Annexure I

Historical Background of Tulunadu

The history of the region, erstwhile Tulunadu of which Dakshina Kannada district was a

territorial part has been traced to Palaeolithic period by a renowned historian of the

region Bhatt, G. (1969). Once a dense forest, difficult for human survival this land had

been settled gradually by elements of ethnic (tribal, jati, linguistic, religio-socio-cultural)

identities that had been constituted in various contexts of time and space.

There were as many as 111 or more Jatis in the geo-political zone. All these Jati groups

constructed at distinct phase of history and in different locations of the wide geographic

region (spanning one continent or more) had become a part of the social segment forming

the Tuluva society from different points of time. Earliest to settle in the region which was

not conducive for human settlement for long period in history were probably those that

were food gatherers by vocation namely the Pujarys or Billavas (traditional) associated

with hunting (Billava - holder of bow and arrow) and toddy tapping (termed as

Murthedaras), the Koragas, Paravas, Pambadas, Nalikes, Mayilas, Adi Dravidas (who

were basically hunter/gatherers) and Mogaveeras (traditionally and currently linked to

fishing). Later Bunts (considered to have superior/inferior jatillineages within them

i.e. Nadavars held to be superior to other Bunts), arrived into the region probably as

soldiers of feudal overlords who established their rule over the region. The emergence of

Brahmin into the region has not been historically dated. The inscriptional evidence traces

their arrival to the seventh century A.D or later. Practices of purity and pollution

disseminated by the Vedic Brahmins by assuming control over the mechanisms of

cultural dissemination (I.e. appropriation of local Bhuta dance forms and turning them

into Bayalata and then classical Yakshagana to spread the messages of Vedic faith),

contributed to the emergence of identities who were ranked as pure and impure in an

order of hierarchy. The ethnic groups the first to dwell on the soil of Tulunadu and

subsequently creators of Tuluva Panchanga (calendar of Tuluvas) were reduced to the

status of Sudras and untouchables. The Jains, Brahmins, Christians, Muslims, many other

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intermediary and artisan jati/linked (ethnic groups) linked households have made the

region their home since centuries.

The Arabian coastline links the coast of Dakshina Kannada to Kasargod and Malabar,

Kerala. The intensive overseas trade with Arabia, Persia, Israel since ancient times made

the city of Mangalore (Mangalapura or Mangalapuram) a well established trading zone.

Saletore (1957) is of the view that the western coast of India had trans-oceanic trade

about the beginning of the second millennium B.C. Trade between west-coast of India

and the Mediterranean countries has been frequently alluded to by the Greek and Roman

writers such as Periplus Pliny (AD 23) and Ptolemy (150 AD) from the 1st century of

Christian era. Due to such overseas links, the new varieties of crops, fruits and spices

made an entry into the soil of the region. The multiple religions traditions-Saivite, Jain,

Christian, Islamic and Vaisnavite entered the region from very early times in History.

The strongly rooted divisive as well as syncretic traditions of the region which is

reflected in Tulu folk literature has a history ofthousands of years.

Since a certain phase of its long history which spans millenniums, the region came under

various rulers who belonged to various semi-feudal and feudal dynasties such as Alupa,

Vijayanagara, Keladi and Muslim Kings of Mysore (Ramesh, 1970). The region was

annexed by the British in 1799 after defeating the last supra local feudal ruler, Tipu

Sultan.

It is clear that the villages in Dakshina Kannada, as elsewhere have not remained static.

The macro level forces in alliance with the micro level forces in various combinations

have made variable impact on different village settlements at particular historical

junctures. The impact however, varies from one village to another depending on the

length of its establishment; it's ecological cum politico-economic (inclusive of socio­

cultural) context, its proximity to the cities and towns and the response of its unequally

constituted social identities.

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On the positive side, the district as a whole along with Udupi (erstwhile part of South

Kanara and later Dakshina Kannada district now a separate district) has made rapid

headway in the field of not only education but also higher education (generic, technical

and professional especially medical, engineering and managerial). Known as the district

of the intelligentsia, it has contributed scholars in literature, professions, social sciences

induding medicine, social work and entrepreneurship to various parts of not only India

but also many other nations of the world.

The district has one of the highest rates ofliteracy among men and women. The sex ratio

is titled in favour of women, which is brought out by census data since decades, a unique

feature it shares with its neighbour, the State of Kerala (however as per 2001 census, 0-6

child sex ratio is shown to be favourable to boys indicating the rise of a new form of

patriarchy). The region has one of the lowest infant, maternal mortality rates (in par with

the most developed western nations of the world).

On the negative side all the problems we find in villages in other parts of India are

prevalent to a lesser or greater extent in the villages of Dakshina Kannada as well. The

district which was once known as to rice bowl of India is producing less and less paddy

now which is its staple food (consumed by most persons three times a day). Vegetable

production once plentiful is also declining. Food grains, pulses and vegetables are being

brought in from other parts of the state. The region which is one of the declared

ecologically sensitive zones of the country is facing a crisis. Its land, water and forest

resources are being eroded. The traditional livelihoods, based on farming (subsistence

farming and agrarian labour), fisheries and crafts are under threat. The people engaged in

them are either being proletarianized or are struggling to survive. Beedi industry, which

employs lakhs (according to some estimates 5 lakhs or more) of workers predominantly

women in the villages and cities of the district is unable to provide regular, secure and

exploitation free work conditions for those who are engaged in rolling beedies. This

industry has in some ways been injurious to the health of the people. Most tile and

cashew industries have closed down, pauperizing many erstwhile labourers.

