haitian voodoo: its true face - st. lawrence...

HAITIAN VOODOO: ITS TRUE FACEAuthor(s): GÉRARD A. FERÈRESource: Caribbean Quarterly, Vol. 24, No. 3/4, Religion & Spirits (Sept.-December 1978), pp.37-47Published by: University of the West Indies and Caribbean QuarterlyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40793401 .

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37

HAITIAN VOODOO: FIS TRUE FACE

1. A case of mistaken identity The image that many people have of voodoo is one involving satanic rituals, secret

ceremonies, mysterious deaths, witchcraft, bloody sacrifices, cannibalism, and other similar inaccurate or false descriptions often invented or promoted by dishonest writers in search of gaudy sensationalism. More recently, there has also been the less offensive but no less misleading exploitative touristic commercialism, directed toward taking advantage of the foreign visitor's naivete, such as the availability in any tourist gift-shop in Haiti of the so-called voodoo-doll, when such an artifact has no role in the mythological, superstitious or religious traditions or practices of real voodoo. Together with the werewolves, the vampires, the burning of witches, etc., the doll was always and still remains a part of European superstitions. I can only share Rene S. Benjamin's indignation when, as he notices

. . .the average American constantly asks the Haitian immigrants if they still believe in 'voodoo dolls and pins.' This seems to imply the Haitian origin of that gadget. However, one has only to read the history of France to know that the figurine, made of wood or wax, that was stabbed with a pin in order to kill the King or another person, was in use even before the discovery of Haiti. . .

In fact, although this was current practice in Europe since the 13th century, its popularization in the Court of France was the work of Signor Cosimo Ruggieri of Florence, a protege of Catherine de Medeci. (Benjamin 1976:18) (My translation).

Together with that of the doll, the origins of many other superstitious or magic practices of Haiti have been falsely associated with the African component of voodoo. Alfred Metraux warns against that tendency:

. . .in talking so much of Africa, we incline to forget France - whose contribution to the magic and sorcery of Haiti is far from negligible. A great many beliefs and practices in Haitian magic originated from Normandy, Berry, Picardy or ancient Limousin. (Metraux 1959:269).

Within all religions, old or modern, one can find instances where the members believe in the supernatural power of certain magic or pseudo-religious rituals or practices. Voodoo is certainly no exception; voodooists do believe in talismans, charms, 'wang&s', etc. But if such superstitious rituals or practices are exploited in the pursuit of evil, voodoo fundamentally regards them as sacrilegious. Those who participate in them are avoided and despised; for instance, the derogatory names of 'bokor' or (gangan' are



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reserved for the priests who specialize in satisfying the baser instincts of their clients by obtaining favours from bad gods pejoratively called 'loa diab.'

Haitian voodoo, in reality, is a harmless mixture of religious beliefs of African origin, with the Christian, more exactly the Catholic faith. As a religion, it aims at honouring its gods and spiritual entities from whom the followers ask

"what men have always asked of religion: remedy for ills, satisfaction for needs and the hope of survival." (Métraux 1959:15).

2. The struggle for survival Voodoo has had to face many destructive attacks from abroad and from within

Haiti. Its ability to withstand them in spite of its primitivism is noteworthy. It was deeply wounded by Seabrook's Magic Island and Spencer St. John's Haiti or the Black Republic. More recently it was able to survive the mortal assaults of the "campagne anti-superstitieuse", such ah important chapter in its modern history, that its mere mention is not enough.

In 1941, under the presidency of Elie Lescot, the Catholic Clergy and the government of Haiti organized an all-out war against voodoo, a real demon-hunt, as they saw it, their way of saving the souls of the voodoo devotees from eternal damnation. Together with conversion to Catholicism, the goal of the crusade was also to destroy voodoo in all its manifestations once and for all. The result was instead the destruc- tion of irreplacable folkloric treasures. Let's hear the testimony of an impartial eye- witness:

"I was in Haiti in 1941, and I remember seeing in the back-yards of presbyteries vast pyramids of drums, painted bowls, necklaces, talismans - all waiting for the day fixed for the joyous blaze which was to symbolize the victory of the Church over Satan." (Metraux 1959:343).

