter.

Native American Settlement

The Columbia Basin has been occupied by people for at least 12,000 years, from the time it is believed migration occurred across the Bering Straits land bridge from northern Asia. After continued warming conditions caused glacial retreat, early hunt ing societies diversified and began fishing and gathering, creating local- ized cultural groups that followed the seasonal patterns of flora and fauna.

Although the lifeways of native cultures evolved with important regional differences (including distinctive languages), the tribal groups within the Columbia Basin exhibit enough common elements to be considered together. The term "Columbia Plateau culture" is frequently used to differentiate the original inhabitants of the Basin from their neighbors (Beckham 1995).

2 Much of this discussion is based on Stephen Beckham's report (1995) produced under contract to the ICBEMP.

American Indians were linked to their environment by careful observation, economic calculation, ritual monitoring, and religious explanation. People in the Columbia Plateau culture possessed lifeways and a knowledge of the land gained over centuries of occupation. Specific places for fishing, hunting, and gathering within a yearly rhythm of seasonal rounds became important to tribal groups. Hundreds of native plant and animal species developed cultural importance through subsistence, spiritual, and commercial uses. Favored areas for berry picking, root gathering, hunting, and collecting of other necessary materi- als offered a familiarity and continuity of use that affirmed people's spiritual beliefs that their lives had been ordered by their "right" behaviors in association with the land.

Access to major rivers was critical. The rivers provided salmon, steelhead, sturgeon, lampreys, suckers, and trout. Methods such as dip-net fish- ing were especially successful adjacent to major waterfalls of the Columbia River, including Kettle Falls, Priest Rapids, Celilo Falls, Five Mile Rapids, and the Cascades, as well as other rapids on the upper Snake River. Because rivers were arteries for both commerce and food, people resided in per- manent villages on terraces adjacent to major streams for most of the year. Family unit structure was based on seasonal harvesting chores. Villages provided a structural coherence among family groups, bringing tribal members together during the winter and early spring to hear the stories of elders and to share in ritual feasts, dances, and renewal (Beckham 1995).

Social

Contrary to the beliefs of non-Indian emigrantsarriving in the region in the 19th century, theBasin and adjoining areas were not pristine wilder-nesses, but ecological systems in which humanshad been an active component (MacCleery 1994,Woolfenden 1993). American Indians liberallyemployed fire as a tool to manage vegetation(Fowler 1986, Robbins 1994). Their fires differedfrom fires ignited by lightning in terms of season-ality, frequency, and intensity (Lewis 1985).

The low intensity, high frequency fires set byAmerican Indians served many purposes. Theywere used to enrich grazing; encourage vegetationfor browse for large mammals and berries forhuman and animal consumption; signal othertribes or send warnings; and conduct ceremonies.The widespread use of fires by American Indiansover long periods shaped the mosaic of vegeta-tion and the associated animal communities inthe West, resulting in an anthropocentric land-scape that could only be "natural" to the extentthat people are considered a natural part of theecosystem.

The long-standing patterns of interaction betweenhumans and the land on the Columbia Plateauwere disrupted, however, early in the 19th century.In addition to changes in land uses and resultingeffects on a broader scale, the introduction ofinfectious diseases caused population declines inIndian villages of 20 to 50 percent by episode andloosened the cultural fabric of tribal social bands(Boyd and Hyde 1989).

Arrival of Euro-AmericansBy 1780, the coastal areas of the Pacific Northwesthad been charted by navigators from Russia,England, France, and Spain, yet the Basinremained unexplored by visitors of Europeanorigin. Lewis and Clark's expedition from 1804to 1806 offered Euro-Americans the firstglimpse of the potential of the American West:a seemingly endless expanse of land, game, andrivers that attracted adventurers, fur trappers,and homesteaders.

The fur trade soon lured many newcomers. By 1820,450 vessels had sailed into coastal waters to engage indie fur trade. Fur trappers and traders establishedoutposts throughout the Pacific Northwest in thefirst decades of the 18di century. The Hudson's BayCompany held a near-monopoly on the fur trade indie Basin. It tried to maintain this dominantposition by trapping the fur-bearing animals of theSnake River plains to extinction, discouragingpotential competitors.

Missionaries began traveling west in search ofconverts, bringing not only religion but family-based agriculture, venturing into eastern andwestern Oregon in the mid-1830s. The success ofagricultural operations on the American frontierwas a major draw for families (West 1994).

Overland EmigrationThe 1840s brought profound change to theAmerican West, as restlessness seized a generationof Americans. Many factors fueled people's desireto seek a new life in the Pacific Northwest. ThePanic of 1837 created a prolonged economicrecession that hit hard on farmers and landspeculators in the Mississippi and Missouri Rivervalleys. Repeated floods in the late 1830s in thesesame river valleys ruined agricultural productionand created infestations of mosquitos that carriedmalarial fevers. People from Illinois and Missouriwere lured by reports of the Willamette valleywhere neither floods nor pestilence would harmthem (Beckham 1995). Another factor was tech-nological expansion; the advent of railroads,steamboats, and communications by telegraphmade distant travel and far-flung commerce seempossible. By 1845, Asa Whitney and odier investorswere already proposing a transcontinental railroad,which was viewed favorably by die FederalGovernment. A westward movement appeared aspractical as it was romantically appealing.

Based on the success of early missions, familiesbegan making the nearly 2,000-mile trek on theOregon Trail from Independence, Missouri, to theWillamette Valley in Oregon. In 1843, 900 peoplearrived in Oregon in what was called the "GreatMigration," followed in 1844 by another 1,200new settlers.

Social

During the 1840 to 1860 period, most overlandmigrants passed through the Basin en route to theWillamette Valley's greener pastures and the prox-imity to navigable waters. Other destinations,particularly California after the gold strike in1848, lured emigrants away from the PacificNorthwest. To those who had grown accustomedto the lush landscapes of eastern hardwood forests,the Snake River plains seemed too dry, rocky, andforbidding. The Cascade Range has a strong rain-shadow effect in eastern Oregon and Washingtonwith substantial portions of the Basin receivingless than 12 inches of precipitation annually. Evena Federal land donation program between 1850and 1855 did not entice many settlers to claimland east of the Columbia Gorge.