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The few mega industries that have come up in rural parts of the district have absorbed

only some percentage of local labourers. Most educated youth and professionals of local

households' both rural and urban have been moving out of the district to seek jobs. As a

result of such out - migration, many a village homes are left only with the elderly or

empty and a number of farms are left fallow and uncultivated. The openings available to

the youth mostly in countries of Middle East have been declining. Those without

appropriate vocational skills are found unemployed in increasingly large numbers in

villages.

The conversion of paddy lands into cash crop farms with cashew coconut, areca and even

spices, and rubber and sugarcane has been undertaken extensively by rich and middle

farmers in particular. Modem technologies such as tractors, tillers, and drip irrigation

have been adopted by a few rich farmers. Pumpsets have also been installed by the rich,

middle and relatively better off among the small farmers to irrigate their lands. Not only

rich farmers but also subsistence farmers have accepted green revolution technology.

Some have reaped rich dividends from such measures.

Most small and marginal farmers are facing distress. Input costs are rising, farm

productivity is declining and many a farmers are indebted and struggling to survive.

Farmers do not want their children to assume farming as an occupation.

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Annexure II

Various Resources that aid the Exercise of Power

Various Resources that aid the Exercise of Power are listed as follows. Natural Resources

such as land, water, animals, trees, plants and Seeds, Productive assets such as farms

(food cash crops farm animals), industrial, financial and commercial capital. Tools and

technologies (traditional and modern i.e. plough and tractor), Inputs such as raw

materials, seeds, manures, fertilizers, sources of energy, Formal educational

qualification such as certificates/degrees Social and vocational competencies such as

knowledge, skills and attitudes, managerial competencies, linguistic and communication

skills, Social status variables such as honour, reputation, Biological capacities such as

genetic endowments, aggressiveness, physical prowess and intelligence, Personality

variables such as chann, charisma, credibility, self confidence, courage, valour

enthusiasm optimism and beauty, and Control over means of organizations (private,

cooperative, public bureaucracies and organizations) and positions of authority/

membership within them, Knowledge/Ideas, discourses contained in languages, talks,

texts, visual audio and audio-visual symbols, Means of violence such as arms and

ammunitions from simple stone, bow and arrow to most advanced bomb and missile and

those who are skilled and trained in using the same - soldiers, armies, police, private

individuals and forces of defence, Linkages with organisations, networks, alliances,

social movements based on identity, interest and information, Access to government,

non - government schemes/subsidiesibenefits/reservation schemes and other supportive

schemes and cultural symbols.

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Annexure III

A Version of Pad dana of Jarandaya

In a place called Jara, there was a territory called Periyadota (now in Padusede village)

where lived Abubaidyathi and her brother (according to another version her son). They

practiced their traditional occupation of toddy tapping and agriculture. Abu grew

vegetables in the garden of her house. Jhati was engaged in tapping toddy in and around

Tiruvadi. Abubaidyathi was also engaged in agricultural labour. They lived an arduous

life.

One day Abubaidyathi went to pick shell fish from the Kulur river (another version

names the village as Phalguni flowing towards the north of Sede village). As she was

picking shells, she found a pretty stone which was reflecting various shades of colour

which she decided to place in her basket thinking that it would serve some purpose. But

when she turned again to drop shells in the basket she found it filled with shell fish.

Amazed, she left her friends and returned home and kept the stone near the grinding

machine and got involved in her daily chores.

The night when people were asleep in the house, Jhati heard a sound and he rose up and

found it emerged from the black stone. When asked, his sister told him the event of the

day. Both decided 0 look into the matter the next day and went off to sleep. Jhati

(according to another version his mother) heard a voice in hislher dream which said that I

am a Gana (a power) of Ishwara who dwells in the stone picked up by your sister

Abubaidyathi in Kulur river. If you believe in me and offer me worship and honour in

your house, I will bless you and your kin with prosperity. I do not need the worship

which Dvijas offer. I do not need any expensive purification ritual either. It is enough if

1. Jara - this tulu word literally means hill slopes and as the name suggests it is situated on the slopes of hills

(Padadu of Mudusede).

2. Periyadota - name of a territory towards the west 0/ Jara, now in Padusede (acquired by the Government/or the

harbour in Sixties).

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a single small earthen lamp is lit for me and water of the coconut is sprinkled around me

for purification. I will be pleased just with that.

