histories of discovery and knowledge · 2018-09-05 · century, have been pursued for purposes of...
TRANSCRIPT
Ursula Rack
Exploring and mapping the Antarctic
2
Exploring and mapping the Antarctic
Histories of discovery and knowledge
Ursula Rack
Introduction
Discovery and knowledge of the Antarctic has been acquired through activities inspired
by a range of different reasons and motives. Antarctica is and has always been a place
of and for the imagination, a place of personal challenges, and a site for national,
territorial and economic ambitions; however, research and science have become more
evident and entrenched over time as the principal activities for nation states with
interests in the continent. Modern science developed from the Enlightenment onwards
and inspired many researchers to pursue an evolving understanding of our planet.
Antarctica became a focal point where exploration and science, especially over the past
century, have been pursued for purposes of discovery and knowledge as opposed to
activities driven by economic reasons. As such, Antarctica has been marked out as a
continent for science. In the nineteenth century and early twentieth century, expeditions
to Antarctica, often supported by learned societies, brought back knowledge which
greatly enhanced understanding of the continent, resulting in new maps and charts and
raising yet more questions about its geography and ecology which, in turn, inspired
further exploration. This chapter discusses moments of discovery and their motives, the
acquisition of knowledge and understanding of one of our world’s most intricate and
dramatic natural systems, and the ways in which various geographic and scientific
approaches to the continent have developed over time. In particular, the history of
discovery and knowledge of Antarctica is explored through a consideration of mapping
and expeditions from the earliest times, as well as the people behind these activities.
Our view of Antarctica today is partly a product and reflection that has been inherited
from the earlier days of exploration. Images from the early Antarctic photographers
such as Herbert Ponting (1870–1935) and Frank Hurley (1885–1962), for instance, still
form a basis for many people’s ideas of Antarctica as a pristine and fascinating place.
The earliest concepts of and about Antarctica were Greek attempts to “balance the
world” before there was any knowledge of its scale and its dimensions. This did not
involve cartography, as much as imagination and speculation. When early explorers
reached the waters around Antarctica, this idea was replaced by a need for maps that
attempted to be true and accurate geographical representations to enable navigation in
the mercantile search for riches. In other words, economics became a key driving force
for mapping. The Age of Enlightenment, from about the early eighteenth century, raised
the first scientific questions as we know them today. From the early nineteenth century,
learned societies became more powerful and supported the specification and practice
of scientific disciplines. The need for and production of accurate maps took place by
means of conquering and colonizing new land, with economic and imperialistic motives
as driving factors. Alongside nationalistic motives, France, the United States and
Britain dispatched scientific expeditions from the 1840s to the far corners of the world,
to claim land and obtain control of maritime traffic routes, but also to acquire
knowledge of, for example, magnetism, meteorology and geography. At the same time,
geographical societies became more powerful and not only oversaw map making and
the collection of observations and curation of objects, but also supported the
development of the specification of science disciplines.
In the late nineteenth century, the need for coordinated research approaches in
Antarctica came to be recognized as both necessary and as a priority and early research
initiatives were instigated largely by national geographical societies. Antarctic
expeditions were sent South for varying motives, such as attaining and conquering the
South Pole and also to undertake a wide range of research activities. This variability of
approach continued through the great depression and two world wars until the
International Geophysical Year (IGY) of 1957–1958 cemented the modern approach to
research in the Antarctic. This chapter will show the development up to this point and
introduce some of the events and individuals that are closely linked to our
understanding of the Antarctic today.
Early mapping of Antarctica: from imaginings to the first
observations
Early maps of Antarctica began with the ancient Greeks. These maps were clearly not
based on observations at high southern latitudes but represented imaginings of what
might be in and at such a location. One theory was that there should be a continent in
the far South in order to, in some way, balance or counterbalance the presence of the
huge Eurasian landmass in the northern hemisphere. Indeed, this imagined southern
continent, which some thought was abundant in life and wealth, and inhabited by
strange creatures, persisted in a number of European maps of the world through the
medieval and early modern period.
