high school extracurricular activities: closed structures and stratifying patterns of participation

10
This article was downloaded by: [University of Southern Queensland] On: 10 October 2014, At: 06:54 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK The Journal of Educational Research Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/vjer20 High School Extracurricular Activities: Closed Structures and Stratifying Patterns of Participation Ralph B. McNeal Jr. a a University of Connecticut Published online: 01 Apr 2010. To cite this article: Ralph B. McNeal Jr. (1998) High School Extracurricular Activities: Closed Structures and Stratifying Patterns of Participation, The Journal of Educational Research, 91:3, 183-191, DOI: 10.1080/00220679809597539 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00220679809597539 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the “Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content. This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms- and-conditions

Upload: ralph-b

Post on 17-Feb-2017

212 views

Category:

Documents


0 download

TRANSCRIPT

This article was downloaded by: [University of Southern Queensland]On: 10 October 2014, At: 06:54Publisher: RoutledgeInforma Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK

The Journal of Educational ResearchPublication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information:http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/vjer20

High School Extracurricular Activities: Closed Structures andStratifying Patterns of ParticipationRalph B. McNeal Jr. aa University of ConnecticutPublished online: 01 Apr 2010.

To cite this article: Ralph B. McNeal Jr. (1998) High School Extracurricular Activities: Closed Structures and Stratifying Patterns ofParticipation, The Journal of Educational Research, 91:3, 183-191, DOI: 10.1080/00220679809597539

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00220679809597539

PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE

Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the “Content”) contained in thepublications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations orwarranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinionsand views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsedby Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified withprimary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings,demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectlyin connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content.

This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematicreproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone isexpressly forbidden. Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-conditions

High School Extracurricular Activities: Closed Structures and Stratifying Patterns of Participation RALPH B. McNEAL .IR. University of Connecticut

ABSTRACT Much existing research documents the bene- fits gained by students when they participate in high school extracurricular activities (Camp, 1990; Eidsmore, 1964; Haensly, Lupkowski, & Edlind, 1986; Holland & Andre, 1987; McNeal, 1995; Yarworth & Gauthier, 1978). However, we know little about the patterns of participation (i.e., who is more likely to participate in which activities?). A finding in this research was that extracurricular activities are not equi- tably participated in by various subgroups of the high school population. To some degree, members of various racial and ethnic minority groups have greater likelihood(s) of partici- pating in all types of extracurricular activities studied (athlet- ics, cheerleading, fine arts, academic organizations, newspa- per/yearbook, student governmenthervice organizations, and vocational activilies). Girls have an increased likelihood of participating in all the activities except athletics, which are dominated by boys. Finally, evidence also supports the hypoth- esis that the high school extracurriculum is one arena in which students of higher socioeconomic standing and greater aca- demic ability have a distinct advantage. Given the differential rates of participation, and specifically the increased rates by various minorities, restricting access to or eliminating specific activities may make student access, and the resulting benefits from participation (e.g., network, prestige, cultural capital), less equitably distributed among the student population.

articipation in high school extracurricular activities is P often viewed as a nonessential and noncentral element of an adolescent’s education. These activities are often among the first items to be targeted for budget cuts in times of fiscal constraints. However, student participation in ex- tracurricular activities is associated with a host of positive outcomes that include increased academic achievement (Camp, 1990; Eidsmore, 1964; Haensly et al., 1986; Sweet, 1986) and a reduced likelihood of dropping out of high school (McNeal, 1995). Given the positive benetits gar- nered via participation, one question that should be ad- dressed is exactly who participates in these activities and reaps the benefits of participation?

In general, educational resources are differentially and inequitably distributed in American high schools. Low

socioeconomic and minority students receive less attention from teachers, are placed in lower academic tracks, and learn less as the school year progresses (Entwisle & Alexander, 1988; Gamoran, 1987; Gamoran & Mare, 1989; Good, Slav- ings, Harel, & Emerson, 1987). Textbooks also portray a tainted picture of relatively powerless groups in society such as laborers and ethnic minorities (Anyon, 1983). Research empirically supports the evidence that American education institutions reproduce existing inequalities in society through differential interactions within the school and classroom.

Although we know that many outcomes are inequitably distributed among students from various social, racial, and ethnic backgrounds, we do not yet fully understand the extent to which access to the extracumculum is differentially dis- tributed. This is an important question to be answered for sev- eral reasons. First, it is likely that differential access and par- ticipation results in a less-than-equitable distribution of various social skills (e.g., Frederick, 1965). Second, students who are excluded from extracumcular participation may be losing an alternative pathway to increased achievement and self-esteem (e.g., Murtaugh, 1988). Third, participation in extracurricular activities may also be an avenue through which parents of higher socioeconomic status (SES) transmit various types of social and cultural capital to their children (e.g., Hanks & Eckland, 1976).

Given the significance of extracurricular activities and the potential benefits that students may derive from partici- pation, this research addresses the following question: To what extent does participation in the extracurriculum mirror and reproduce the stratification in broader society? Specifi- cally, does involvement in extracurricular activities of vari- ous statuses (involvement that affects the allocation of social resources, status, prestige, and networks) occur at lower rates among members of those groups that are typi- cally less advantaged in the education arena (i.e., lower SES, racial/ethnic minority, and female students)?

Address correspondence to Ralph B. McNeal J c . University of Connecticut, Depurtment of Sociology, U-68, Storr.v. CT 06269.