That was the time when the Jain overlord Ballala of Kulur budu (beedu in Kannada) was

ruling the region. There was a rule (kattu -kattale or customary law) that no one should

believe or worship any spirit (daiva or Bhuta) without his permission or order. So Jhati

and Abu were afraid but kept the said stone on a small mud platform and started

worshipping the stone secretly in their house. After they started worshipping the stone,

they began prosper economically. Jhati was able to eam well from toddy tapping. Their

fann started yielding good paddy crop and vegetables. The things predicted by Jhati

occurred in reality. The news of Jhati's new found prosperity and the spirit he

worshipped started spreading from ear to ear. "

Near Periyadota of Jhati, there was a Brahmin household called Kiruvala. The head of

this household was the headman of the village called Tiruvadi (which perhaps constituted

the region of Jara in present day Mudusede as well as some areas of present day Padusede

locally known by that name even today). He lived with his kin in the Jara house. He

heard about the spirit Jhati worshipped. Jhati's prosperity and influence made the

Brahmin (known as Tiruvadi Chitte) envious and he started harassing Jhati in various

ways. The Brahmins complained to the Ballala of Kuluru budu about the spirit which

Jhati worshipped secretly and his prosperity and rising influence in the area. Ballala who

heard this was angered and decided to investigate the case at an opportune time.

Once a festival called Malakariya was being celebrated in the palace of the Ballala. There

was need for vegetables. Ballala remembered Jhati. He sent word that the vegetables

from Jhati's garden be reaped and sent to the palace. Jhati was on his way for tapping

toddy when servants of the Ballala come there with the message. Jhati told them that as

he was on his way for today tapping, they could cut and take the vegetables needed from

his garden.

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The servants of Ballala took not only all the vegetables from his garden but uprooted all

the vegetables plants and devastated his garden. When Jhati and Abu returned home they

were distressed and angry to find the vegetable garden they had cultivated with their hard

labour destroyed. They petitioned their spirit. Next day, Ballala found that the vegetables

brought from Jhati's farm turned rotten. Ballala felt that it must have been caused by the

power of the Daiva of Jhati. To test the spirit further, he decided to send a message to

Jhati to come to Kuluru beedu.

That night the spirit Jhati believed in, appeared to Jhati in his dream and said ".lathi Baidya.

I am the spirit you worship. To test my power Ballala will ask you to come to Kuluru beedu. Do not be

afraid. I will be with you in an invisible form. Do what Ballala tells you. Before you go to the palace you

offer prayers to me and get three leaves full of sandal wood prasada ready. When Ballala asks you to do

something, you rub the paste from one leaf over you body. After emerging from the test, rub over your

body paste from the second leaf The power of this sandal prasada would make you emerge unscathed.

When you come oul of Ihe lest, the people gathered in the beedu will scream with pain. Ballala will come

to you distressed and ask you to relieve the suffering of his kin. Then put a condition that Ballala should

place me in a hanging cot in the portico of his house and believe in me. If he agrees to do that, give the

sandal paste in the third leaf for rubbing over the burnt skin of Ballala women. They would be healed. I

will handle the Kir/lVala family that is responsible for your harassment ".

Jhati did as he was told by the Daiva (spirit). When he was tapping toddy at Tiruvadi near

Jara house the next day, the servants of Ballala came with an order asking him to attend

BaJlala's court. As he heard the order, Jhati was possessed by Jarandaya, giving a loud

scream he came running and jumped into the well situated on the left side of the Brahmin

house (Jara house) and from there went to his house in Periyadota, picked up the three

leaves filled with sandal paste which he had kept over the sacred stone and screaming

again ran to Kulur budu - the palace of BaJlala. There to test his strength a large cauldron

of oil was burning on a red hot oven. BaJlala told Jathi that he had heard about the extra­

ordinary powers of the spirit he worshipped and wished to test the Shakti or power of the

spirit and asked Jhati to jump into the cauldron. Rubbing the paste of Sandal from one of

the leaf, Jhati jumped into the boiling oil thrice and emerged unscathed. When he

emerged out of the cauldron the third time, he asked the Ballala "Where should I shake

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the oil out of my hair?" Ballala responded "Do what you please". At that time on the

portico (or the verandah) of Ballala's palace, the women of his household had gathered to

watch. When Jathi shook his hair vigorously drops of oil fell over these women scathing

their skin and producing heat boils and the palace resounded with their screams of pain.

Ballala realizing the power of the Daiva (spirit), together with his kin surrendered to the

spirit with folded hands. Jathi possessed by the spirit, said to the Ballala "If your Patta

(royal seat) is yours two times a day, it should be mine once. I must receive homa and

nema (worship, pooja or propititation rituals) in this palace". Ballala complied and his kin

were healed by the sandal paste given to them by Jhati Baidya.

Jhati still possessed by the spirit came screaming to lara where the kin of the Tiruvadi

Chitte's household were a waiting to thrash him, because he a Sudra had the audacity to

jump into their well and pollute its water. But Jhati possessed by the spirit came close to

Jara house; he saw the prominent (Mulada-Kannada) lady of the household sweeping the

compound behind the house and made her disappear. Some more kin' of this household

were made to disappear including Tiruvadi Chitte. Other left over kin elements of

Chitte's household were chased out of the village and crossed into Kiram territory in

Pachanady village (their descendants - a lineage of Brahmins called Kupenuru continue

to live there to this day and reportedly propitiate the daiva).