In 1942 in fear of political complications, the government withdrew its support to the crusade which in fact had failed to reach any beneficial goals. Thanks to the influence of the immortal Jacques Roumain, many Haitian leaders returned to their senses. The remaining three years of the Lescot presidency could well be described as years of truce. Beginning with the presidency of Estime' in 1946, the last three decades have been an era of relative peace, freedom and tranquillity.

Today, voodoo is losing some of its scary aspects. Educated Haitians more and more appreciate it as one of the most genuine expressions of their folklore. Detractors are rarer, and the wounds created by the persecutions of 1941 seem to have healed. But the commercial exploitation of the tourist's naivete needs badly to be controlled, or voodoo will remain the victim of widespread ignorance: each American who goes to Haiti expects to witness some ceremony. Fake priests in false temples abound. Hotel maids, taxi drivers, tourist guides are ready to satisfy the visitors' curiosity by taking them to voodoo shows. Shows indeed, this is what is offered most of the times.



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Although artistically no harm is done, what is performed is in fact a sacrilegious mixture of economic exploitation and religious prostitution. A sad situation, since voodoo is essentially the religion of all the rural and of much of the urban population. According to Benjamin (Benjamin 1976: 13) it is practised by "more than 50% of the population." Personally, I believe that 80% is a more realistic figure. In the rural areas, the family is grounded around its beliefs and teachings. Those beliefs and teachings have in no small part contributed to the proverbial honesty, integrity, and goodness of the heart of the Haitian peasant. Those beliefs and teachings are no doubt a factor in the practically complete absence of criminality in Haiti, a miraculous phenomenon indeed in this modern world.

3. Early historical background

The history of Haitian voodoo begins with the arrival of the slaves in Saint Domingue. Its African features were imported then. The word "voodoo" itself is African etymologically: in Dahomey a 'voodoo' is a "god" or spirit. Some gods found in Haiti are identified geographically: Siniga (Senegal), Ibo, Congo, Wangal (Angola), Erzulie-Freda-Dahomey, etc. Many of the Haitian divinities are still honoured in Africa under the same names: Legba, Damballah-Wedo, Aido-Wedo, Zaka, Ogou, Shango etc.

After their forced transplantation into Saint-Domingue, the Africans lived through numerous years of religious confusion, having been physically separated from their native places of worship and gods, and presented with a purposely imperfect instruction in the religion of the European settlers. French law made it an obligation for masters to baptize their slaves and give them Catholic instruction. After baptism, however, real evangelization was systematically avoided. Métraux cites Vaissiere's La Société et La Vie Créole where it is reported that

". . .in Catholic religion, (the slave owners) saw nothing but the teaching of an equality which it would be dangerous to put in the minds of the slaves." (Métraux 1959:34)

To which the clergy answered:

"by rehearsing to the owners the advantages of religious education in terms which the owners might appreciate. They described it as the only brake strong enough to contain a slave's desire for freedom, since 'only by fulfilling the duties of the condition and situation to which Providence has called him, can a man achieve

sanctity.' " (Métraux 1959:34)

In short, it is obvious that during the three centuries of European domination, temporal utilitarianism took precedence over spiritual enlightment. When some Jesuits tried to propagate the true Christian gospel, their daring action was added to the crimes for which they were expelled in 1762. It is thus not surprising that the Africans had to develop their own interpretation of many Catholic rituals, and merge them with their religious substratum.



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4. The organization of modern voodoo

Today, voodoo has crystallized into an organized, although not completely standardized system of rituals with its theology, its temples, its clergy, etc., and music as one of its most important features.

Each voodoo temple has its priests, 'houngan' (man), 'mambo' (woman), their assistants 'hounsi', and its congregation, serving certain well-designated gods. In addi- tion to their supernatural powers, 'houngans' and 'mambos' are expected to know the liturgical terminology, the names of the gods or 'loas', their symbols, their tastes, along with the various ceremonial rituals, prayers, and songs. They are also expected to

practise exorcism and to cure the sick. The priest is called to his vocation by supernatural means: dreams, predestination, trance. The profession can also be hereditary. The person who is called cannot refuse to serve the god for fear of being severely punished. The future houngan or mambo studies under a master for many months or

years. When he is finally ready for the priesthood, he is locked into the 'Djévò' (initia- ton room) for nine days during which he sleeps with his 'Asson' (sacred rattle), while

observing complete purity and chastity, under the watchful eyes of his master. The last day, after receiving all required instructions from his gods, he is declared a priest during a special ceremony. The voodoo temple or 'houmfor' is just a regular house with an adjoining or neighbouring covered patio or 'peristyle.' The peristyle is where most of the ceremonies take place. In the rooms are found a variety of sacred objects depending on the god served: Legba's crutches, Ogou's sabre, Zaka's hat, Baron Samedi's cross, etc., or the pictures of the gods themselves.