183

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f So

uthe

rn Q

ueen

slan

d] a

t 06:

54 1

0 O

ctob

er 2

014

184 The Journal of Educational Research

This is a critical question given the current fiscal crisis fac- ing most school systems. Some schools and districts have resorted to apay-to-play format whereby students must pay a fee for access to each activity. Other schools and districts have eliminated all or some of their nonacademic activities on the contention that they are not central to the student’s aca- demic development. Finally, educators in some schools and districts realize the importance of these activities to the school culture and student development, but they have no way of discerning which activities are more beneficial and for whom. Determining who participates in which activities, and how the various benefits gained from participation may be differentially allocated among various demographic groups, will help resolve some of these dilemmas.

Value of the Extracurriculum

Why should one be concerned about student access to extracurricular activities? Participation in extracurricular activities is associated with higher educational aspirations and expectations (Otto, 1976; Otto & Alwin, 1977; Rehberg & Schafer, 1968; Spady, 1970; Yarworth & Gauthier, 1978), higher levels of academic achievement (Camp, 1990; Eidsmore, 1964; Sweet, 1986), higher levels of educational attainment (Hanks & Eckland, 1976; Otto, 1975; Spady, 1970; Yarworth & Gauthier, 1978), higher levels of self- esteem (Yarworth & Gauthier) and a lower likelihood of dropping out of high school (McNeal, 1995). Although most studies are correlational, the abundance of studies is an indicator of the potential value that these activities hold for student development.’

The extracurriculum also plays a key role in developing a school’s culture. Schools generate an internal culture that revolves around the groups that students form (Coleman, 1961a, 1961b, 1965; Cusick, 1973; Morgan & Alwin, 1980), which is partially dependent upon one’s membership status in school-sanctioned activities (Coleman, 1961 a, 1965; Cusick, 1973; Frederick, 1965; Morgan & Alwin, 1980). These groups are also salient aspects of the student’s social world and contribute to personal development and identity formation (Eder, 1985; Eder & Parker, 1987; Kin- ney, 1993). Furthermore, group membership allocates status and prestige among the activity participants, with some stu- dents deriving much higher prestige (Morgan & Alwin, 1980) and power (Cusick, 1987) than others.

There is also extensive work linking the importance of activities to the values children learn through their active participation, with different activities instilling fundamen- tally disparate values and behaviors (Coleman, 1965; Cusick, 1973; Eder & Parker, 1987; Frederick, 1965). For example, there is a clear distinction between the focus in athletics on competitiveness, aggression, and the internal- ization of a hierarchical role structure (Eder & Parker, 1987) and the focus in fine arts on behaviors such as poise and the application of classroom-based knowledge (Freder- ick, 1965).

Finally, there are negative outcomes associated with extracurricular participation. For example, athletics often alienate certain subgroups within the school because of the students’ inability to access this prestigious arena of peer culture (Connell, Ashenden, Kessler, & Dowsett, 1982; Kessler et al., 1985).

In general, extracurricular activities are associated with a wealth of positive and negative outcomes. The type and strength of outcomes are closely associated with the type of activity that one are discussing; high-status activities (i.e., ath- letics) are more valued by students and have a greater impact than other less valued activities (i.e., vocational clubs).

Access to the Extracurriculum

It is tempting, based on how stratified schools are in gen- eral, to assume that extracurricular participation is stratified by key demographic characteristics. This need not be the case. The popular conception is that the extracurriculum is unique in comparison with other facets of school because participation is relatively voluntary. The notion that partic- ipation in extracurricular activities is voluntary and open to all is based on the rule that participation is generally not governed by administrative allocation procedures (as is aca- demic track) or by explicit teacher actions (as are language skills and teacher attention). However, recent empirical evi- dence indicates that students may be systematically select- ed into these activities by teachers, peers, and performance criteria, and participation may not be as voluntary or open as previously believed.

Teachers are more proactive than previously suspected in restricting access to extracurricular activities via recruit- ment and sponsorship of students (Quiroz, Gonzalez, & Frank, 1996). Moreover, the number of students in specific types of activities is fairly constant across time, indicating a stable membership or carrying capacity. Quiroz et al. spec- ulated that this is the case because teachers are willing to have only a restricted number of students in the activities. If teachers do serve as gatekeepers to extracurricular activi- ties, it is possible that students are not selected into activi- ties equitably. Teachers have specific conceptions about stu- dents and activities and these preconceptions may affect the selection and recruitment process differentially for mem- bers of various demographic groups.

Furthermore, some selection in extracurricular activities occurs because of a student’s academic performance. Many schools have policies requiring students to maintain a min- imum grade point average to qualify for participation (Joekel, 1985). Some activities have minimum grade re- quirements in addition to those required by the school (i.e., honor societies). Membership can further be selective based on skill level (i.e., athletics and band). Finally, recent in- depth interviews that I have conducted with high school stu- dents indicate yet another aspect of selection: longevity in the activity. Students are more likely to participate in an extracurricular activity in high school if they have been in a

.

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f So

uthe

rn Q

ueen

slan

d] a

t 06:

54 1

0 O

ctob

er 2

014

JanuaryIFebruary 1998 [Vol. 91(No. 3)] 185

similar activity during middle school. It is clear by the wealth of manners in which students are selected or screened that they may not be relativelyfree to participate in extracur- ricular activities.