The Ballala of Kulur budu gave the house and properties of the said Brahmin household

as Umballi or gift to the Daiva of Jhati Pujary. He made the Jhati family to live in lara

house. A daivasthana was built to worship the spirit on the hill converting the Saiva

temple. A hanging cot for the Daiva was installed in the portico of the lara house. The

Ballala gathered all the guttu or territory holders of the village such as Panja, Mugipu,

Haladi, Kengala and Andala and made them organize Bhutaradhana ceremonies with

grandeur in the area to propitiate Daiva. Water from the Vishnumurthy temple of Kengala

Maiya 'was declared to be acceptable in the purification rituals of Jarandaya. The Jhati

Pujary became the priest (Archaka) of the Daiva. (To this day descendants of lhati Pujary

offer their services as priests of larandaya. The archaka or priest is called Jhati Pujary

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even now). The spirit came to be known as Jarandaya as his power was revealed in Jara

originally and he was worshipped there (in tulu 'Jarandaya' - Jarodu - 'andaye or

andathinaye connotes one who became real or actualized in Jara).

Note: All the incidents and names associated with the versions of the story of Jarandaya

collected from the villagers and paddana reciters are linked to the feudal elements - the overlord

Ballalas, the Brahmin's who were the local headmen or village level intermediaries, and the

intermediate peasant casle Pujarys who were the actual producers in territorial units. There are

some archeological remains which provide corroborative evidence concerning some of the

incidents which are said to have occurred in the story of Jarandaya i.e. the Bhutasthana or

physical structure of Bhuta worship in Jara region retains the temple architecture (according

to the residents it was a Saiva temple where the Brahmin headman was the priest). In the Jara

house where the Headman and his kin lived in the past, the kin of Jati Poojary live at present.

The stones symboliZing disappearance of Brahmin headman within the Bhutasthana (Jarandaya

Daivasthanam in Jara territory) premises and of his kinsfolk in and around Jara house are

reportedly still there. The historical authenticity of such remnants has yet to be investigated.

However, from the oral reports of the inhabitants it is possible 10 attempt deconstructive account

of the Paddana of Jarandaya.

Comments: The Jarandaya cult has spread to varied parts of Tulunadu from lara and

there are many stories which describe the miraculous power of Jarandaya. He is

associated with SUbjugation of dominant Brahmins in other places too (i.e. boat owning

Brahmin - Maiyya's of Kulur and Brahmin headman of patte village in Mundur) and Jain

elements (Krishna Ballalas of Padubidri). But all the versions of the spread of the cult

collected by the researcher reveal that the persons possessed by Jarandaya were women

and men of the Pujary caste. Some versions of paddana of Jarandaya give predominance

to Abubaidyathi the mother of Jathi.

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•

Annexure IV

Bailupete - The Historical Trading Centre

Bailupete-a famous trading centre was in the neighbouring village Adyapady-just across

the river on the northern side of village Mudusede. From the oral reports of the elderly

residents it could be said even during the early decades of the last century, Bailupete was

a major trading centre in the area. The villagers say they visited this place for purchasing

all the needed products (That Mangalore as Mangalapura was a trading centre for sea

faring people historically is an established fact. Not only Arabs, but also Persians, Jews

are said to have established their guilds here. Along with coastal cities of Kasargod (part

of historical Tulunadu) Malabar in Kerala, Bailupete may have emerged as a trading

centre centuries ago. Even during the early decades of last century elderly residents report

to have seen hundreds of boats flying from Bundar (old port in Mangalore) to Bailupete

and back. Further research could reveal many significant aspects of the history of

Bailupete ).

The Durgah of Sheikare Pandith (an Arab Sheik and a healer) is in the Durgah at the

vicinity of a historical mosque in the village named Adyapady (which consists of

erstwhile Bailupete as well), to the North of Mud use de. There are legends associated with

Sheikare Pandith. He is associated with miraculous healing power. He is said to have had

the power to command wild animals. A Jain feudal lord while hunting was chased by a

tiger and the Arab Pandit reportedly commanded the tiger to stop and it obeyed him.

Since then he became an honoured friend of the Ballala. During his life time, the fame of

this Pandit had spread far and wide. Many came to him for treatment and were healed.

The Pandith continued to live in the Bailupete area and died there. He was considered a

saint after his death.

In 1995 during the field visit, the research scholar was informed that people from

surrounding and distant villages irrespective of religion continue to honour this Arab

healer and visit the Durgah to seek his blessings. The agriculturists of villages such as

380

Adyapady, Mudusede, continue to contribute palms and other materials for the Urus held

in the memory of this Arab saint. A portion of the first produce is offered to the Durgah

in honour of the Saint by some agriculturists (irrespective of caste and religion) to this

day. When the research scholar was in the Durgah in 1995 an offering of milk was

brought to the Durgah by the member of a Bunt household.

The Durgah had been granted a vast amount of land by the Ballala ruler. Much of this

land had come under the control of Bunt genidars (tenants) who paid geni to the Durgah.