It was not until the circumnavigation of Antarctica by Captain James Cook, during
his second voyage of 1772–1775, and his reports of a frigid world where ice and high
winds dominated the climate of a southern ocean, that the dream of a rich continent was
banished. Cook did not reach or even see the Antarctic coast. Although his most
southerly point was 60°21'S, he did not see the point of going further. He wrote: “I will
not say it was impossible anywhere to get in among this Ice … but the bare attempting
it would have been a dangerous … enterprise,”1 and he proceeds: “whoever has
resolution and perseverance to clear up to this point by proceeding farther than I have
done, I shall not envy him the honour of the discovery but I will be bold to say that the
world will not be benefited by it.” 2
Figure 2.1
Map from Filchner’s narrative, 1923, with modified coordinates (by Dr. Wolfgang Rack) for
Cook’s second voyage around the Antarctic, the Drygalski expedition, and the Filchner
expedition.
European and American sealers and whalers, however, saw economic potential in
the waters around the Antarctic from about the 1790s and during the early decades of
the nineteenth century, as their traditional hunting grounds in the Arctic became
progressively less profitable due to over-exploitation. Mapping also went along with
increasing marine mammal hunting activity in Antarctic waters. Much of this early
geographical knowledge was, however, kept secret as it conveyed economic advantage
to the sealers and whalers.
In contrast to this atmosphere of secrecy was the initial growth of scientific interest
in Antarctica. One example is the German whaler and sealer Eduard Dallmann (1830–
1896). Dallmann undertook a whaling expedition on behalf of the Hamburgian
businessmen Albert Rosenthal (1828–1882), to take the German whaling business into
the Antarctic in 1873–1874. The expedition only caught one whale but became
profitable through sealing; the idea of a German whaling industry in the Antarctic was
abandoned, however. Nevertheless, the expedition was successful in geographical
terms, because Dallmann discovered and charted many islands (e.g. Deception Island,
Liege and Kaiser-Wilhelm Islands) offshore of what is now known as the Antarctic
Peninsula and also mapped parts of the peninsula’s coastline.3 Dallmann’s discoveries
were added to the “Südpolar-Karte” (South Polar Map) and published and made
accessible in Petermanns Geographische Mitteilungen 1875. In this way, Dallmann’s
whaling expedition supported the advancement of knowledge.
Nineteenth-century expeditions: from piecemeal science to
co-operation and the influence of geographical societies
The need for accurate maps fitted well with national aims of exploring new land and
becoming increasingly interested in scientific knowledge. Beginning in the 1820s,
national expeditions were operating in Antarctic waters to discover and consequently
claim land on that continent for their respective countries, and to search for iconic but
scientifically significant locations such as the South Magnetic Pole. In the 1840s
Britain, France and the United States all sent expeditions to the South. James Clark
Ross (1800–1862) for Britain, Jules Dumont d’Urville (1790–1842) for France, and
Charles Wilkes (1798–1877) for the US, each led expeditions which claimed islands in
the sub-Antarctic and fulfilled a range of scientific work. These expeditions contributed
to improving and extending maps and to the understanding of the Antarctic. In the
course of these activities some new research disciplines emerged. One of these was
geography.
Geography became an instrumental link between science, economy and territorial
claims in support of colonialism and imperialism.4 In Germany and Britain, it became
an independent discipline in the university systems in the 1860s. At the same time
geographical societies became more powerful in official decision-making from the mid-
nineteenth century onward, linked to the exploitation of the wealth of the colonies of
European nations and to the strengthening of territorial claims. However, over time the
geographical societies also became interested in different science disciplines. The
connection between land claims, military action, economy and politics is evident for
this time; however, global scientific interests, mainly in meteorology, magnetism,
oceanography, geology and biology appeared to bridge these disparate interests to a
certain extent. Increasing technical developments in measuring instruments as well as
more effective transport were important for increasing momentum, as the first
expeditions with a detailed scientific programme headed South by the end of the
nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth century, supported by geographical and other
learned societies.