There is a broad array of activities available at the high school level (Morgan & Alwin, 1980). The activities stud- ied here have a similar breadth, ranging from the highly prestigious (athletics) to the devalued (vocational clubs). The activities that I examined can be categorized into the following groupings: athletics, cheerleading, fine arts, ser- vice/student government, academic organizations, newspa- per/yearbook, and vocational activities. The groupings list- ed above can be roughly classified as falling along a status continuum, although precisely defining the status level for each group is highly questionable because they vary by school. However, Morgan and Alwin (1980) found that a general status continuum does exist, with athletics being the most prominent and vocational being the least prominent.

Despite the diversity of activities at the student’s dispos- al, selection mechanisms are likely to persist. However, I hypothesize that advantaged students can readily partici- pate in those activities that are generally perceived as more prestigious. Likewise, activities that tend to be more deval- ued or less prominent (e.g., vocational activities) are partic- ipated in at lower rates by the advantaged students.

Besides the general focus on access to extracurricular activities, rather than the benefits accorded student partici- pants, this research also differs from previous work in other manners. First, I examined the various patterns of participa- tion across a number of activity types, as opposed to level of involvement or one specific activity (e.g., athletics). Sec- ond, because of the analytic strategy adopted for the analy- sis, I isolated much of the selection effect that is associated with extracurricular activities; in other words, all the multi- variate analysis in this research controls for a student’s prior participation in a similar activity (i.e., his or her predisposi- tion to participate).

This is an important aspect of my research that has not been undertaken previously. If I contend that the emerging patterns of participation in high school are a function of the school culture (peer and teacher alike), then I must counter- act the self-selection argument. Thus, I control for the stu- dent’s previous participation in extracurricular activities while in middle school. This control variable also has a unique interpretation in the findings. In effect, those activities that have the smallest predisposition factor are more open because they are populated with a greater portion of students who were not involved in the activity prior to enrolling in high school; those activities with the strongest association between a student’s prior participation and his or her involve- ment in high school are more closed structures.

Thus, by studying a range of activities and including a predisposition to participate measure, I provide a more detailed and valid examination of the role that the extracur- riculum may play in reproducing inequality. Furthermore, the findings provide insight into not only which students are

more or less likely to gain access to specific activities, but also into which activities are considerably more open or closed to new students.

Data

This analysis was undertaken using the NELS:88 data- base. NELS is a nationally representative database; data collection of eighth graders began in 1988, and follow-ups occur every 2 years thereafter. It is well suited for examin- ing the patterns of participation in extracurricular activities for several reasons. First, because data collection began at the eighth-grade level, a student’s type of involvement prior to high school can be statistically controlled. Second, there is an abundance of student activity types provided in this database that are unavailable in the other national databases (e.g., High School and Beyond).

The data used in this research are from the first two waves on NELS:88. The students must have participated in the baseline and first follow-up and must have taken the bat- tery of achievement tests to have been included for analysis. Subsequent to these two restrictions and the deletion of cases with missing data on dichotomous variables (missing data on continuous and interval variables were handled via mean substitution), 14,720 cases remain in the sample.

To construct the various involvement measures, 1 deter- mined which activities each student participated in. These results were then summed within broader categories (athlet- ics, cheerleading, fine arts, academic activities, newspa- per/yearbook, service/student government, vocational clubs) and collapsed into participation or nonparticipation. These groupings allow a cleaner theoretical distinction to be made between activities with differing status, as well as to separate athletics from other activities. Further details regarding construction of the various activity categories and the independent variables are presented in the Appendix. Table 1 provides the accompanying descriptive statistics.

The typical individual in this sample is a middle-class, White female student from a two-parent household, carry- ing a 3.0 grade point average and doing approximately 6 hr of homework per week. Other points of interest are the rel- atively high percentages of students from single-parent households ( 16%) and those who have been retained a grade (14%). In terms of participation in extracurricular activities, athletics contains the highest portion of student participants (56%); academic (36%) and fine arts (28%) activities have modest participation rates. That a majority of students participate in the athletic arena of the high school is not surprising given that earlier work on school culture indicates athletics is a strong social element of secondary school (Coleman, 1961 a, 196 1 b; Coleman & Hoffer, 1987). Likewise, other research indicates that slightly over 50% of students participate in athletics while in high school (Wirtenberg et al., 1981).

There are also varying numbers of students with valid data on each participation measure. For example, of the

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f So

uthe

rn Q

ueen

slan

d] a

t 06:

54 1

0 O

ctob

er 2

014

186 The Journal of Educational Research

Table 1.-Descriptive Statistics

Variable Statistic

Socioeconomic status Academic ability Grade point average Hours homework Hours employed

Black Hispanic Asian Gender (male) Single-headed household Retained a grade

Participation in Athletics (14,181) Cheerleading ( 1 3,557) Fine arts ( 14,159) Academic club (14,145) Newspaper/yearbook ( 14,079) Student governrnent/leadership (14,127) Vocational club (14,028)

M SD .o I .8

52.4 10.1 3.0 .7 6.2 I .6 4.5 1.7

Percentage

9. I 11.4 6.1

48.6 15.7 13.7

55.5 9.2

21.9 36.1 10.2 19.9 11.5

Nore. Figures in parentheses are the numbers of cases with nonmissing data.