In this era, a series of Federal laws reflected currentpolicy: to transfer public lands as easily as possibleto settlers who could use them. The Congressoffered settlers free land through passage of theHomestead Act of 1862. Claimants could receive160 acres of land for a modest filing fee and proofof five years of residence and improvements. Inlater congressional acts, including the Desert LandAct of 1877, the Forest Homestead Act of 1906,the Enlarged Homestead Act of 1909, and theStockraising Homestead Act of 1916, larger sizetracts more appropriate for the arid environmentwere authorized for disposition to settlers.

Passage of the Newlands Reclamation Act in 1902established the Reclamation Service in the Depart-ment of Interior. The Act deposited profits fromthe sale of western lands into a reclamation fundto support irrigation projects, allowing the FederalGovernment to underwrite the building of dams,canals, and ditches beyond the capabilities ofcommunities or the private sector. This made itpossible for far more people to settle in the Basin.

Not surprisingly, early migrants chose to settlein the environments most likely to sustain them,which were fertile valleys and areas along water-ways. In 1860, the Census described just twocenters of Euro-American population in theOregon Country east of the Cascades: The Dalles,Oregon and Walla Walla, Washington, each with

about 1,300 inhabitants. At that time, the esti-mated Euro-American population was just 50,000in Oregon and 12,000 in Washington, which weregreat increases from the total of about 13,000 in1850. From 1860 to 1900, the Euro-Americanpopulation in Oregon increased to more than400,000, and in Washington to more than500,000.

The national survey system established land-usepatterns throughout the West. The Ordinance of1785 ordered the Northwest Territory surveyedinto sections measuring one square mile. (At thetime, the "Northwest Territory" was the regionnorth and west of the Ohio River, not the PacificNorthwest as the term is used in this document.)Next, the Ordinance of 1787, or the NorthwestOrdinance, established a plan of government forthe territory that the legislators assumed (incor-rectly) would soon be sold and settled. Althoughmodified slightly over the decades, both laws wereeventually extended to include lands beyond theMississippi. These ordinances determined thepolitical form of the growing nation. In 1786,government surveyors laid out a baseline westwardfrom the precise point where the Ohio River leftPennsylvania. They laid the first townships andsections, then built more onto those, range afterrange, westward to the Pacific. That first squareinch of the first surveyor's stake was a polestar ofnational development (West 1994).

This creation of a national grid system affectedthe way people thought about land. Presented assquares or rectangles, land can be easily subdividedand turned into a commodity. The shape of land'spresentation to an owner dictated styles of farm-ing, allowing each field to be "plowed into straightlines among straight fences besides straight roads"(West 1994).

As in much of the West, settlement and develop-ment of the Basin hinged on the use of naturalresources and associated economic opportunities.A closer look at the history of mining, transporta-tion and access, grazing, and timber harvest showsthe developing interactions between the growingpopulation and the Basin's natural resources.

Social 1885

MiningCoal deposits had been reported as early as 1833by an employee of the Hudson's Bay Company,and significant base metal and silver lodes werediscovered in eastern Washington during the late1800s and early 1900s. It was the discovery ofgold, however, that attracted many people to theBasin. In 1862, several placer deposits were an-nounced, including deposits on the John DayRiver near Canyon City, Oregon; at Florence,Idaho, on the Snake River; and at Pierce City andOrofino, Idaho, on the Clearwater River. Strikesin the Boise basin and other locations soon fol-lowed. Thousands of miners came to the region,leading to development of towns and their infra-structures, which in turn attracted stock raisersand farmers.

The General Mining Law of 1872, following theprecedent of the Mining Law of 1866, openedminerals on public lands to all. Mining practicesof the 19th century also established the logicbehind western water law: first in time, first inright. Water became a user's property from themoment of its first use until its use was aban-doned.

Transportation and AccessThe evolution of transportation played a majorrole in commercial development of the Basin.Public lands were distributed not just to families,but to transportation companies and speculatorsvia auctions in eastern states. Federally supportedrailroad developments changed the shape of theWest. From 1862 to 1871, 61 different land grantsubsidies to railroads were offered in the region,the largest to the Northern Pacific Railroad, whicheventually secured 39 million acres. The famous"checkerboard" ownership patterns of lands incentral Washington state and elsewhere are alegacy of these land grants.

By the 1880s, it was possible to arrive in thePacific Northwest in five days instead of fivemonths. Commerce and exchange with other

regions expanded, establishing patterns of externaltrade relations that continue to dominatethe Northwest's economy. The railroads either"made or broke" a town because a road networkof any consequence did not develop until afterWorld War I. Until then, railroads movedcattle, lumber, wool, and other products tomajor markets.

Railroads allowed more efficient development ofbase metal and silver districts, compared to initialmining of only the highest grade ores that couldbe shipped at a profit to distant smelters. Devel-opment of communities throughout the Basinfollowed both the expansion of mining andthe extension of the railroad network. Miningtowns assumed an urban cast, with hotels,restaurants, general stores, blacksmith shops,sawmills, laundries, and other service businessesthat supported workers.

In the early 1900s, road construction began toopen entry into the forests of eastern Washingtonand Oregon. Constructed mainly through rivervalleys, riparian areas, floodplains, and adjacenthillsides, the roads efficiently provided access butdecreased the land's effectiveness as wildlifehabitat and provided a new avenue for erosionand discharge of sediment into streams.

In 1916, the regions first paved rural road, theColumbia River Highway, opened to link thewestern and eastern slopes of the Cascades. TheJoint Board on Interstate Highways within theU.S. Department of Agriculture designated a"comprehensive system of through interstateroutes," changing previously local initiatives to acoordinated, Federal highway system that remainstoday. During the interwar years, the miles ofhard-surfaced all-weather roads increased inIdaho and Washington by nearly 300 percentand in Oregon by nearly 250 percent. In 1940,the Pacific Northwest had a total of 12,000 milesof roads.

Social

Automobile access provided people with themeans to travel throughout the Basin for recre-ation. In 1916, the National Park Service wascreated to administer the growing set of nationalparks and monuments. Although the early parkshad been promoted for local economic develop-ment, increased visitation and public sentiment toprotect natural features led to the Park Service'sOrganic Act of 1916, mandating a mission oflimited development to: "...conserve the sceneryand the natural and historic objects and the wildlife therein and to provide for the enjoyment ofthe same in such manner and by such means aswill leave them unimpaired for the enjoyment offuture generations."