The Durgah was said to receive as much as 80 mudis of grain as geni prior to the land

reforms period. The genidars who filed declaration in 1974 have now become the owners

of the land tilled by them. However, they continued to be associated with the affairs of

the Durgah, its renovation, organization of Urus celebrations. When faced with the

problem of ill health (i.e. human or cattle) residents continue to invoke the name of

Sheikiire Pandith.

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Annexure V

Tulu Words and Other Indigenous Concepts

Ballalas of Tulunadu: Ballalas are semi feudal overlords who established their rule in

various parts of Tulunadu during early part of the Christian era. However, the historical

sources available ascertain the facts of their presence in the politics of Tulunadu during

14th century A.D. Ballalas controlled larger territorial units composed of 4 to 5 villages

termed "Megane" and "Sime". Their place of residence was termed Beedu (Budu in

Tulu). They followed matrilineal system of descent (Aliyasanthana). They were

practitioners of Jainism but worshipped vedic deities as well as spiritslBhutas. As in

many other kingdoms of the subcontinent ofIndia, Ballalas as semi-feudals paid tribute

to the supra local rulers or kings or emperors when the central rule was strong i.e. Alupas,

Keladi rulers, Vijayanagara emperors, Hyderali and Tipu Sultan (the kings of Mysore).

When central rule was weak, they reigned supreme over the territories they controlled.

The conflicts/wars between feudal lords of various territories were not uncommon.

A prominent local matrilineal kin group could be either a subordinate kin of the Ballalas,

or members of a dominant peasant caste Bunts or prominent matrilineages of some other

intermediate peasant caste i.e. Pujarys and sometimes even members of the intermediary

castes. Each of the matrilineal headmen (Yajamana) had to pay a fixed sum of revenue to

the Ballalas which could be raised from ti me to time by the rulers. Ballalas also played a

significant role in religio-cultural ceremonies of the Daivasthana (centres of Bhuta

worship), Devasthana (temples) and Nagamandala (festival of Nag a worship).

Ballalas of Kuluru Beedu: The Jara territorial unit situated towards western side of

plains of Mudusede was under the control of the Ballalas of Kulur Beedu. The kin

elements of this matrilineage continue t-o live in Kulur and are considered a valued

presence at the time of Bhuta KolalNema of Jarandaya to this day.

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Jains of Sede: It is not clear to which Ballala the territorial units or Guttus of Sede part of

the village were associated. Territorial units in middle and eastern side of the Bailu or

plain lands such as Kalkarottu, Guttu House, Arbi House and Kottara on the western side

are said to have been linked to another Jain Matrilineage. There is no trace of the kin of

this Jain matrilineage in the village and no villagers have heard of their presence

elsewhere. The Kalkarottu territory was with the kin of a Jain Matrilineage in the past (A

photo of the Jain family was found hanging in the old manor house during the time of

field visit to the area in 1995). It was then purchased by a Muslim landlord. However the

manor house reportedly caught fire - the localites interpret this as a sign of displeasure by

Arasu Gudedar - the Spirit who was not propitiated by Muslims who were the new

owners. Muslims were also consumers of meat which is said to have provoked the anger

of the Bhuta who is worshipped by lains and is propitiated with fruits and vegetables

only. This territory is at present with the kin of a Bunt matrilineage who trace their origin

to another distant village. A new large house has been constructed by the matrilineal kin

who have inherited a portion of the Kalkarottu territory along with the manor house.

There are also other tales of Jain presence in the village of Mudusede. According to one

tale in circulation among the elderly villagers - there were three Jain sisters who were in

control of a territory in Sede part of the village, who were said to have been unmarried. It

is said that they disappeared in Manjalpade. There were three stones commemorating

their disappearance in that area which has been extensively damaged by stone quarrying

in later years. Who were these Jain sisters'? How did they disappear? Or who caused this

disappearance if it really occurred? These questions remain unanswered.

Bhuta Worship: Bhuta worship is a folk ritualistic theatre of Tulunadu associated

with religion as revealed by many of the rituals and rites associated with it (Gowda,

1990:11). According to Gowda (1990:12), by adjusting itself to the time and

circumstances by incorporating modifications in details, Bhuta worship has retained the

contemporariness of its purpose and funoCtion. It has also significantly maintained its

social relevance. Analysing the dynamics of Bhuta worship Gowda, C.K, (cited in

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/

Mangalore University Decennial Manual, 1991: IV) has shown that Bhuta worship, far

from being merely a part of the curious belief - systems of the people of Dakshina

Kannada, has a structure that Parallels the social and administrative structures of this

region.

Concept of Guttu: The tenn Guttu in Tulu language, the tenn Gottu in Kannada

language and words Guttu and Kutukai in another Dravidian language namely Tamil

have similar meanings. The words refer to a house or habitation, a manor house with

certain privileges of the feudal order. These terms are applied to a station or a specified

place (Kemtur, R., 1989: 43)

The tenn Guttu appears to be related to another tenn Guttige, Guttige is a tenn that is

used in Tulu as well as Kannada language to refer to a contract, a bond, an agreement on

fixed tenns or a lease or contract of a house or land for a limited period on a fixed rent by

its owner (the leaser) to a tenant (the lessee). In this sense the Gutedars are the lessees­

or the holders of the Guttige or lease. The Kannada term okkaliga -lease holder appears

to have-similar connotations.