14,720 students who remain eligible for analysis, I4J8 1 have a valid response on the athletic participation dichoto- my. I analyzed each activity type as if it were a separate subsarnple to help eliminate some of the potential problems with missing data.

Results

Raw Participation Rates

Raw participation rates for the various activities, without any statistical controls, are presented in Table 2. Apropos athletics, racial and ethnic minorities participate at nearly identical rates as Whites (except for slightly lower partici- pation rates for Hispanics). Athletics are, however, differen- tially participated in by boys (66%) as opposed to girls (46%) and by higher SES students (66%) as opposed to average SES students (56%). Most differences indicate that students from more advantaged backgrounds participate by nearly 7% more, but the greatest discrepancy is between boys and girls (nearly 20%).

How do these participation patterns compare with those for other activities? Generally, Blacks and Hispanics are either as likely or less likely than Whites to participate in all types of extracumcular activities. The exception to this pat- tern is that Blacks have higher participation rates in cheer- leading and vocational activities. Another notable ethnic effect is that Asian American students have higher participa- tion rates for academic activities, newspaper/yearbook par- ticipation, and student service/government organizations. Similarly, lower participation rates by retained students and

students from single-parent households and greater partici- pation rates by higher SES and higher ability students persist across all activities, with the exception of vocational club participation. The participation pattern in vocational activi- ties indicates that retained, lower SES, and lower ability stu- dents are more likely to participate than their peers.

The one attribute for which there is a clear-cut distinction in participation patterns is that of gender. Girls have sub- stantially lower rates of participation in the high-status ath- letic activities (although higher participation rates in cheer- leading). However, girls have greater participation rates than boys do in fine arts (34% vs. 2 1 %), academic organi- zations (41 % vs. 3 1 %), newspaper/yearbook ( I 3% vs. 8%), and student service/government (25% vs. 14%).

Multivariate Analyses

Based on raw participation rates, Blacks and Hispanics seem to have more restricted access to extracurricular activ- ities as an alternative pathway of success. The extracumcu- lum also stratifies students based on their having been re- tained a grade, social class, ability, and to some extent, gender. However, these attributes are potentially confounded with each other and the true effect(s) of race, class, and gen- der on participation may still be unknown. To address this issue, in Table 3 I present multivariate logistic regression models that control for potential covariates. Each continuous variable was centered around the sample grand mean; there- fore, the coefficients can be interpreted as the influence of being above or below average on each attribute, and the intercept is the log-odds for the sample-average student.

The results presented in Table 3 reveal that Blacks are an estimated 1.2 times more likely to participate in athletics, 1.4 times more likely to participate in cheerleading, 1.3 times more likely to participate in fine arts, and 1.4 times more likely to participate in newspaper/yearbook than are Whites, holding other covariates constant.* Similarly, Asian Americans are significantly more likely than Whites to par- ticipate in academic clubs ( 1.3 times), newspaper/yearbook (1.3 times), and servicektudent government ( 1.5 times). However, Hispanics are no more likely, in general, to par- ticipate in the various activities than are Whites. It appears that racial and ethnic minorities have a slight net advantage at gaining access to specific extracurricular activities than do Whites. However, this pattern does not hold for voca- tional activities, activities in which racial and ethnic rninori- ties are significantly less likely to participate. The finding for race is in accordance with other studies that have con- cluded that minorities may be more committed to and in- volved in school than comparable White students (Mac- Leod, 1987; Wong, 1990).

Contrary to the dearth of research on racial and ethnic minorities’ involvement in school activities, an extensive lit- erature addresses why differential participation patterns should exist between boys and girls (Eder & Parker, 1987; Hanks & Eckland, 1976). However, none of that research

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f So

uthe

rn Q

ueen

slan

d] a

t 06:

54 1

0 O

ctob

er 2

014

January/February 1998 [Vol. 91(No. 3)] 187

~~~ ~~ ~~ ~~ ~~~ ~~ ~~~~ ~ ~ ~

Table 2.-Participation Rates for Each Activity Type, by Various Student Attributes

Cheer- Fine Newspaper/ Service/ Vocational Variable Athletics leading arts Academics yearbook gov't. activities

Sample size

Overall

Girls Boys

Whites Blacks Hispanics Asians

Retained Nonretained 2-parent household Single household

SES (M) SES (M + SD) Ability (M) Ability (M + SO)

GPA ( M ) GPA (M + SD) Hr HW ( M = 6.2) Hr HW (10)

14.181

55 .5

46.0 65.6

57.0 52.0 46.9 58.6

50.6 56.2 56.7 49. I

55.6 65.7

55.5 62.0

55.5 62.4

55.5 58.8

Hr worked (M = 4.5) S5.5 Hr worked (20 hr) 62.4

13.557 14,159

9.2 27.9

15.8 34.0 1.7 21.4

9.0 29.0 12.5 28.4 9.4 21.2 5.8 26.2

7.6 20.8 9.4 29.0

9.2 28.6 9.3 23.8

9.2 27.6 9.4 32.3

9.2 27.3 9.0 34.2

9.0 27.5 10.8 33.1

9.2 27.8 9.3 30.1

9.2 27.9 7.9 27.3

14,145 14,079 14,127

36.1 10.2 19.9

40.5 12.5 25.0 31.4 7.7 14.4

36.8 10.3 20.2 29.2 9.8 16.6 30.5 7.2 14.8 48.4 14.3 30.4

25. I 7.2 12.0 37.8 10.6 21.1

37.1 10.3 20.5 30.8 9.4 16.5

35.8 9.5 18.7 42.2 14.1 27.7

35.3 9.3 18.5 46.2 14.1 27.6

34.8 9.7 18.1 48.9 13.4 29.0

36.0 9.9 19.5 39.2 11.8 22.9

36.1 10.2 19.9 34.0 10.8 17.8

14,028

11.5 12.3 10.7

12.0 14.7 9.0 5 .5

16.3 10.8

11.5 11.9

10.8 7. I

11.0 7.7

11.4 10.0

11.5 10.7

11.5 15.3

Table 3.--l,ogistic Regression Coefficients for Participating in Various Extracurricular Activities

Cheer- Fine Newspaper/ Service/ Vocational Variable Athletics leading arts Academics yearbook gov't. activities

Sample size

Intercept Gender (male) Blacks Hispanics A ,.. suns Retained Single household SES" AbilityA G PA" Hr homework Hr worked Pred i spos i t inn

Mndel f i t Chi-square

14,181

-.947* .794* .151J

-.022 ,042

-.om

.3 10* -.020 . I93 .0 I6* .01 I *

I .294*

2,553.0

13,557

-2. I20* -2.050*

.346* ,116

-.379" .06 I

-.034 ,084''

-.I31 . I97* -.004

,002 1.601*

I .493.3

14.159

-1.746* -.428*

.?84* -. 102 -.I61 .o I2

-. I67 ,055" .232* ,043 .012* .oo I

I .503*

1,887.7

"Effect correhpotids to a one standard deviation shift. a c p < .OI. 1 < .05.

14,145

-.6 I5 -.333* -. I27 -.045

-.053 -.084

,029 .171* .380* .012* .Ooo .544*

.267*

14,079

-2.325" -.526*

.3 I3* ,088 ,263" . I03 ,094 ,274- .282* .06 I .028#' .013* .634*

14,127

-1.414*

. I58 ,076 .386*

-.017 .o I2 324' . I52* 3 5 I * .027* ,001 ,722'

-.665*

14.028

-1.955* -.167* -.23IJ -.842* -.828*

,165,'

-.42 I * -.293*

. I 13* -.003

.016*

.833*

-. I99*

1,394.7 604. I 1,436.4 535.4

examined the extent to which girls participate in more of the same fype of activities (i.e., the extent of sex segregation, by activity), whereby the importance of being docile and fem- inine is instilled and reinforced.

Girls are not gaining equal entry into athletics, the most competitive and prestigious arena of peer culture (see Table

3). Boys are an estimated 2.2 times more likely to partici- pate in athletics than girls. However, aside from this specif- ic arena, girls are more likely to gain access to high school extracurricular activities than are their comparable male counterparts. Compared with their female counterparts, boys are . I times as likely to participate in cheerleading, .6

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f So

uthe

rn Q

ueen

slan

d] a

t 06:

54 1

0 O

ctob

er 2

014

188

‘Base probability is for students evaluated at the mean and modal values: White. female, nonretained. two-parent household. SES = ,013. ability = 52.4. GPA = 3.0, hr homework = 6.2. hr worked = 4.5. and nonparticipant in a aimilar activity in the eighth grade (predisposition). hProbability changes as a result of one standard deviation shift. ‘Probability changes resulting from a shift in hours homework from (M) 6.2 to 10 hr. dProbability changes resulting from a shift in hours employed from (M) 4.5 to 1 20 hr.

The Journal of Educational Research

times as likely to participate in fine arts, .7 times as likely to participate in academic activities, .6 times as likely to participate in newspapedyearbook, .5 times as likely to par- ticipate in student service/government, and .8 times as like- ly to participate in vocational activities.

Another significant finding is that students of higher SES are an estimated I .4 times, 1.3 times, and I .4 times, respec- tively, more likely to participate in athletics, newspaper/ yearbook, and student service/government than are lower SES students, controlling other covariates. In fact, higher SES students are significantly more likely to participate in each category of extracurricular activity except vocational activities. This is in agreement with previous research con- tending that student participation in the extracurriculum may be one channel whereby parents’ SES is transmitted to their children (Hanks & Eckland, 1976; Otto, 1976).

Similar stratifying relationships are revealed when exam- ining academic ability (standardized test scores). Students with higher standardized test scores are significantly more likely to participate in most extracurricular activities except athletics, cheerleading, and vocational activities; high-abil- ity students are significantly less likely to participate in cheerleading and vocational activities and no more likely to participate in athletics than are lower ability students. How- ever, a slightly different pattern emerges for GPA, a more direct measure of classroom performance. In this case, stu- dents with higher grades are generally more likely to par- ticipate in athletics, cheerleading, and vocational activities. I expected this finding to emerge for athletics and cheer- leading given the potential screening mechanism that pro- hibits students with the lowest academic credentials from

participating (i.e., no pass-no play), but the finding appears to be somewhat of an anomaly for vocational participation. However, it is possible that vocational activities have mini- mum academic standards for participation comparable to those for athletics.

Magnitude of Effect