The origin of international collaboration to explore the Polar Regions lies in the First
International Polar Year (IPY) of 1882–1883. Carl Weyprecht (1838–1881), the leader
of the Austro-Hungarian Arctic expedition in 1882–1874, recognized that useful
observations of temperature, wind, pressure, radiation, evaporation, clouds and
humidity could only be achieved from scientific stations, rather than from moving ships
and through seeking the geographical poles. In the first IPY two stations were
established in the southern hemisphere: a German station on South Georgia and a
French station at Terra Del Fuego. Georg von Neumayer (1826–1909), a German
geophysicist and meteorologist, was not satisfied that only two stations undertook
observations in the sub-Antarctic and southernmost South America. His goal was to
extend scientific observations onto the Antarctic continent. At the Sixth International
Geographical Congress in London in 1895, Neumayer gave a passionate and detailed
presentation on the importance of Antarctic research. An intense meeting followed,
which Sir Clements Markham (1830–1916), president of the Royal Geographical
Society, opened with these words:
The completion of such a work as that outlined in Dr. Neumayer’s admirable
paper will result in one of the grandest discoveries of the nineteenth century, and
our warm and most hearty thanks are due to him for the able manner in which he
has brought together all the scientific results which will accrue therefrom.5
At the congress a rough plan was outlined and three major scientific problems were
identified:
In the first place, the key to the future knowledge of terrestrial magnetism lies in
the determination of the exact position of the south magnetic pole; […] The
second of these great problems is the meteorology of the Antarctic area, of which
we know the barest outlines only. The third problem is the geology of the region
in question.6
After a plea that this “Congress will be the means of inducing an international co-
operation in polar discovery”7 a resolution was agreed to investigate the Antarctic
region. Neumayer and Markham and the responsible geographical societies in Germany
and Britain promoted the collaboration of two expeditions which were planned to begin
in 1901.
However, before the expeditions were finally undertaken, extensive preparations
were required. There were perceptions and reports on how life in the ice would be,
derived from previous experiences, mainly in the Arctic. The idea of the “type of man”,
who should undertake such endeavours in the South, should be considered in the
following context. A number of practical problems needed to be taken into account
when planning the expeditions. The Antarctic Manual8 was written for Captain Scott’s
British expedition in 1901–1904 based on the existing Arctic Manual. As pointed out
in its preface, these instructions included “much suggestive information.”9 Further
advice in the manual came from extracts of expedition narratives such as those of Jules
Dumont d’Urville, John Biscoe (1794–1843), and Charles Wilkes. For sledges
travelling over ice and snow, the accounts of Sir Leopold McClintock (1819–1907) on
his Canadian Arctic experiences were also incorporated into the Antarctic Manual.
These are examples to demonstrate the vision the organizers of these Antarctic
expeditions had and how they compared the South with knowledge they already had
from the North. The Arctic was also chosen as a training ground in preparation for
Antarctic expeditions. For example, Wilhelm Filchner (1877–1957) travelled in
Spitsbergen in 1910 before he undertook the Second German Antarctic Expedition of
1911–1912. Many members of Antarctic expeditions, however, had little or no
experience of what could be challenging in Antarctica.10 It was a general expectation
of the time that men would strive and conquer the elements and circumstances with or
without training.
The Polar Regions were seen as a place of manhood, camaraderie and vigour. The
aspect of camaraderie was a strong focus for perceived Edwardian virtues of
forbearance and sacrifice that became pervasive during the time leading up to and
including the Great War. The deaths of Robert F. Scott (1868–1912) and his four
companions, and particularly of Captain Lawrence Oates (1880–1912), were regarded
as noble acts of sacrifice for comrades, King and Country. Another factor was that the
Antarctic had no indigenous people to fight against in contrast to most colonies; the
environment, however, was harsh enough for men to “prove” themselves. Another idea
was that the Antarctic could also be a place for returning to “a second childhood”11 in
the sense that the daily constraints from home were loosened and the “adventurer” could
appear. This debatable romantic perception was carried in media articles and novels.