Grazing

Historically, a wide variety of ungulates, includingdeer, elk, mountain sheep, antelope, and bison,populated eastern Washington and Oregon. Natu-ral predators kept the numbers of ungulates inbalance. Because these animals had wide-rangingmobility, their grazing and browsing did not haveextensive effects on vegetation. The widespreadpresence of bunchgrass initially attracted migrantherders who could walk their stock to markets.By the 1870s, ranches and farms were establishedthroughout the Great Basin, Snake River Plains,and Columbia Plateau. The goal of most rancherswas to secure a base of operations with dependablewater supplies and the ability to cut and storesufficient hay to feed livestock during the winter;this type of base has sustained many cattle opera-tions to the present day.

Cattle have dominated livestock productionthroughout the Basin since the first agriculturaldata collection in die Census of 1870, whichreported a total of approximately 76,000 head.Twenty years later, that figure had multipliedover tenfold to approximately 793,000 head. Thenumber of cattle grew steadily throughout the20th century from 1.4 million in 1910, to 2.6million in 1950, and to 4.1 million in 1969, alevel that has remained relatively constant.

As Euro-American settlement began, not onlywere many predators displaced, but sheep, andthen cattle, were introduced in rapidly increasingnumbers. Toward the end of the century, sheepwere so numerous on eastern Oregon rangelandsthat anecdotal reports and photographs suggestedsummer ranges so laden with sheep that theyappeared to be snow drifts. Fescues and otherbunchgrasses were irreversibly modified by exten-sive grazing in the late 1800s and early 1900s.Overgrazing damaged stream and riparianvegetation in many basins in eastern Oregonand Washington. Overgrazing also facilitatedthe spread of annual cheatgrass and reducedvegetation that had provided fuels for fires.When combined with later fire suppressionefforts, the result was reduction of an impor-tant ecosystem disturbance.

In the 1920s, ranchers and others recognized thatovergrazing of public lands, in combination withdrought conditions, was severely impairing theland's ability to support their operations. Impetusfor initial regulations also came from Frederic V.Coville's influential Forest Growth and Sheep Graz-ing in the Cascade Mountains of Oregon, publishedin 1898. His recommendations led to an alloca-tion and permit system in which stockraiserssecured grazing rights within bounds of regula-tions established by the Forest Service.

The Taylor Grazing Act of 1934 brought rangeregulation to 142 million acres in 11 westernstates, removing the land from potential sale andplacing it under the jurisdiction of the GrazingService, which evolved into the Bureau of LandManagement in 1946. Range improvementprojects were undertaken and local advisory boardsestablished to allocate and manage the rangelands.The condition of rangelands in the Basin hasgenerally improved since then, with the exceptionof riparian areas, which have continued to declinein much of the Basin.

Social $887

Timber HarvestVast stands of timber on the eastern slopes of theCascades and in the Bitterroots and Rockies wereanother resource subject to increasing demand.Following on the heels of mining and agriculture,a third leg of the Basins economy, the timberindustry, took off near the close of the 19thcentury. The industry paralleled development ofmines and railroads; railroads needed wood for tiesand trestles, mines needed timbers for shoring,and lumber mills needed access to the woods toextract logs.

Serving only local markets in the early years aftersettlement, the industry began to change withcompletion of the Northern Pacific Railroad in1883 and the advance of the Oregon Railway andNavigation Company's line eastward to the BlueMountains and southeast via the Oregon ShortLine to connect with the Central Pacific. Theirconstruction created an important market for ties,trestle materials, and finished lumber for ware-houses, depots, and dwellings for workers.

The influx of settlers engaged in farming createdlocal markets for forest products. Spokane,Washington became one of the importantregional manufacturing centers that met theseneeds. In 1888, the Spokane Mill Company pro-duced 15 million board feet of lumber, 6,000doors, and 10,000 windows. The following year,Spokane had nine mills that cut an estimated 30million board feet of lumber valued at $2.2million. Loggers supplied these plants with timbertransported down the St. Joe, St. Maries, andCoeur d'Alene rivers and then rafted across LakeCoeur d'Alene.

By the end of the 1880s, mills in the Blue Moun-tains of Oregon were harvesting up to 30 millionboard feet annually, and the Clearwater River inIdaho was reported as a "floating woodyard." By1900, exhaustion of the supply of trees in theupper Midwest invited timber investors to lookwestward, and the northern Basin became thefocus of a new scramble for wood supplies. Therapid increase in harvest levels was reflected inIdaho, where 65 million board feet of lumber was

cut in 1899. By 1910, Idaho was producing 745million board feet, and its market had shiftedfrom local to national. The railroads enabled millowners to supply and compete favorably in theDakotas, Nebraska, Wisconsin, Iowa, Colorado,and other states. Employment data in the loggingand lumbering industry for Idaho shows thegrowth of those enterprises in the early 20thcentury. In Idaho, for example, employment ofloggers, rafters, and sawmill workers increasedfrom just over 300 in 1880, to more than 8,000in 1920, and to 14,900 in 1995.

Because smaller stems could not be processedefficiently, early harvesting concentrated on thelargest trees of the more important commercialspecies, such as ponderosa pine and western larch.Eastern markets in particular demonstrated apreference for ponderosa and Idaho white pine,leading to select cutting where other species inmixed forests were left standing.

The Forest Service was established in 1905 toconserve water, as well as to manage a growinginventory of Federal forest reservations that datedto 1891. Theodore Roosevelt entered office in1901 with 41 million acres in reserves; when heleft office in 1909, there were 151 million acres ofnational forests whose management was to ensurea sustained yield of timber to contribute tonational growth and the stability of local econo-mies. In the view of Gifford Pinchot, the first ForestService Chief, the forests could protect water suppliesfor irrigation and western cities, provide cheapgrazing, and repay the Federal treasury with timbersales. After nearly a century of policies to dispose ofpublic lands, the Federal Government started to viewthe remaining public domain as a storehouse tosustain productive values. The Progressive Movementinfluenced leaders in government to emphasize"scientific" management of physical resources formore "efficient" development.