Both meanings associated with the tenn Guttu and the meaning of the term Guttige

appear to be closely associated, when seen from the historical context. Historically the

Guttu system is an important aspect of the feudal system of Tulunadu. The tenn Guttu

was used with reference to a territorial unit, an agrarian settlement (with matrilineal kin,

their attached labour and their tenants and other clients), controlled by a specific

matrilineal kin group, who inhabited and held superior control over the territory, and

whose habitation or house formed the centre of the territorial unit. All the four elements

the territorial unit, the agrarian settlement, the matrilineage and the habitation of the

matrilineage were identified by a common name - often derived from a specific

geographic feature of the primary territory which they controlled or some other

significant feature.

384

The control over the territorial unit (part of a viI\age or extending into two or more

villages) may have been bestowed on particular matrilineal kin groups by the feudal or

semi-feudal overlords on the basis of contractual agreement namely Guttige. As per the

contract a fixed sum most probably as revenue had to be paid at a point of time by the

Guttedar or the lessee to the lessors namely feudal overlord or royal treasury as the case ,

may be. Larger the size, fertility (l't or 2nd category wet lands) and prosperity of the

territory, higher was status of the matrilineage which was named after it and controlled it.

Guttus in this sense were hierarchically ranked matrilineal kin held territorial settlements.

The territory given on contract to the Gutedars by the supra local feudal may have been

uncultivated virgin territories/forests abundantly available in the region or already

established settlements with attached labour, cultivating raiyats and tenants and in some

cases even clients such as artisans (i.e. carpenters (i.e. Achari), oil extractors (Ganiga),

Pot makers (Moolya), Weavers (shettigars), Washermen (Dhobi) and viI\age servants. If

it was virgin territories the matrilineage took up the responsibility to organize the

agrarian settlement by engaging tenants, labourers and artisans to settle on the territory

and undertake levelling of lands and farming operations.

Forces of Social change have altered the guttus radically. The territorial units have been

ora\Iy and in many cases legally subdivided and partitioned, among kin elements. Some

such partitioned units of Guttu territory are called 'mane' or 'house'. Certain portions

have been alienated to tenants because of land reforms or have been acquired by other

landlords. Some portions including the guttu houses have been sold to others. Certain

portions of other territorial units have been bought and have been attached to the portion

of the original territory by one or more landowners. Some portions are under litigation

among the kinsfolk (both matrilineal and patrilineal) and some territories or parts of it

have been acquired by the state for public purposes and some have been encroached upon

by local households and or outsiders. Some Guttu houses are not more inhabited but are

in a state of decay as the kin do not live there now, yet others are kept locked up and

periodically cleaned and used only at the time of Bhuta worship, when kin elements both

385

resident and non-resident come together. But despite of all these and other modifications,

most of the territorial units and associated core habitations in the villages continue to be

called by the original name of the - territory (Guttu) or sub-divided territory (Mane).

The original matrilineal kin whether they reside in the territory or outside (even as non­

resident Indians), continue to trace their descent in the name of the Guttus. The

reputation associated with particular Guttu or matrilineage continues to be a symbol of

differential status to this day among the matrilineal groups of the region.

Kumki: A special land facility available to the vargadars or (their genidars)

traditionally, is titled kumki. The varg lands of the period prior to 1882 Madras Forest

Act hold kumki right as well. As per official revenue records such varg lands were

operational holdings prior to Fasli 1276. As much as 100 yards of land around such

Kadim or varg land is tenned kumki. The one who controls this land was known as

Kumkidar.

Kutumba: The tenn 'Kutumba' in Kannada generally refers to a family. But among the

matrilineal communities of Tulunadu the tenn applies to the matrilineal kinsfolk or

consanguine. The affine (relatives by marriage) do not constitute a part of the matrilineal

kin-group or kutumba. The patrilineal kin-groups use the term to refer to the patrilineal

kin-group.

Paddanas: Paddanas are recorded stories of heroes and heroines, their local deities,

their great families and their tragedies in an oral narrative tradition (Claus, 1991: 2 -19).

The tenn is derived from the verbal root meaning to 'sing' (pada), the implication being

the stories must be sung. "Paddanas, which are the literacy expressions of Bhuta worship,

reflect the pain and sighs of the suppressed classes in the caste - ridden society. In fact

the main motif of the Paddanas is social conflict. These plaintive songs express the

consequences and agony of social conflict and exploitation ...... They express

suggestively elements like class conflict, crime, exploitation, injustice, repression and

386

their recited in the solemn context of Bhuta worship is meant to expose the cruelty and

violence of history" (Gowda, 1991: 13).

387

Annexure VI

Factors of Social Change

Some of the major forces that have impacted villages at various stages of its history after

the establishment of village settlements could be enumerated as follows:

1. Factors of Social Change that Impacted the TraditionallFeudal Society

• The assumption of superior control over productive assets such as lands by

superior or dominant lineages or ethnic groups, endogenous groups such as jatis

or Baris, gotras, vamsas or lineages within each ethnic or jati group by

subjugating other lineageslkin groups/jatis to positions of more or less

subordination.