The explorers themselves strengthened this vision in their published narratives, as
stated in Douglas Mawson’s (1882–1958) account of his expedition of 1911–1914. The
foreword of his narrative reads: “Science and exploration have never been at variance;
rather, the desire for the pure elements of natural revelation lay at the source of that
unquenchable power the ‘love of adventure.’”12 A part of Mawson’s story is that of his
survival alone after he became separated from his two companions. With little food left,
and no dogs, he cut his sledge in half to be able to pull it and, ill and exhausted, he
reached the hut where his companions welcomed him. They nursed him back to health,
and he was then able to undertake some of the expedition’s scientific observations as
planned.
Despite these complex social and psychological perspectives, science was the focus
according to the Antarctic Manual. The manual gave a clear indication of what work
was expected to be undertaken in the Antarctic to fulfil scientific missions. Instructions
for taking measurements in many research areas were shown in the table of contents:
astronomy, tidal observations, pendulum observations, terrestrial magnetism, Antarctic
climate, wave observations, Aurora, atmospheric electricity, chemical and physical
notes on the instruments, geology, volcanoes, ice observations, zoology, botany, and
instructions for collecting rocks and minerals. It was described how to use certain
instruments and to note measurements systematically. The same instructions were to be
followed by expeditions which took place simultaneously in order to provide
comparability.
Figure 2.2
The ship Gauß with weather station in the foreground. (“Gauß” von Süden [Gauß from the
south] 12.09., Leibniz Institute for Regional Geography, Archive for Geography, DSE
Collection, Dry 1768).
The German expedition led by Erich von Drygalski (1865–1949) and the British
expedition under Robert F. Scott were finally underway in 1901–1904.13 A Swedish
expedition, led by Otto Nordenskjöld (1869–1928), and a Scottish expedition led by
William S. Bruce (1867–1921) were also involved in the wider scientific programme.
Finally, a French expedition, led by Jean-Baptiste Charcot (1867–1936), contributed to
the international collaboration. One of the most comprehensive scientific outcomes was
delivered by the German expedition and was published in twenty volumes covering the
results from many scientific disciplines and incorporating observations from the other
four expeditions for comparison.
The Heroic Age (1901–22): national aspirations, personal
ambitions and science
Governments became increasingly interested in reaching the South Pole and opening
up new territory for imperialistic reasons and tended only to fund scientific work when
this aim might be achieved. The so-called ‘Heroic Age’ of Antarctic exploration was,
on one hand, marked by these national interests, represented by individuals such as
Scott and Roald Amundsen (1872–1928), and, on the other, by the desire of scientists
for a better understanding of the Antarctic. Several national expeditions visited the
Antarctic in the first two decades of the twentieth century, but international
collaboration beyond these expeditions was not achieved as in the five expeditions
mentioned above. Nonetheless, a number of scientists were in co-operation
internationally and played important intellectual roles in the expeditions of other
nations.
The first decade of the 1900s was marked by what has been termed “the race to the
Pole.” There was, however, scientific reason to reach the South Pole and to traverse the
entire Antarctic continent, in terms of gaining knowledge of the geography of
Antarctica, much of which was still completely unexplored. Different ideas of
Antarctica’s makeup were current. Filchner’s theory was that Antarctica was an
enormous rigid plate covered by a thick ice sheet. Sir John Murray (1841–1914) and
Ernest Shackleton (1874–1922) assumed that the Antarctic was a single landmass,
covered by ice. Fridtjof Nansen (1861–1930) argued for an accumulation of islands,
building a sort of atoll. After the Swedish expedition in 1901–1904, Otto Nordenskjöld
and Gunnar Andersson (1874–1960) hypothesized that Antarctica was connected to the
South American Cordillera. Markham, Nordenskjöld, and Albrecht Penck (1858–1945)
also proposed that the Antarctic was divided into West- and East-Antarctica by an arm
of sea.14
Driven by this discussion, Filchner organized the “Second German Antarctic
Expedition” in 1911–1912. Filchner was a Bavarian army officer and aspired to bring
Germany to the fore through novel Antarctic exploration and research and engaged a
broad spectrum of researchers. Unfortunately, some of his expedition members had no
previous polar experience and no training in the cold regions and consequently
struggled with the harsh Antarctic environment. At some time during the long austral
night, the experienced Norwegian ice pilot Paul Bjørvik wrote in his diary:
I have heard that the mood during overwintering should become not good. I, for
myself, did not observe that in all the times I overwintered. But those on board
living astern, are possibly affected by the Austral night, although it has just begun.