Exclusion of fire from ecosystems began systemati-cally in the early 1900s; fire was viewed as a threatto forests, as well as to the lives and property ofincreasing numbers of settlers. The newly createdForest Service, unaware of the increased problems

Social

with wildfire control and forest health, believedthat fires killed regeneration under larger trees.This societal attitude prevailed until fairly recentlyas fire's natural role as a disturbance came to bemore widely understood. While fire was beingused west of the Cascades to reduce slash afterlogging, fire was being excluded from the east sideof the Cascades where it historically had occurredmore frequently. Although well intended, thismanagement philosophy over time resulted inchanging forest stands from serai fire-adaptedspecies, to species that are more susceptible to fireand that tend to form unhealthy stands moreprone to larger-scale fires, as well as increasedoutbreaks of insects and disease.

Growth of the timber industry continued in subse-quent decades, driven by demand for wood prod-ucts in growing urban centers, especially in theMidwest and California. Development of theskidder, caterpillar tractor, log truck, and chainsaw lowered costs, increasing production dramati-cally. The easier terrain of eastern Oregon andWashington facilitated the change to more mecha-nized equipment. Timber cutting practices wereadapted to fit the technology available, leading toclearcutting.

From 1945 to 1970, timber harvest on Federallands in the Basin increased about 5 percent peryear, or 50 percent faster than the growth of thenational economy. This increase was important tothe expansion of softwood and plywood produc-tion in the western states, which supported manycommunities. Nationwide, harvest volumeincreased from 4 billion board feet in 1950, to11.4 billion board feet in 1970, 90 percent ofwhich came from western national forests, and41 percent from Washington and Oregon.

Fishing and Dam ConstructionWhen Euro-American settlers arrived during theearly 1800s, salmon were abundant and diverse.Spawning runs of chinook salmon made their wayup the mainstream Columbia to the Snake River,and on up to the headwaters of the Owyhee andBruneau rivers and Salmon Falls Creek as far asNevada.

Estimated historical run size for all species ofsalmon and steelhead in the Columbia Riverranged from 10 to 16 million adult fish. Not onlywas their course unimpeded by dams, but therewas ample suitable habitat to support these popu-lations. Fur trappers and traders reported extensivestands of willows and alders growing side-by-sideacross many of the valleys and along moist gulchesand draws; they also reported wide, wet meadowsalong stream systems throughout the Basin. TheOchoco Mountains take their name from anAmerican Indian word meaning "streams linedwith willows."

Commercial harvest began in earnest when thefirst cannery started operating on the Columbia in1866 and soon exceeded sustainable levels. Com-mercial catches of chinook salmon in the Columbiapeaked in 1883 when about 43 million poundsof fish were landed. Coho, sockeye, chum, andsteelhead also were abundant in the Basin. Catchof coho peaked at 6.8 million pounds in 1895,and catch of sockeye and steelhead totaled 4.5million pounds.

By the late 1800s, overfishing was blamed forbroad declines in chinook salmon runs. By 1900,certain fishing gear was banned to protect spawn-ing runs but impacts from mining, timber harvest,livestock grazing, and agriculture had begun.

New Deal3 programs were critical in sustainingand building infrastructure in the Basin. Perhapsthe most publicized Federal programs were thedam projects along the Columbia and Snakerivers. The Army Corps of Engineers had beeninvolved in surveys, navigation, and flood controlalong die Columbia River since the 19th century,but these activities were of low intensity compared todie major dams constructed during die Depression4

and after World War II on the Columbia River. In1938, Bonneville Dam became the first dam onthe Columbia, and the Grand Coulee Dam wasbuilt in 1942.

3 Policies and programs for economic recovery and reform,relief, and social security introduced during 1930s by Presi-dent Franklin D. Roosevelt and his administration.4 Period of severe economic hardship in early 1930s.

Social 1889

Although the Federal initiatives from the NewDeal did not extend to regional planning, suchas in the Tennessee Valley, the effect of Federalactions in the Depression years pulled the regionout of the frontier and onto the main stage of late20th century development. As Abbott (1994)wrote:

Whether residents liked to admit it or not, thefederal initiatives saved the West from collapse.There were fewer farmers and miners in 1940than in 1920, and there were more abandonedtowns on the high plains and plateaus. By andlarge, however, the West in 1940 had newresources in place for an economic take-off:new electric power, new expertise in large-scaleconstruction, workers with new skills for anindustrial economy, and a renewed commit-ment to the progressive agenda of efficientresource development.

A broad public consensus on construction of thedams helped the Nation out of economic crisis,even though biologists recognized at the time thatdams would likely be barriers to native salmonruns. Later, however, the debate over dams sym-bolized new types of emerging social values. AfterWorld War II, as more citizens became affected byenvironmental changes, grassroots action andcitizen demands began to bring to the forefrontother values that were deemed environmental.This citizen movement set the course for conflictbetween forces associated with large-scale manage-ment and technology and those emphasizingprotection of environmental quality. This changewas symbolized by debate over dams in HellsCanyon, which shifted from who should buildthem and how many to the possibility, voiced bySupreme Court Justice William O. Douglas, thatmaybe the river had greater value in its free-flowing condition.

Another landmark decision regarding social priori-ties for fish resources came in 1974, which markedthe beginning of a key set of court decisions with aUnited States v. Washington District Court decisionreaffirming the priority of off-reservation fishingrights. Tribes were allowed up to a 50 percent

share of harvestable fish returning to accustomedtraditional fishing sites. More detail on laws spe-cific to American Indians is provided later in thischapter.

Recent Legal and Political Climate5

Social discussion regarding land uses describedabove has been reflected in a series of laws, poli-cies, and court decisions. A brief history of someof these social actions helps to provide context forunderstanding current debates about ecosystemmanagement.

Since passage of the Multiple-Use Sustained-YieldAct of I960, the Forest Service and Bureau ofLand Management have had increasingly complexand conflicting demands on Federal land steward-ship, with policy dictating that multiple demandsbe met from a limited resource base. In the late1950s, the Forest Service experienced difficultieswith ambiguities of its Organic Act mandates andsubsequently evolving responsibilities. Wildernessenthusiasts and others sought to put recreation onan equal footing witii other uses. The traditionalusers, which were timber operators, ranchers, andminers, argued for greater allocation to theirparticular needs, causing the Forest Service to seeklegislative clarity from the Congress (Coggins andWilkinson 1981).