5. The voodoo gods In voodoo there are important gods, and there are secondary gods. Their exact

number has not been determined. There are good gods, but there are also bad gods called loa diab', 'mauvais loa', 'loa acheté', and good voodoo followers must stay away from them. Moreover, above all the gods, voodoo places a supreme God or 'Grand Maître.' The notion of 'Grand Maître' is that of a force superior to the 'loas', but who has traditionally delegated his power to those. He takes care of natural sicknesses, meteorological phenomena, rain, earthquakes, etc. He holds the key to everybody's destiny, but in his decisions he generally follows the advice of the 'loas.'

There have been several attempts at classifying the 'loas.' The best known classifica- tion is that which follows the binary division of the rites: the 'Rada' rite and the 'Petro' rite. 'Rada' gods are mild and gentle, while 'Petro' are rough, mean, and served

by people searching for material results, good or bad, for which the gods demand a dear price. The separation 'Rada-Petro' doesn't imply that the two categories cannot honour the same divinities. It only means that the gods will have different characteristics. For example, there is an Erzulie goddess of love in both, but while in 'Rada' we find the enamouring Erzulie-Fréda, in 'Petro' she is known as the jealous and selfish Erzulie- Yeux-Rouges. The two categories also differ in chants, music, dances, etc. For instance, 'Rada' uses sets of three drums, while 'Petro' uses sets of two; 'Petro' ritual acclamation is 'Bilobilo', compared to 'Radas' 'Abobo.'



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The pictorial representation of the voodoo divinities is one area in which strong Catholic influence is evident: images of Christian saints are used to represent most voodoo gods or 'loas.' The choice of a saint is not based on his or her Christian characteristics or virtues, but simply and only on some physical detail of the drawing or painting, that is interpreted as representing an important trait of the 'loa.' For example:

Papa Legba, the most powerful of all voodoo divinities, is believed to be a very old man walking on crutches. Thus, Saint Anthony Abbot is chosen to represent him because of the white beard, while Saint Lazarus is also similarly identified because of the crutches. The image of Saint Peter holding the keys is also thought to be that of Legba, honoured this time as the protector of the home. Saint Martin is Ogou, god of war, while Saint Joseph is Loco-Attiso, god of plants and flowers. The image of the Immaculate Conception with the snake at her feet is, for the voodooists, that of Aida- Wedo, the snake goddess, while the presence of the snakes in Saint Patrick's picture explains the identification of the Irish Saint to Damballah-Wedo, the snake-god and husband of Aida. The choice of the image of a saint to make it represent a voodoo god does not mean that the voodooists do not also honour that image as that of a Catholic Saint. One of the most peculiar characteristics of voodoo is that its followers must also be practising Catholics who regularly go to church, to confession, to communion, etc. Devotees are sincerely convinced that they are not doing anything wrong by mixing the two religions.

In margin of the two main groups of gods, there are various subgroups of 'génies', some with African names: Ibo, Nago, Bambara, Haoussa, Mondongue, Congo, etc. as well as the popular subgroup of 'guédes', the ill-behaved rascals of voodoo.

One of the most poetic features of voodoo is its animistic mythology. For instance, it attributes spirits or souls to many manifestations of nature, the sun, the earth, the moon, the trees. The spirit of the plants cures illnesses and diseases, and before taking the leaves for medicine, its permission must be asked. Before cutting a tree, a peasant will hit it three times with the back of his axe to notify its soul, and address a prayer to the Holy Ghost. Lagoons and rivers have a goddess residing in them, the 'maîtresse dlo' whose permission is required before crossing. Monday, Tuesday, and Thursday have good souls; Wednesday, Friday, and Saturday have bad souls. January, March, May, July, August, and October have good souls; the other months have bad souls, December being the worst, which explains for the voodoo devotee, why most deaths occur during that month.