Although the logistic regression models support the detri- mental stratifying role of extracur~icular activities for some minority students, lower socioeconomic students, lower ability students, and students with poorer grades, these results provide only elusive measures of the magnitude of those effects. Table 4 provides additional information-the effect of a one unit change in each independent variable on the probability of a student participating in a given activity was assessed. The exceptions were for SES, academic abil- ity, and GPA, whose effects were assessed with a one stan- dard deviation shift and for artificial shifts in hours of homework and hours employed (because of the continuous nature of those variables). The first row is the base proba- bility of participation for the “typical student” in this sam- ple and is calculated by using the means and modes of the continuous and dichotomous variables, respectively.

In a few cases, specific attributes have had substantial effects on student participation (at least as measured with an effect on a probability of participating in excess of .05). Those activities in which participation was effected by the broadest range of attributes include student service/govern- ment (four variables), academic activities (three variables), athletics (two variables), and vocational activities (two vari-

Table 4.-Prnbability for Participation in Activity and Significant Net Corresponding Shifts for a Unit Change in Respective Independent Variables

Cheer- Fine Newspaper/ Service/ Vocational Variable Athletics leading arts Academics yearbook gov’t. activities

Sample size

Base probability’ Gender (male) Blacks Hispanics Asians Retained

Single household SESh Abilityh GPAh Hr homework‘ Hr workedd Predisposition

14.181

,280 . I82 .03 I - - -

- .066

.040 ,012 ,035 ,306

-

13,557

. I07 -.092

,038

-.03 I -

-

- .008

-.o I2 -02 1 - - ,266

14,159

,149 -.047

,039 - - -

-.020 .007 .03 1

.005

.29 I

-

-

14,145

.35 1 -.072 -

-

,063 -

- -

,040 .09 I ,010

,131 -

14,079

,089 -.034

,029

,024 -

-

- ,025 ,026

.009

.o I 8 ,067

-

14,127

. I96 -.095 -

-

,067 -

-

,056 ,025 .06 I ,016

. I38 -

14,028

,124 -.017 -.023 -.067 -.066

.O I9

-.020 -.039 -.028

.o I 3

,030 ,122

-

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f So

uthe

rn Q

ueen

slan

d] a

t 06:

54 1

0 O

ctob

er 2

014

Januarymebruary 1998 [Vol. 91(No. 3)] 189

ables). The overwhelming impact( s), net of the predisposi- tion to participate, corresponds to the effect of gender on participation in various activities, with magnitudes ranging from -.017 to .182. The finding of the single greatest mag- nitude was that boys’ average probability of participating in athletics was nearly 20 points higher than girls’ average probability. This finding further supports earlier contentions that girls are often excluded from the athletic arena of the school (Eder & Parker, 1987; Frederick, 1965). More mod- est effects are associated with being Asian American (sever- al magnitudes between .05 and .I0 probability shifts), being of upper SES standing (two shifts in probability greater than .05 in magnitude), and having higher-than-average grades (two shifts in probability greater than .05 in magnitude).

Another finding indicates the relative ease with which students enter an activity in high school as a first-time par- ticipant (see Table 4). Also, the attribute that had the great- est effect on a student’s likelihood of participating in every circumstance was his or her previous exposure to that activ- ity in middle school. The relative openness or closeness of the structure can be determined by comparing across the last row of the table. Findings indicate that high school ath- letics, either at the varsity or junior varsity level, fine arts activities, and cheerleading were by far the most closed structures. For students who participated in middle school athletics or fine arts, the estimated probability of participat- ing in that same activity in high school was approximately .30 higher than that for nonparticipants in middle school. This is in stark contrast to entry and access to newspaper and yearbook activities (.067) and the remaining three activities (academic activities, service/government, and vocational activities).

Conclusion

I focused on the various patterns of participation in high school extracurricular activities and hypothesized that it is one arena whereby the more advantaged students have pri- ority access. However, the findings indicate a much more complicated pattern. Although upper SES students and those of higher ability are more likely to participate in high school extracurricular activities, there does not appear to be any immediate detriment for racial minorities and girls. Girls are more likely to participate in extracurricular activi- ties than are comparable boys for every type of activity, with the exception of athletics.

This finding is noteworthy given researchers’ primary focus on the athletic arena of the school and gender differ- ences (e.g., Eder and Parker, 1987; Kessler et al., 1985). Those researchers seemed to have focused their concentra- tion on the one arena in which girls are at a disadvantage in terms of participation. The question this research begs is: To what extent does the differential status and reproduction of gender that is evident in the athletic arena persist across the other types of activities in which girls are more equitably represented‘?

The second major finding of the research is that racial and ethnic minorities appear to have likelihoods of partici- pation that are either equal to or higher than their White counterparts. This finding is persistent for all types of par- ticipation except vocational activities, where Whites hold a clear, albeit modest, advantage. These findings are general- ly in agreement with qualitative research indicating Blacks and other minorities are more likely to identify with and be involved in schooling than are Whites of comparable social class (see MacLeod, 1987).

The bad news is that although extracurricular activities are equitably participated in by racial/ethnic minorities and girls, students of lower SES and abilitylachievement are un- derrepresented. This finding is a difficult one to address be- cause of the degree to which social class, academic achieve- ment, and race are entangled in American society. It is clear that this finding must be interpreted in light of those find- ings indicating that racial and ethnic minorities have higher net likelihoods of participation.