• Emergence of specific forms of rulership or feudal control often that of the most

powerful senior lineage elite at the supra-local level over a number of villages

dependant on surplus appropriation from the village residents in association with

their kinsmen at local levels.

• The absorption of various ethnic/jatiltribal social groups within the village

settlements and their gradual integration into the agrarian system at superior and

inferior levels. For example as landlords/inam holders of territories bestowed on

them by rulers, superior proprietors of agrarian production units and more or less

inferior tenants, village servants, craftsmen and agrarian labourers.

• The kinship, trade religious and political links established by the village residents

with supra local elements within the territory of a feudal authority and beyond it

(near and far).

• Arrival of adherents of various religions and sects and their gradual integration

into the village settlements at various levels giving rise to various divisive

traditions along with some syncretic beliefs and practices.

• Gradual diffusion of Brahmanical scheme of Varnadharma and related

purity/pollution practices during different stages of history with the migration of

Brahmins from the northern part oflndia to the south.

388

• The supra local conflicts and conquests, change of feudal authority bringing in

new forces at supra and local levels.

• The extent of diffusion and adoption of various traditional technologies of

fanning such as land preparation, storage, preservation, water storage and water

tapping, arts and crafts such as weaving, pot making, carpentry, house

construction, metal works (iron, gold smiths) in the village and around it.

• The access to knowledge/skills (traditional) among various village residents - i.e.

knowledge of nature, farming, healing and seasonal calendar.

• Various struggles, economic and social, inclusive of religious reform movements

(Bhakti cults), resulting in questioning the inequalities inherent in ritualistic.

religions and associated beliefs and practices.

2. Factors of Social Change resulting from Colonial Rule

• The establishment of colonial regime and unifonn administration including law

courts by adopting a unifonn criminal code with due exception to differing

traditional civil codes.

• Policies of land revenue settlement often with the established superior

landlordlraiyat elements and the nature of change in rural hierarchies.

• Various legislative measures enacted and implemented by the British such as

tenancy refonns, forest bill and social reform oriented legislation.

• Establishment of the so called secular and modem educational system which for

the first time opened the doors of fonnal education to the backward castes and

untouchables as well as women in general, along with upper castes, under the

control ofthe British government, missionaries and later other Private parties.

• Expansion of roads and transport, linkages including railways in some cases, to

facilitate linkages to all parts of India for the purpose of revenue collection and

political rule.

• The influence of western ideologies of nation, state, parliamentary democracy as

well as philosophic and scientific traditions inclusive of social science discourses

389

that are used by the colonial administration to categorize, study, analyse and

govern the colonized subjects.

• Diffusion of Western technologies and the expansion of global capitalist market

system under the supremacy of imperial nations and its gradual extension into the

villages.

• The influence of both capitalist (liberal) communist and socialist ideologies of the

west and its diffusion in various parts ofIndia.

• The peasant, tribal and nationalist struggles and the extent of involvement of

village residents in these struggles.

3. Major Factors of Social Change since Independence

• The establishment of multi-party parliamentary democracy based on adult

franchise.

• The adoption of a constitution with fundamental rights and directive principles of

state policy.

• The continuation of the administrative, judicial and military systems established

by colonial rulers with minor modifications after independence.

• Making the bureaucracy that was responsible for revenue collection and law and

order take on the added tasks related to planning and development.

• Adoption of a mixed economy with elements of private property, liberalism, state

socialism combined with welfare statism.

• The abolition of principalities, privy purses and privileges as well as Zamindari,

Patelship and· other hereditary privileges and putting an end to all the

intermediary revenue collection agents in the rural areas.

• Land reform (tenancy, reform, ceiling on land holdings, change in land related

and forest related policies and laws during 60's and 70's oflast century.

• Rapid expansion of education, without changing their colonial character and

without making the radical shift required to suit the existing reality and facilitate

critical questioning of prevalent inequalities

390

• The expansion of state and private health care system inclusive of primary health

centres/sub-centres at the village level especially favouring the allopathic system

generated in the west.

• Legislative measures inclusive of numerous social legislations to safeguard the

labourers, women, children, dalits, adivasis, bonded labourers and other

marginalized groups in particular, and safeguard human rights in general.

• Various policies and programmes of the National and State governments

beginning with Community Development and National Extension Service

Programmes and their differential implementation at the local level.

• Democratic decentralization or setting up of panchayati raj bodies with limited

dilution of state functions and responsibilities.

• Establishment of food grain procurement, mechanisms and Public distribution

system (PDS).

• Increasing population and changing demographic profile from time to time.

• The indigenous subaltern critique of western social science paradigm and

influence of western critical theories on indigenous perceptions and practices at

academic, research and policy level.

• Expansion of modem agriculture (green revolution, white revolution), animal

farming, fisheries and related sectors (i.e. sericuIture),

• Urban centred expansion of industrialization, manufacturing, trading and service

sectors

• Mega-projects such as dams, industries, harbours and consequent displacement

of millions of ruralites especially adivasis farmers and agrarian labourers from

their eeo-culturallocations.