The result was the Multiple-Use Sustained-YieldAct of 1960 (MUSYA) which defined multipleuse as "management of all the various renewablesurface resources of the National Forests so thatthey are utilized in the combination that will bestmeet the needs of the American people...withoutimpairment of the productivity of the land, withconsideration being given to the relative values ofthe various resources, and not necessarily thecombination of uses that will give the greatestdollar return or the greatest unit output."

The Multiple-Use Sustained-Yield Act hasmeant all things to all people. The literature onthe meaning and application of multiple-usesustained-yield management has burgeoned with-

5 The initial draft of this section was written by ChristopherE. DeForest and Amy L. Home. Home is an economist at theUSDA Forest Service, Pacific Northwest Research Station;DeForest is an independent contractor.

£890 Social

out appreciably clarifying the concept as a legalstandard (Coggins and Wilkinson 1981). The Actcould have marked a clear continuation of empha-sis on commodity production. It could also havestated what weight to give to society's differentdemands on the land. Instead, it institutionalizeduncertainty and ambiguity, and marked the begin-ning of the modern period of conflict over whatconstitutes proper stewardship of the public lands.

The 1970s have been called the decade of "Regu-lating Public Lands" (Caldwell and others 1994).In 1975, a Federal court enjoined timber saleson the Monongahela National Forest in WestVirginia, finding the Forest Service in violation ofthe 1897 Organic Act. The Forest Service compliedwith the court order to develop a new multiple-useplan and to limit the size and range of clearcuts,extending these policies to all National Forests.

The Forest and Rangeland Renewable ResourcesPlanning Act (RPA) of 1974 was intended toinstitute long-term strategic planning in the Fed-eral Government (Cubbage and others 1993). Inthe name of multiple use, the Forest Service as-sembled plans to manage all resources in an at-tempt to diffuse arguments that the agencyconcentrated on timber at the expense of otheroutputs. However, congressional failure to allocatethe necessary funding resulted in maintaining thestatus quo of primarily focusing on timber(Cubbage and others 1993).

Senator Frank Church of Idaho chaired congres-sional hearings in 1972 that culminated in a reportrecommending major restrictions on the size andsuitability of clearcuts; the Church Report wasinstrumental in the development of the NationalForest Management Act of 1976 (NFMA), anamendment to the RPA. The Federal Land Policyand Management Act of 1976 (FLPMA) gave theBureau of Land Management a multiple-usemandate similar to the Forest Service's in MUSYAand requirements for comprehensive long-rangeplanning similar to those in NFMA (Cubbage andothers 1993).

The 1980s were characterized as a decade of"Clashing Imperatives" (Caldwell and others1994). There was bitter debate about Northwestold growth among the Congress, several adminis-trations, and the courts, in which the spotted owlwas used as legal leverage to redefine desirablemanagement of the national forests. The polaritieswere seen as protecting ecosystems by protectingendangered species, versus maintaining localtimber-dependent economies. The decadeincluded Judge Dwyer s rejection of the 1986Forest Service spotted owl management guidelines,6

which enjoined timber sales pending revisions to theguidelines. Then, there was a 1989 congressionalrider to undo the injunctions for two years; subse-quent scientific reports on old growth, spottedowls, timber, and tradeoffs; and die SupplementaryEnvironmental Impact Statement (EIS) and ForestEcosystem Management Assessment Teamreport (FEMAT 1993). A new approach toreserving old-growth ecosystems (Option 9 ofthe Northwest Forest Plan) was adopted but hasbeen under almost continuous challenge.

The 1990s are being characterized by continuedcontroversy and public concern about ecosystemhealth and its physical, biological, economic, andsocial meanings. The costs and benefits of pro-grams for activities, such as salvage logging and itsappropriate role, have become national issues. Theaggressive fire suppression policy of Federal land-managing agencies has been increasingly criticizedas agency and academic foresters learned moreabout natural fire cycles (Langston 1994, Everettand others 1994). The health of forest, rangeland,and aquatic systems is under close public scrutiny,as are the tradeoffs associated with achievingvarious levels of health at various places in theBasin. Recent debate over reform of Federal range-land management demonstrates the social andpolitical intensity of rangeland, as well as forest,issues. It remains to be seen whether ecosystemmanagement will be viewed as the solution tothese complex issues.

6 Seattle Audubon Society v. Evans, 771 F. Supp. 1081 (W.D.Wash) 1991.

Social

Implications for EcosystemManagementA brief look at the history of interactions betweenpeople and other ecosystem components of theBasin provides some explanation for past actions.Besides explaining how present ecosystem condi-tions evolved, this discussion also provides ration-ale for human uses of natural resources and thebasis for people's judgements about the acceptanceof those uses and their effects. Several lessonsemerge from study of the history of people'sinteractions with physical and biologicalresources in the Basin:

» People's perceptions of Basin resources havechanged dramatically in a relatively short time.Initially viewed by Euro-American settlers asunpriced, seemingly limitless supplies to bedisposed of efficiently, many natural resourcesare now increasingly scarce and subject tohighly competitive uses. Federal laws andpolicies regarding resource use reflect thechanges in both the supply of resources andpublic perceptions of their values.

* Although the industries that led to settlementand infrastructure development of the Basin(mining, timber, ranching, and transportation)still play critical roles in the social and econ-omic functioning of Basin ecosystems, theirroles have changed with time and the tremen-dous growth of new industries.

» Landscape ecology analyses suggest that even ifsociety wanted a return to pre-European settle-ment conditions, it would not be possible toachieve. The question now is: "What doessociety want to accomplish through ownershipand management of BLM- and FS-adminis-tered lands?"

Social

POPULATION AND DEMOGRAPHIC

CHARACTERISTICS

Management of Federal lands in the Basin occurs within a context of the human population, its size and growth, and other demographic char- acteristics. The following text describes current human populations, reviews recent and projected patterns of population growth, and discusses lifestyles of the rural population in the Basin. When considered in conjunction with economic trends described in the Economic Assessment, including poverty, unemployment, and other economic measures that have obvious social impli- cations, this information gives land managers and other decision-makers an idea of demands likely to be placed on natural resources. Detailed demo- graphic characteristics are provided in a supple- mental report (McGinnis and Christensen 1996).

Population Dynamics and Characteristics The Basin is sparsely populated, with a density of about 11 people per square mile compared to the national average of 70. Although the counties in the Basin account for about 8 percent of the land area in the United States, they have only 1.2 percent of the Nation's population.