Because, when I meet them on the ice, they look at each other like cattle with the
only difference that cattle roar and these here are silent.15
To make matters worse, when Filchner’s ship Deutschland was trapped in the ice, the
relationship between the expedition members deteriorated to one of controversy and
mistrust. After ship’s captain Richard Vahsel (1868–1912) died, the men divided into
two groups and the rivalry made life on board almost unbearable. Some feared for their
lives and slept with loaded guns in their cabins. When they finally broke free of the ice
and reached Grytviken in South Georgia, mutiny broke out and the expedition came
officially to an end.16 Somewhat surprisingly, given the difficult circumstances, each
expedition scientist fulfilled the scientific programme they were involved in and
produced remarkable results in meteorology, geography and oceanography which were
published in the relevant scientific communities. Discoveries including the Filchner-
Ronne Ice Shelf and Prinzregent Luitpold Land brought new knowledge to the
topography of the Antarctic. Deep-sea oceanographic measurements were a major
research area, and the Filchner Trench was discovered.
Another important expedition was undertaken by the Australian Douglas Mawson.
To obtain sufficient funding for this 1912–1914 expedition, Mawson emphasized the
economic benefits of exploring for minerals. More broadly, however, he designed an
ambitious scientific programme focused on magnetism, biology, geology and
meteorology. A geologist himself, he aimed to finish what he had begun on
Shackleton’s Nimrod expedition of 1907–1909. Mawson’s expedition was not only epic
in terms of his personal survival but was also one of the most successful scientific
expeditions of its time.
The “Heroic Age” was also the time of “firsts,” and Mawson’s expedition could
claim the first, although limited, use of a radio in the Antarctic. The expedition was able
to receive news on a regular basis via a relay station on Macquarie Island which
provided a link to the outside world. Mawson engaged Frank Hurley, a talented
photographer who later joined Shackleton’s Endurance expedition of 1914–1917.
Hurley’s photographs, together with those taken by Herbert Ponting, who had gone
South with Scott, provided previously unimagined images of Antarctica, both of its
unique landscape and of the men who were attempting to ‘conquer’ it. Such images
were vital in visualizing the stories of Scott’s, Shackleton’s, and Mawson’s expeditions
in an engaging way – today, these early photographs of Antarctica and Antarctic
exploration remain iconic.17
Shackleton’s death on South Georgia during his Quest expedition in 1922 marked
the end of the Heroic Age expeditions. Governments and economists were more
focused on rebuilding and re-establishing the world order after the chaos caused by the
Great War. For many, Antarctica now seemed too far away to be a place of importance.
A time of higher priorities: the Interwar period and World
War II
The Pole had been achieved in 1911, and in a post-war time where funds were in very
short supply, both governments and individuals, whose wealth was being rapidly
eroded, were uninclined to support further southern ventures. Nevertheless, there was
a desire to keep science alive. In Germany, the “Notgemeinschaft der Deutschen
Wissenschaft” (Emergency Association of German Science) was established in 1920 in
order to, as stated in their founding document, “prevent the danger of total collapse of
German scientific research due to the economic crises.” With very limited resources,
the “Notgemeinschaft” supported the Meteor expedition of 1925–1927 which
systematically examined large parts of the Southern Atlantic Ocean’s floor by depth
sounding. One result was a bathymetric map that gave new insights into the morphology
of the ocean bed.
Some better-supported expeditions also took place, utilizing new technologies to
widen the scope of research. In particular, rapid developments in aviation led to the first
aerial sorties into Antarctica and the beginning of mapping using aerial photographs.
Scientists also became more dependent on external logistical support.18 The American
Richard E. Byrd (1888–1957) organized two Antarctic expeditions in 1928–1930 and
1933–1935 which reflected the new opportunities provided by aeroplanes, aerial
cameras, snowmobiles, and radio-communication equipment. The interior of the 13
million square kilometre continent could be explored and mapped in a much more
efficient way with the new aerial survey techniques, first developed for military
purposes in the Great War. As well as work with aircraft, scientists on Byrd’s
expedition undertook the first seismic measurements in the Antarctic for gathering data
on ice thickness, a technique that had already been used successfully on the German
Greenland Expedition in 1930–1931. In addition to these scientific efforts, Byrd’s
expedition also had a political significance, with the US signalling its first significant
interest in the continent since the 1840s.