6. The voodoo trance: theomorphosis not theolepsy

While in most religions the gods are entities endowed with a strictly immaterial existence, and judged to be the ultimate models of the perfection for which the devotee should strive, it is indeed important to realize that in voodoo, we find divinities that are yearning to be human. They want to be materially alive, to feel, to suffer or to be happy like the common people. They have human desires, habits, tastes, etc., which they manifest when they incarnate in their chosen faithful. That incarnation is



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what is known by most people as the "possession trance." It should be clearly under- stood from the start that this so-called possession is irrefutably viewed by the believers as possession by a god and is in no way to be associated with any kind of demoniacal manifestations.

Before any explanatory discussion of the phenomenon, a short descriptive presentation of the trance may be helpful.

Voodoo followers believe that each person has two souls, the 'big soul' and the 'small soul.' The 'big soul' is responsible for thought, memory, feelings, while the 'small soul' is the protecting spirit. At the beginning of the trance, the 'small soul' is chased away by the 'loa' who then takes its place. The person talks, acts, behaves like the god. He loses control of his motions, or finds himself capable of doing physically things he doesn't normally do. Convulsions, spasms, shaking, perspiration, fast respira- tion, are also part of the condition. The future evolution of the trance depends on the 'loa' who wants to manifest itself, as well as on the experience and knowledge of the

person. Meanwhile, since possession usually takes place at the height of the ceremony - and is expected - everything is foreseen to please the god: the necessary ornaments his clothes, tools, food, etc., are brought to him. After the trance, which may last from a short time to several days, the expossessed doesn't seem to remember anything.

During the last few years, a lot of research has been centred around the study of the theomorphic phenomenon. However, after many books, articles and discussions, there is still a wide diversity of opinions, and no commonly accepted explanatory theory.

Those who have observed and studied the trance have tried to answer the obvious

questions:

Are those states to be classified as psychopathological?

Are we in the presence of supernatural possessions?

Are they simply the culmination of pre-planned rituals?

Most researchers agree that the questions raised cannot be satisfactorily answered

by simply viewing the phenomenon as a psychopathological state, comparable to

hysteria, psychosis or any other kind of psychic or psychosomatic disorders. Métraux, for instance, after stating that:

"The symptoms of the opening phase of trance are clearly psychopathological. They conform exactly, in their main features, to the stock clinical conception of

hysteria." (Métraux 1959; 120),

recognizes, after discussion that:

"Possession could hardly be explained entirely in terms of psychopathology. Such an explanation is probably only valid for a limited number of people who are

unquestionably truly neurotic. . ." (Métraux 1959:136).



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Dr. Louis Maxmilien is of the opinion that the trance is:

"... an artificially induced hysterical state, caused by suggestion or hypnotism." (Maximilien 1945 quoted on page 148 of Benjamin 1976) (My translation).

Closer to us chronologically, René S. Benjamin sounds like a disciple of Maximilien, whose "suggestion or hypnotism" explanations he widens considerably by proposing what could be called the "reflex modelization theory." For Benjamin:

"The trance is not, in fact, a 'possession' of the individual by a god, but a 'modelization' accomplished by the process of reflex conditioning Consequently, the possessed is entirely under the control of the reflex laws, his conscious self having been oriented toward the modeling of a conventional character. . . The 'modelization' phenomenon is a total, though unconscious identification of an individual with an imaginary character, a fictitious model." (Benjamin 1976:150, 153) (My translation).

Benjamin's theory, in my opinion, makes a lot of sense, indeed. Louis Mars, the well- known Haitian psychiatrist, in a recent article published in the Port-au-Prince news- paper Le Nouvelliste (April 30, 1976), offered his newest explanation, one based, he says, on the "theory of communication." He calls religious possession:

". . .a language inherited from the most remote past, and transmitted more or less accurately by the peasants from generation to generation;" (Louis Mars 1976). (My translation).

Mars' article, indeed a descriptive model more than an explanatory theory, contains, among other things, very valuable advice. The author stresses the danger of not making the indispensable strict distinction between religious possession and psychopathological conditions, and warns the reader against some previous misleading approaches or conclusions:

"The first observations on Haitian voodoo were compiled by physicians who used clinical accidental models in their diagnosis of possession. Little by little, we have realized our mistake and offered the necessary correction." (Mars 1976).(My translation).