The total 1990 population in the Basin was just less than three million people (USDC 1991a and b). Washington residents comprise 38 percent of the Basin's population, compared to 27 percent for southern Idaho, 12 percent for Oregon, 11 per- cent for Montana, 7 percent for northern Idaho, and 5 percent for the other states (Wyoming,

Utah, and Nevada). The most populated county is Spokane in Washington, which has approximately 361,000 people. Nearly half of the population is located in 12 of the Basin's 100 counties, although just 6 of these (Ada and Canyon in Idaho; and Benton, Yakima, Franklin, and Spokane in Washington) are large enough to be called metropolitan counties.

The age distribution of Basin residents is similar to that of the Nation, but the Basin has a greater proportion of people younger than age 18 and a smaller proportion in the prime wage-earning years of 25 to 49 (McGinnis and Christensen 1996). Between 1980 and 1990, the age structure of Basin residents changed significantly. The 65- and-older age group increased by a greater propor- tion (28%) than other age groups, and the 18-to- 24 age group declined by 20 percent. This propor- tion reflects in-migration rates and the aging of the baby boomers.

The Basin has a larger proportion of Whites (92%) and American Indians (2.5%) than the Nation as a whole (80% and 0.8%, respectively), and a smaller proportion of Blacks (0.6% com- pared with 12% nationally). The Basin also has a smaller proportion of Hispanics (6.7% compared with 9% nationally), although Hispanics are the largest non-Anglo group in the Basin. From 1980 to 1990, the Hispanic population increased by 69 percent.

Social

Ethnic minorities who have come to the Basin usepublic lands for income and recreation. Manyminorities were drawn to the Basin by jobs inirrigated agriculture. Few of the significant num-bers of minorities who arrived in the Basin in the1940s settled permanently. Many spoke onlySpanish, lived lifestyles confined to camps, workedlong hours during harvest season, and returned totheir homeland when the crop season ended. Fewhad opportunity to realize or discover the Basin'srecreational possibilities (Valle 1994). Some mi-grant workers who journeyed with their familiesbegan to settle in the Basin in the 1950s and1960s (Gamboa 1990). Increasing numbers ofsingle workers began to come from Mexico in the1970s, first from northern and central Mexico andlately from southern Mexico. Some of these alsosettled in the Basin.

As children of the first migrant settlers have at-tended school, learned English, and entered jobsoutside of agriculture, their available time hasincreased. Recreation has become more important.Although family outings to nearby parks consti-tute some of this recreation, increasing numbers ofthis population segment hunt, fish, and camp onpublic lands. Although the numbers using publiclands are proportionately low for their population,increasingly more are expected as more of the firstand second generation work outside agriculture(Pfister 1993).

Public lands are used by large numbers of minori-ties who earn income in forestry-related activities,including reforesting, pruning, and thinning trees(Hansis 1995). Migrant workers and southeastAsians harvest special forest products, such ashuckleberries, beargrass, and mushrooms. Otherproducts, such as medicinal plants, may becomethe next commodity of interest for SoutheastAsians. Besides providing income, some harvestingmay be a basis for family and social cohesion. Insome cases, entire families go to public lands,camp, pick beargrass and mushrooms, and social-ize in extended kin networks.

The Basin contains or overlaps 20 AmericanIndian Reservations and one Colony, whichincludes some trust lands; these areas total about14,000 square miles or 5 percent of the Basin. Insix counties, reservation and trust lands accountfor more than 40 percent of the land base. In1990, about 115,000 people lived within theborders of these lands. Hanes (1995) contains alist of Indian tribal governments having interestsin the region.

Nearly two-thirds of the Basin's population livein towns, villages, and cities. The Bureau ofCensus recognizes 400 incorporated places and 76"Census Designated Places," which are locationsthat are unincorporated but have an identity tothe local population. Although 65 percent of theBasin's population (as recorded in the 1990Census) live in a town, village or city, most ofthese communities are relatively small. Only about30 of these communities have more than 10,000population; most have less than 2,500 people.Additional detail about the Basin's small, ruralcommunities is included later in the section oncommunity resiliency.

Population TrendsConcerns about the effects of rapid growth in therural West have been widespread in the media.Although people in rural communities desireeconomic opportunities that are associated withpopulation growth, they are concerned aboutsocial and environmental consequences and theability of communities to cope with a new "RockyMountain resurgence." What is clear from recentgrowth statistics and media discussions is that suchrapid growth brings various impacts. This is anissue not only for local governments, but also formanagers of adjacent Federal lands.

To understand how the Basin's population haschanged in the past and may change in the futurerequires understanding the two major componentsof population change, which are natural increaseand net migration. Natural increase is the numberof deaths subtracted from die number of births in

1894 Social

a year; this indicates if an area's population isincreasing or decreasing as a result of shifts infertility or mortality. For many rural areas, naturalincrease has been negative, paralleling nationaltrends for the past few decades.

Net migration is the difference between out-migration and in-migration. The sum of these twocomponents shows changes in the populationbase; a negative figure indicates that more peopleare moving out of an area than are moving into it.There have been two major trends in migrationpatterns in the United States since 1900: (1) migra-tion to the western and southern states, and (2)migration from rural to urban areas. The West as awhole has gained population through migration.

The Basin's demographic patterns have followednational trends over the past 45 years. Figure 7.1shows the population of 100 counties in the Basinby decade. During the first two decades of thisperiod, 1950 to 1970, there was a significantnational level out-migration from rural to urbansettings. This pattern was also reflected in theBasin, where over one-third of the countiesshowed population losses in this period.

During the 1970s, the second trend changedsignificantly (Fuguitt and others 1989). Duringthis time, most counties in the Basin reportedpopulation increases, reflecting the "rural renais-sance" occurring for the Nation as a whole in that

decade. Brown and Beale (1981) regard the popu-lation turnaround of the 1970s as "one of the mostsignificant demographic events of recent decades."The 1980s demonstrated a return to traditionalmigration and population patterns (Johnson1993), as 41 percent of the counties in the Basinshowed population declines.