Britain was concerned about the growing American interest in Antarctica, and
British claims in parts of the Antarctic were reinforced through the British Graham
Land Expedition (BGLE; 1934–1937). Funding was meagre, but the scientists were
enthusiasts to the point that they even worked without payment for the duration. The
programme of science and exploration of the BGLE was ambitious. An aeroplane was
used for reconnaissance and surveying, although dog sledging remained the main
method of transport. Initial aerial surveys suggested that a group of islands existed in
the area called Graham Land. Detailed land-based surveys with travel using dogs,
however, demonstrated that Graham Land was a peninsula – the Antarctic Peninsula.
Along with this major geographical discovery, many geological and biological samples
were collected by the BGLE, building an important addition to the scientific knowledge
of the continent.19
Economic motives and scientific approaches were often closely linked during the
interwar period, in some cases causing political concerns. An example is provided by
the whaling industry, which was an ongoing issue for Norway and Britain. The demand
in Germany for whale oil was immense, among other requirements, for supplying the
margarine market. The British government put pressure on Norway to stop delivering
whale oil to Germany.20 The German government’s attempts to establish their own
whaling industry in the far South, however, interfered with British and Norwegian
interests. The German Schwabenland expedition went South in 1938 to secure whaling
grounds and fulfil a scientific programme. Securing whaling grounds was largely
unsuccessful, but the expedition members managed a prodigious amount of
geographical exploration of a previously unmapped sector of Antarctica in only three
weeks through the use of airborne reconnaissance and photographic flights over what
is now known as Dronning Maud Land. Unfortunately, their findings were not
recognized due to the outbreak of World War II21 and because the results were
published in German, which meant that they only became recognized by the wider
scientific community decades later.
Post-war exploration and the Antarctic Treaty: Cold War
interests and emerging international collaboration
Byrd continued exploring the Antarctic during and after World War II and led several
expeditions until his death in 1957. However, after World War II, the Cold War affected
a divided world. Two powerful blocs, driven by national ambitions and ideology
combined with economic motives, each worked to establish a bridgehead on the
Antarctic continent. Scientists from the Western and Eastern Blocs were, however, a
significant driving force behind the international collaboration of the International
Geophysical Year (IGY) of 1957–1959. The exceptional international collaboration and
research activities that marked the IGY, involving Western and Soviet scientists, can
be considered as the beginning of the way in which Antarctic research is conducted
today under the auspices of the Antarctic Treaty System (ATS) and the Scientific
Committee on Antarctic Research (SCAR). Today, permanently occupied, summer-
only and unmanned automatic stations over much of the Antarctic continent are
delivering continuously data on a wide range of research topics. New technologies such
as satellite-based monitoring allow novel ways of imaging the Antarctic. These
methods contribute to the acquisition of knowledge on the continent and, in turn, its
influence on global climate. New discoveries are made regularly by undertaking
research in this unique place which helps us to obtain a better understanding of our
world – the discovery of the ozone hole is one clear example.
Paradoxically, the atmosphere of negativity and confrontation during the Cold War
coincided with a positive outcome for Antarctica in terms of empowering research in
an international context during the IPY that was sustained with the establishment of the
Antarctic Treaty System in 1959 (see Chapter 23 by Dey Nuttall and Chapter 20 by
Dodds in this volume).
Conclusion
Perceptions of Antarctica have changed dramatically over the last two millennia.
Although our understanding of this exceptional place still presents many challenges, it
remains influenced by the early explorers and scientists who discovered and mapped
the continent and engaged in the first scientific pursuits there. Their observational
records are still valuable for our contemporary research questions, especially in
providing a baseline against which to measure present and future environmental
change. The meteorological measurements of early Antarctic explorations are a clear
example, providing the first points on a graph of continuing climate change and
variability.