• Expansion of reservation policies and other positive discrimination schemes.

• Expansion of State controlled cooperatives, Nationalized and private banking

networks.

• Expansion of roads, transport and communication facilities.

• Expansion of the national and regional level mass media networks.

391

• Rapid expansion and mushrooming of Non-government organizations, other civil

society groups with various and often contradictory ideologies and programmes

and intervention of these organizations.

• Emergence of Activist groups and their work of advocacy and people's

organization building.

• Out migration from the villages of able bodied men/women and youth especially

educated

• In migration oflabourers from drought prone regions

• Emergence of New social movements of the farmers, dalits, adivasis, women,

eco-social movements both violent and non-violent.

• Politics of class, caste, religion, language and region and criminalization of

politics

4. Factors of Social Change since Mid 1990's

• Economic Reform Measures or Structural Adjustment Policies since nineties

(neo-liberal economic reform programmes to meet the World Bank, IMF

conditionality).

• Rapid expansion of self help groups under NGO's, government and banks.

Expansion ofInformation Technology and communication services

• Increased communication of politics, especially parts of state machinery, spread

of Hindu tva and other sectarian discourses.

392

Annexure VII

Clarification of Other Terms used in the Research Study

1. Social Relations: The term 'social relations' is used in this study to refer to those

informal interactions (based on personal identification and polite acquaintance) as well as

more or less standardized or institutionalized patterns of interaction in various sites of a

society that have come to prevail from a particular historical juncture, manifesting either

reciprocal or egalitarian elements (based on cooperation, mutual respect, concern and

sharing) and hierarchical or asymmetrical elements (based either on power of domination

as well or productive power or both).

2. Subjugated Knowledges: Subjugated knowledges are those set of ideas or

perspectives especially knowledges of struggles or resistance that are suppressed,

appropriated and disqualified from the hierarchy of knowledge and treated as unscientific

and naIve (Foucault, 1980:81-84).

3. Insurrection of subjugated Knowledges: Foucault uses the term Insurrection of

subjugated Knowledges to mean two things (Foucault, 1980:81-82):

• The uncovering of the historical contexts that have been buried, disguised in a

functionalist coherence or formal systematization. The ruptured effects of conflict

and struggles that prevail in the order imposed by the functionalist and

systematizing thought.

• The insurrection of those knowledges that lie buried disqualified from the

hierarchy of knowledge and sciences, which are considered as naIve knowledges

which are beneath required degree of cognition and scientificity. This includes

knowledges of those who are marginalized groups in relational contexts - the

patients, the inmates of prisons, the subaltern groups. Foucault states that his

concern is "With the insurrection of knowledges that are opposed not to the

contents, methods or concepts of science, but to the effects of the centralizing

393

power which are linked to the institution and functioning of organized scientific

discourses within a society like ours".

4. Genealogy in Foucauldian view IS a kind of attempt to emancipate historical

knowledges from their subjection, to render them capable of opposition and of struggle

against the coercion of a theoretical, unitary, fonnal and scientific discourse. It is based ,

on a reactivation of local knowledges, of minor knowledges in opposition to scientific

hierarchisation of knowledge and the effects intrinsic to their power. Foucault uses the

term genealogy to mean the union of erudite knowledge and local memories, which

allows to establish a historical knowledge of struggles and to make use of the knowledge

tactically today. According to Foucault, genealogies are not positive returns to a more

careful and exact form of science. They are precisely anti-sciences. It is against the

effects of the power of a discourse that is considered to be scientific that the genealogy

must wage its struggle (Foucault, 1980:83-87).

Annexure VID

Territories in the Village

l. Botta (a) 28. Meginamane

2. Botta (b) 29. Mudumane

3. Manjabettu 30. Sthanadamane

4. Shettu Bailu 31. Bongamane

5. (a) and 5(b) Saberabailu 32. Mugeraguttu

6. Kalkarottu 33. Yalangur

7. Guttu House 34. Uduparamane

8. Mugila 35. Gopalkrishna Temple

9. Hosamane 36. Jaradamane

10.Didupe 37. Jaradaguttu

11. Ballike 38. laradabettu

12. Achemane 39. larandaya Daivam (lara)

13. Hosalakke 40. Kallagudde

14. Arbi House 41. Ajamar

15.Dota 42. Kottara

16. Chautaramane 43. Rifle Range

17. Acharibailu 44. Shalapadav

18. Sampigedadi 45. Sivanagara

19. Hosmar 46. Panchayat Office

20. Gudemane 47. Thenkalache

21.Jarandaya Temple (Sede) 48. Kiram

22. Byari Bailu 49. Pillikula Nisargadhama Colony

23. Aranthota 50. Golf Course - Pillikula

24. Subba Shetty Kerai 51. Edurupadav

2S. Bottikere 52. Pillikula Nisargadhama

26. Gudemane 53. Bandaramane School

27. Kodiyal Guttu Rama Shetty Kerai

395

No, 67

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