The fact that social class and academic achievement are key stratifying attributes may translate into systematic exclu- sion for many minority students. For example, we cannot readily claim that racial and ethnic minorities are more like- ly to participate than their comparable White counterparts because minorities are overrepresented in our society in terms of being members of the lower social class and having lower levels of achievement (at least as measured with stan- dardized test scores and grades). In essence, any advantage that minority students appear to hold over their comparable White counterparts is more than offset by the minority stu- dents’ likely lower social class and achievement level.

Finally, there are findings that establish the degree to which specific activities are relatively open or closed to new participants. By examining the predisposition to participate, it is clear that students who have not previously participat- ed in an activity (specifically athletics, cheerleading, and fine arts) prior to high school will have a much more diffi- cult time gaining access. These structures are relatively closed and are not viable alternative pathways to acquiring key social contacts and skills for some students. On the other hand, academic, newspaper/yearbook, and student servicelgovernment extracurricular activities are signifi- cantly more open for new student access.

Overall, these findings indicate that the exact role of each activity and the patterns of participation must be more care- fully studied. What is an alternative pathway for some dis- advantaged students may not be an alternative pathway or strategy for other students. At worst, schools continue to re- produce stratified relationships based on social class and academic achievement that already exist in society. At best, school-based extracurricular activities are places where racial/ethnic minorities and girls can access otherwise un- available pathways that may enhance their levels of cultur- al capital and increase their life chances.

Finally, there are key policy implications that can be derived from this research. Recent budgetary shortfalls have

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f So

uthe

rn Q

ueen

slan

d] a

t 06:

54 1

0 O

ctob

er 2

014

190 The Journal of Educational Research

led school districts to eliminate some activities and place others on a pay-to-play basis. However, each of those strate- gies has the potential to eliminate a key alternative pathway for specific subgroups within the school. Elimination of cer- tain activities (e.g., athletics and fine arts) may be the most detrimental to racial minorities. A pay-to-play system will likely further exacerbate the relative disadvantage already experienced by students of lower socioeconomic standing.

Extracurricular activities and student access are clearly not fully beneficial or fully detrimental for all students and for the reproduction of existing inequalities. Reconsidering their role in the public school sector and more closely ex- amining the operating dynamics is clearly warranted. Edu- cators and policymakers should focus on ways to maintain the benefits of the extracurriculum as an alternative path- way for minorities, while finding ways to further enhance access for other groups. There should be a greater concen- tration on access to extracurricular activities, followed by a more general movement toward studying how those activi- ties are used by schools, teachers, and students to actively construct their social worlds and how involvement in a range of activities effects various student behaviors and developmental outcomes.

NOTES I . Given that most of the above studies were correlational in nature, it is

unclear whether higher achieving students select themselves into the activ- ities or whether the activities lead to an increase in achievement, The one notable exception to the above studies is Hanks and Eckland’s (1976) research. which controls for prior achievement levels. They found that aca- demic ability and achievement both lead to and are enhanced by student participation.

2. The results in Table 3 list the log-odds, whereas the text discusses the odds. The odds are a multiplicative effect that can be derived by exponen- tiating the log-odds. For example, EXP(.ISI) = 1.2; thus, Blacks are an estimated I .2 times more likely than Whites to participate in athletics.

REFERENCES

Anyon. J. (1983). Workers, labor and economic history, and textbook con- tent. In M. Apple & L. Weis (Eds.), Ideology and practice in schooling. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press.

Camp. W. ( I 990). Participation in student activities and achievement: A covariance structural analysis. The Journal of Educcitioniil Reseurch. 83. 272-278.

Coleman, J. (1961a). The adolescent societ!: The social lifr ofthe teenag- er cmrl its impact on education. New York: The Free Press.

Coleman, J. (1961b). Athletes in high school. Annals of the Americun Acudeni! of Politicul and Social Science. 338. 333-343.

Coleman, J. ( 1965). Adolescents and the schools. New York: Basic Books. Coleman, J.. & Hoffer, T. (1987). Public and private schools: The impact

ofcommurrities. New York: Basic Books. Connell. R., Ashenden, D., Kessler, S. . & Dowsett, G. (1982). Muking the

djference: Schools. .families. and social division. Boston, MA: Allen and Unwin.

Cusick. P. (1973). Inside high school. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston. Eder. D. (1985). The cycle of popularity: Interpersonal relations among

female adolescents. Sociology of Education, 58. 154165.

Eder, D., & S. Parker. (1987). The cultural reproduction of gender: The effect of extracurricular activities on peer-group culture. Sociology of Education, 60, 200-2 13.

Eidsmore, R. (1964). High school athletes are brighter. Journal of Health. Physical Education, and Recreation, 35. 53-54.

Entwisle, D., & Alexander, K. (1988). Factors affecting achievement test scores and marks of Black and White first graders. The Elementary School Journal, 88, 4 4 9 4 7 I .