However, in the early 1990s, another urban-to-rural migration began. Johnson and Beale (1994)report that nationally about 43 percent of thepopulation growth in nonmetropolitan countiesbetween 1990 and 1992 was due to migration.Census data for the Basin shows that an evenhigher proportion (64%) of the net populationincrease from 1990 to 1994 could be attributed tomigration. Nationally, counties that attract retireesor are "centers of recreation" were more likely togain population, and 82 percent had net migrationin the 1990 to 1992 period. In the Basin, 96percent of the counties increased in population forthe period 1990 to 1994, reversing the trend ofthe 1980s (Johnson and Beale 1994). Map 7.1shows population growth by county for the 1990 to1994 period. The absolute increase in population inthis four-year period is equal to one-third the in-crease occurring in the previous three decades.

The impact of in-migration differs among coun-ties. One type of county that showed large in-creases was "recreation counties," which arecounties in which recreation and tourism play amajor role in the economy (Johnson and Beale1994). In recreation counties, about 77 percent ofthe population growth could be attributed to netmigration. The figures for metropolitan and otherrural counties were 60 and 57 percent respectively.Recreation counties are particularly importantcenters of growth in the Basin; although recreationcounties accounted for 17 percent of the popula-tion in 1990, they accounted for 24 percent of thetotal population increase in the Basin and 29percent of the total net migration.

Figure 7.1 - Population of the Basin by decade.

Social

Map 7.1 - Change in percent of population by county, 1990-1994.

Although most communities and counties aregrowing, some traditionally agricultural countiesare experiencing population declines, principallybecause of rising production efficiency in agricul-ture. Counties distant from metropolitan areasalso have generally experienced slower growth orpopulation decline.

Projected Population GrowthThere are several reasons for considering futurehuman population growth. First, population is asignificant component in understanding the con-text within which ecosystem management deci-sions will occur. Second, demands of humanpopulations for both commodities and amenitiesassociated with natural resources on Federal landsare partly functions of population levels. Third,the additional development resulting from popula-tion increases escalates the potential for habitatfragmentation, particularly in popular "recreation"counties located in ecologically diverse settings.Finally, although development occurs on privatelands, people also affect nearby Federal lands, sopopulation change suggests a need for appropriateFederal and local cooperation.

This assessment compares two projections ofpotential population growth in the region, eachbased on its own set of assumptions, especiallyspecific to net migration (fig. 7.2). The first, andlower, population projection was developed by theBureau of Economic Analysis (BEA) in 1994; it isstrongly influenced by projected economic condi-tions and patterns of population growth thatoccurred in recent periods. However, BEA projec-tions are below the current population for manycounties in the Basin, suggesting the need for analternative projection based on new assumptions.

The second, and higher, population projection wasmade by ICBEMP staff (McCool and Haynes1995). They based their assumptions about anatural increase on persistent differences betweenthe Basin and the Nation, with the Basin averag-ing about 22 percent higher. Their projection alsoassumed a rate of net migration from the years

Figure 7.2 - Estimated Basin population by decadeusing two different projection assumptions.

1995-2000 equal to the 1990-1994 rate, and thena reduced rate to zero by the year 2030. Anotherassumption of this projection was that recreationand metropolitan counties in the region wouldrecord higher growth rates than other counties.

Both projections were developed for counties, andthen aggregated to the 100-county Basin level.Beginning in 2010, the projections depart dra-matically. Although uncertain and subject toalteration by many factors, both projections callattention to likely demands on resources, potentialconflicts, and growth management issues. Al-though the high projection results in what couldonly be termed spectacular population growth, theoverall population density within the Basin wouldremain well below the national average. Thispopulation would be concentrated on privatelands, which compose 48 percent of the Basin'stotal area.

MigrationMigration is an issue for several reasons. The lowpopulation growth estimate cited above assumes,for all practical purposes, no net migration intothe Basin; in the higher estimate, migration formsthe bulk of the population increase. People's rea-sons for migrating can be affected by public land

Social

management policies and actions. Knowing thereasons for migration can help managers to betterunderstand the potential of individual areas for in-migration and to become active in mitigatingeffects on Federal lands.

The Basin's overall growth in opportunities foremployment, as discussed in the Economic Assess-ment chapter, continues to be a central factor inpeople's decisions to relocate. In addition, recentliterature shows that migration decisions oftencontained not just economic dimensions such asemployment opportunities, but noneconomicdimensions such as amenities or family ties(Wardwell 1992). The migration literature tradi-tionally was principally concerned with economicmotives, such as moving for a new job or a jobtransfer. Census enumerators did not ask peopleabout quality of life or lifestyle factors as motiva-tions for relocation. Wardwell (1992) argued thatresearch demonstrated the economic explana-tions were insufficient to explain the return torural areas during the 1970s, although increasesin communication and transportation technol-ogy made rural areas more feasible as bases ofoperation.

Only since the "rural renaissance" of the 1970shave scientists explored non-economic reasons formigration (Zuiches 1980, 1981). Long (1988)reported that about 50 percent of the householdsmoving between states in the 1979 to 1981 periodrelocated mainly for other than work-relatedreasons:

A case can be made that a great many movesare not accounted for by classic economicapproaches Unking long-distance migration toemployment opportunities... Many of the 10.1percent of moves that could not be classified inone of the 34preset categories may have repre-sented persons seeking lifestyles and values thatdo not appear to be governed strictly byeconomic considerations.

Between 1979 and 1981, motivations for migra-tion were strongly related to age (Long 1988). Job-related motives were most frequently cited byyounger movers, while older movers listed climate

and family among other reasons. As the regionaland U.S. population ages, these latter motives willhave a greater influence on the population. Areashigh in amenities attractive to seniors will experi-ence higher than average population growth.Lifestyles of these individuals may be more ori-ented toward outdoor recreation and protection ofnatural resources. The 20 counties classified as"recreation" counties in the assessment areaalready have a different lifestyle compositionthan other counties in the region, as discussedin following text.

The economic impact of retirement can be sub-stantial; population, employment, and personalincome increased significantly faster over theperiod 1969 to 1989 in rural counties classified asretirement counties than in other rural counties(Deller 1995)- Besides being higher as a source ofpersonal income than for the Nation as a whole,transfer payments within the Basin have increasedmuch raster than the national average (see discus-sion on communities in this chapter and also inthe Economic Assessment, Chapter 6).