In the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, big exploration and science questions
about the earth system were important, although they were far from being the only
stimuli for sending ships and men South. Those men had their own perceptions of the
space that was and remains Antarctica, and presented the continent in a way that still
affects us today. The history of discovery and knowledge in the Antarctic has just begun
and exploring and mapping remains an ongoing process – we still know little of the
processes taking place beneath the kilometres-thick Antarctic ice sheet or the
dimensions of the huge water-filled cavities under the floating ice shelves (see the
chapter by Siegert in this volume).
With this in mind, Antarctica remains a place where political power and economic
motives are a reality. Fisheries and the potential for minerals exploitation are issues that
are presently managed by regulation under the Antarctic Treaty System and its
environmental protocols. Some motives, however, have varied little since the beginning
of Antarctic exploration, and international collaboration remains vital in the
investigation the Antarctic environment and its global linkages today.
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Notes
1 Beaglehole, J. C. 1961. The Voyages of the Resolution and Adventure 1772–1775.
The Journals of James Cook on his Voyages of Discovery, vol. 2. Cambridge, UK:
Cambridge University Press, p.323.
2 Beaglehole, p.646.
3 See: Krause, R. and U. Rack (eds.). 2006. Schiffstagebuch der Steam-Bark Groenland
geführt auf einer Fangreise in die Antarktis im Jahre 1873/1874 unter der Leitung von
Capitain Ed. Dallmann (Logbook of the German Steam Bark Groenland written during
a sealing and whaling campaign in Antarctica in 1873/1874 under the command of
Captain Ed. Dallmann). In: Berichte zur Polar- und Meeresforschung (Reports on Polar
and Marine Research) 530/2006.
http://epic.awi.de/26705/1/BerPolarforsch2006530.pdf.
4 See: Hudson, B. 1972. ‘The new geography and the new imperialism 1870–1918’,
Antipode 9(2): 140–153.
5 Royal Geographical Society 1896. Report of the Sixth International Geographical
Congress. London, https://ia601702.us.archive.org/1/items/jstor-196860/196860.pdf,
p. 163.
6 ibid.
7 ibid.
8 Murray, G, (ed.) 1901. The Antarctic Manual for the use of the Expedition of 1901;
London, https://archive.org/details/antarcticmanual00britgoog.
9 ibid. p. viii.
10 Rack, U. 2010. pp.192–205.
11 Griffiths, T. 2007. Slicing the Silence. Voyaging to Antarctica. Cambridge, MA and
London: Harvard University Press. p.252.
12 Mawson, D. 2009. The Home of the Blizzard: Being the Story of the Australian
Antarctic Expedition, 1911–1914. Ebook #6137, .www.gutenberg.org/files/6137/6137-
h/6137-h.htm#link2H_INTR.
13 See: Lüdecke, C. 2003. ‘Scientific collaboration in Antarctic (1901–1903): A
challenge in times of political rivalry’, Polar Record 39(1): 35–48.
14 See: Lüdecke, C. 1995. Die deutsche Polarforschung seit der Jahrhunderwende und
der Einfluß Erich von Drygalskis. (German polar research since the turn of the century
and the influence of Erich von Drygalski). In: Berichte zur Polarforschung (Reports on
Polar Research) 158/1995, Bremerhaven, Germany p.59.
http://epic.awi.de/26336/1/BerPolarforsch1995158.pdf.
15 Rack, U. 2010, p.204 (translation by the author).
16 See: Rack, U. 2010, pp.192–205.
17 See: Mundy, R. 2014. ‘Pioneering Antarctic photography: Herbert Ponting and Frank
Hurley’, The Polar Journal 4(2): 37–41.
18 See: Fogg, G. E. 1992. A History of Antarctic Science. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge
Press. pp.130–154.
19 See: Lintott, B. 2011. The British Graham Land Expedition, 1934–1937. Cambridge,
UK: SPRI.
20 See: Rack, U. 2010. pp.31–35.
21 See: Lüdecke, C. and Summerhayes, C. 2012. The Third Reich in Antarctica. The
German Antarctic expedition 1938–39. Norwich, UK: Erskin-Press.