Frederick, R. ( I 965). Student activities in American education. New York: Center for Applied Research in Education, Inc.

Gamoran, A. (1987). The stratification of high school learning opportuni- ties. Sociology of Education, 60, 135-155.

Gamoran, A., & Mare, R. (1989). Secondary school tracking and educa- tional inequality: Compensation, reinforcement, or neutrality? American Journal of Sociology, Y4. I 146-1 183.

Good, T., Slavings, R., Harel, K., & Emerson, H. (1987). Student passivi- ty: A study of question asking in K-12 classrooms. Sociology of Educa- tion 60, 181-199.

Haensly, P., Lupkowski, A., & Edlind, E. (1986). The role of extracurricu- lar activities in education. The High School Journal, 69, 110-1 19.

Hanks, M., & Eckland, B. (1976). Athletics and social participation in the educational attainment process. Sociology of Education, 4Y. 27 1-294.

Holland, A.. & Andre, T. (1987). Participation in extracurricular activities in secondary school: What is known, what needs to be known? Review of Educational Research, 57, 437466.

Joekel, R. (198% Student activities and academic eligibility requirements. NASSP Bulletin. 69(483), 3-9.

Kessler, S., Ashenden, D., Connell, R., & Dowsett, G. (1985). Gender rela- tions in secondary schooling. Sociolog of Education. 58, 3 4 4 8 .

Kinney, D. (1993). From nerds to normal. The recovery of identity among adolescents from middle school to high school. Sociologv of Education. 66, 21-40.

MacLeod, J. (1987). Ain’t n o makin’ it: Leveled aspirations in a low income neighborhood. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.

McNeal, R. ( 1995). Extracurricular activity participation and dropping out of high school. Sociology of Education, 68, 62-80.

Morgan, D.. & Alwin, D. (1980). When less is more: School size and stu- dent social participation. Social Psychology Quarterly, /43(2), 24 1-252.

Murtaugh, M. (1988). Achievement outside the classroom: The role of non-academic activities in the lives of high school students. Anthropol- ogy and Education Quarterly, IY. 382-395.

Otto, L. (1975). Extracurricular activities in the educational attainment process. Rural Sociology 40, 162-1 76.

Otto, L. (1976). Extracurricular activities and aspirations in the status attainment process. Rural Sociology, 41. 2 17-233.

Otto, L., & Alwin. D. (1977). Athletics, aspirations, and attainments. SfJCi-

ology ofEducation 42, 102-1 13. Quiroz, P., Gonzalez, N., & Frank, K. (1996). Carving a niche in the high

school social structure: Formal and informal constraints on participation in the extra curriculum. In A. Pallas (Ed.), Research in Sociology of Edu- cation and Sociulbation: Vol. 11 (pp. 93-120). Greenwich. C T JAI Press.

Rehberg, R., & Schafer, W. (1968). Participation in interscholastic athlet- ics and college expectations. Americun Journal of Sociology, 73. 732-740.

Spady, W. (1970). Lament for the letterman: Effects of peer status and extracurricular activities on goals and achievement. American Journal of Sociology 75, 680-70 I .

Sweet, D. ( 1986). Extracurricular activity participants outperform other students. Washington, DC: United States Department of Education. OERI.

Wong, M. (1990). The education of White, Chinese, Filipino, and Japan- ese students: A look at “high school and beyond.” Sociological Per.spec- rives, 33, 355-374.

ydrworth, J., & Gauthier, W. (1978). Relationship of student self-concept and selected personal variables to participation in school activities. Jour- nu/ of Educutionul Psychology. 70, 335-344.

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f So

uthe

rn Q

ueen

slan

d] a

t 06:

54 1

0 O

ctob

er 2

014

JanuarylFebruary 1998 [Vol. 91(No. 3)1

APPENDIX Variable Construction

191

I . Dependent Variable Categorization (Involvement Type)

The type of extracurricular activities that the student participated in during his or her sophomore year. Dichotomous variables indicate the student’s participation ( I ) or nonparticipation (0) in various activity types. The activ- ities have been collapsed into seven broad categories: athletics, cheerlead- ing, fine arts, service/student government, academic organizations. news- paper/yearbook, and vocational activities.

Athletics Baseball/Softball and/or Basketball and/or Football and/or Soccer and/or Swimming and/or Other Sports and/or Individual Sport

Cheerleading Cheerleading and/or Pom-pom

Fine Arts Band/Orchestra and/or PlaylMusical

Academic Activities Academic Honor Societies and/or Academic Clubs

NewspaperlYearbnnk NewspaperNearbook

Student ServicdGovernment Student Service Organizations and/or Student Government

Vocational Activities Vocational Education Clubs (Future Homemakers, Teachers, Farmers of America)

11. Independent Variable Categorization

Male is coded I for all individuals indicating they are male on the gender

Black is coded I for all individuals indicating they are non-Hispanic

Hispanic is coded I for all individuals indicating they are Hispanic. 0 oth-

Asian is coded I for all individuals indicating they are Asian. 0 otherwise. Retained is coded 1 for all students indicating they were held back a grade

in school, 0 otherwise. Single Headed Household is coded 1 if the student resides with only one

parent. This category includes four possible arrangements: natural father only, stepfather only, natural mother only, stepmother only.

Socioeconomic Status is obtained directly from the NELS data set and has five components: father’s occupation, Father’s education. mother’s edu- cation, family income. and a household possession index.

Academic Ability is a composite measure obtained directly from the NELS data set and is an average of the reading, vocabulary. and math- ematics scores.

question, 0 otherwise.

Black, 0 otherwise.

erwise.

GPA is the student’s reported grade point average on a 4.0 scale. Hours Homework is the total reported hours of homework the student

does each week. Hours Worked is the hours the student works for pay each week, not

counting work around the house. Predisposition is a dummy variable coded I if the student reported partic-

ipating in a specific activity during the survey baseline (i.e., in eighth grade j.

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f So

uthe

rn Q

ueen

slan

d] a

t 06:

54 1

0 O

ctob

er 2

014