Population LifestylesA description of Basin population characteristicsrelevant to ecosystem management would beincomplete without an overview of Basin lifestyles.The character of rural life in the Basin varies asmuch as the people do, and the Basin populationis diverse in many ways. Although describingBasin lifestyles at this broad scale oversimplifiesthe many ways that people live and earn a living inthe Basin, there are some advantages, such as beingable to compare Basin lifestyles with those else-where. Not surprisingly, many Basin lifestyles aretied closely to the natural environment and topublic land management.

To better understand lifestyles within the Basin, theICBEMP used a lifestyle segmentation system calledPRJZM developed by Claritas (1994). PRIZMdescribes people's lifestyles through multivariateanalysis of household characteristics combinedwith consumer purchasing behaviors. The twoprimary criteria defining lifestyles are affluenceand residence (urban to rural). The database

Social

describes 62 lifestyles located in 12 major groups,each representing about 1.5 percent of the Nation'shouseholds. Not all 62 lifestyles are represented inthe Basin, because several exist only in large citiesor have strong regional affinities.

Twelve lifestyles tend to be found in rural areas orsmall communities in the Basin (table 7.1). Theselifestyles are most subject to change as the popula-tion grows and as the underlying economic struc-ture of communities shifts. Certain rural-basedlifestyles are found more frequently in the Basin,and their distribution is much different from thewest side of the Cascades. Rural-based lifestylesaccount for more than 50 percent of the Basin'spopulation, compared to about 20 percent of thepopulation nationally or west of the Cascades.

The Basin is dominated in rural areas by agricul-turally based lifestyles. However, in rural countieswhere rapid population growth is occurring, Basinlifestyles differ significantly from other areas. Ingeneral, compared to households nationally orthose west of the Cascades, lifestyles in the Basin'srural areas experiencing rapid growth appear moreoriented toward the natural environment, withoccupations related to natural resources, andrecreation activities dependent on resources fromFederal lands. The importance of environmentallybased amenities to Basin lifestyles is discussed inmore detail later in the chapter addressing socialbenefits of amenities.

Implications for EcosystemManagementBesides being helpful to ecosystem managers fordecision-making, information on population andlifestyle changes results in significant and oftencontroversial discussions about the future of com-munities and Federal lands within the Basin. Evenassuming modest in-migration, the level andcharacteristics of the population will affect anysuch debates and lead to additional demands onpublic lands and resources within the Basin.

Rapid population growth in the Basin presentsmajor challenges to the BLM and FS, especially inlocations having high levels of environmental

amenities. In these areas, growth and associateddevelopment threaten the qualities that make suchplaces attractive for recreation, retirement, andnew businesses. At the urban-wildland interface,where such growth is most dramatic and develop-ments are most visible, habitat fragmentation andfire protection are critical issues. Habitat loss onprivate lands translates into increased pressure onremaining habitat on Federal lands, further exacer-bating constraints on natural resource commodityproduction. Increased numbers of residentialdwellings adjacent to forest and rangelands presentnew challenges in fire prevention and suppressionfor Federal and local agencies.

Johnson and Beale (1995) showed that countieswith either rapidly increasing or declining popula-tions tend to have more difficulties raising rev-enues for needed services. Although the amenitieson Federal lands are sources of economic growth,they indirectly present problems in planning andmanaging growth by stretching the response ca-pacity of local governments to develop and imple-ment solutions. Changes in. Federal revenueresulting from policy changes may exacerbate suchlocal capacity.

The important conclusion from lifestyle data isthat lifestyles vary significantly within the Basin,and also differ from those experienced elsewhere.Management actions affecting Federal lands differ-entially affect people across the Basin based on thedistribution of lifestyles at specific locations. Inaddition, the ability of agencies to meet demandsfor outdoor recreation may vary according topopulation growth and lifestyle composition.Population growth and changes in lifestyles distri-bution also suggest a rethinking about vegetationmanagement alternatives and their potential toaffect people with varying lifestyles. For example,rapidly growing rural areas generally attract peoplewhose lifestyles suggest sensitivity to environmen-tal modification.

Social $899

Table 7.1—Rural-based lifestyles in the Basin.

Lifestyle Segment Label Definition

Small Town, Blue-Collar Families

Mid-scale Families and Farmland

Rural White- and Blue-Collar Farm Families

Middle-Class Rural Families

Rural Blue-Collar Workers and Families

Retirement Town Seniors

Older Families, Mine and Mill Towns

Rural Farm-Town and Ranch Families

Farm Owners and Tenants

Moderate Blue-Collar/Farm Families

Low-Income, Older, Rural Couples

Poor Isolated Areas With Older Families

Moderately-affluent people living in mid-scale,low-density towns located at outskirts of larger cities.Tend to be skilled workers in industrial and blue-collaroccupations, primarily mining, milling, manufacturing,and construction. Very outdoor oriented.

Have average college education and income levelswell above U.S. median. Well-paid, skilled craftsmen,machinists, and builders, living in scenic locales.Family-centered; devoted to hobbies, hunting, andboating.

Only rural segment with above average collegeeducations. Has even mix of white- and blue-collarjobs and high index for personal computers, reflectingseveral new, hi-tech industries in pristine, ecologicalsanctuaries.

Blue-collar occupations. Live in wide variety ofagricultural settings.

Least affluent of rural clusters. Consist of largeproportion of blue-collar workers, mostly married withchildren. Bowl, hunt, sew, and attend auto races.

Found over wide range in country. Includes myriadof rustic towns and villages in scenic areas whereseniors choose to retire. Younger and less urban andaffluent than other retirees. A few play golf, but mostprefer to adopt local customs.

Tends to have very low incomes; ranked 56th out of 62segments. Older, largely single, with fewer children.Towns are located in scenic areas.

Includes farming, forestry, fishing, ranching, mining,and other rural occupations. Close to medianincome level, large families, and like fishing.

Centered in Great Plains, but has large representationin the Basin as well. Primarily owners and tenants offarms; not very wealthy. Hgher than averageproportion of Latino migrant workers.

Tends to be in more isolated areas. Low income, withlarge families. Prefer hunting, fishing, and camping.

Third most elderly segment in nation. Have relatively-low incomes, but preference for country clubs, powerboats, and sailboats. Oriented around ruralenvironments.

One of lowest income segments in the Basin.Rural lifestyle; primarily blue-collar occupations.

Source: Claritas, Inc. (1994).

Social