Louis Mars, himself a medical doctor and one of the foremost experts on the subject, is in the best possible position to offer reliable guidance. While I have found his article interesting and enlightening, I judge it necessary, however, to disagree with what I think constitutes a poor choice of terminology. My disagreement focusses on his emphatic use of the word "theolepsy" in the title and throughout the article, and on his proposal in favour of the adoption of such a term to designate the voodoo trance.

I am by no means arguing that the word "theolepsy" is not etymologjcally correct; it is. As Dr. Mars says, it means "seized by the God." My contention is that, in the context of Haitian voodoo, such a label could be misleading and even harmful. I feel that "theolepsy" contains dangerous psychopathological implications, especially for



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the average layman who may analogyze it with "epilepsy" or "catalepsy", and come to the conclusion that the trance is a disease or an abnormal state. Too often already has voodoo been the victim of popular misinformation. I would like to suggest a less

confusing term, "theomorphosis", which from now on I will use in this paper.

I wish to make sure that my own position in the voodoo theomorphic controversy is clear and unambigious. First, although I do not subscribe to the voodoo creed, I have

good reasons to be certain of the sincere and deep faith of the devotees in their gods and their supernatural or mystical manifestations.

Second, I have no intentions of disguising my extreme antipathy toward pathological or medical explanations in general - whose implications would be to make Haiti a nation of psychopaths, considering the number of natives normally subject to the phenomenon - especially when I realize that voodoo theomorphosis is far from being the first or only victim of medical theorization or pseudo-empirical scientism. Fortu- nately, scores of trustworthy and highly respected authors and researchers have held very tolerant positions. May I be allowed here to call upon the testimony of just one of the most reliable, the great American psychologist - and physician - William James. Three quarters of a century ago, he isolated the real problem, when he warned his students at Edinburg against "medical materialism":

"Medical materialism finishes up Saint Paul by calling his vision on the road to Damascus a discharging lesion of the occipital cortex, he being an epileptic. It snuffs out Saint Teresa as an hysteric, Saint Francis of Asisi as an hereditary degenerate."

"it attempts to discredit the states which it dislikes, by vaguely associating them with nerves and liver, and connecting them with names connoting bodily afflic- tion. . ." (James 1902:14, 16).

Voodoo is not, of course, the only religion where trance-like states, or mystic manifestations, can be commonly observed. The boudhists have what is known as the 'dhyana' or state of higher contemplation, and some modern Christians "shake", or participate in "charismatic" rituals.

Al Ghazzali, "one of the greatest doctors of the Moslem Church", is quoted by William James, in reference to what he calls "the Science of the Sufis":

"The Science of the Sufis aims at detaching the heart from all that is not God. .

From the beginning, revelations take place in so flagrant a shape that the Sufis see before them, whilst wide awake, the angels and the souls of the prophets. They hear their voices and obtain their favours. Then the transport rises from the perception of forms and figures to a degree which escapes all expression. . ." (James 1902: 394, 395).

James also reminds to our attention that in India:

". . . training in mystical insight has been known from time immemorial under the



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name of yoga. Yoga means the experimental union of the individuals with the divine." (James 1902: 391).

I personally believe that in voodoo, as well as in other religions, those who

"have frequently fallen into trances, heard voices, seen visions, and presented all sorts of peculiarities which are ordinarily classed as pathological" (James 1902:8),

should not as a consequence be declared degenerate, hysteric or neurotic. Why do we have to listen to the forever repeated agnostic arguments of scientism? Why can't we accept the possibility that those people could be exceptional

"individuals for whom religion exists not as a dull habit, but an acute fever rather. . ."? (James 1902:8).

Such a tolerant position would allow us to view all the states of "mystic consciousness" cultivated by many religions, as exercises readily accessible to the healthy and normal mind, and not signs of psychic derangement.

Finally, I consider of great importance that in most cases of authentic theomorphosis, there seems to be a well-prepared plot to be followed by the participants and the audience. Otherwise, how can we account for the perfect chronological arrangement of the event? Genuine theomorphosis seems to occur as part of some strict ritual arrangement, during ceremonies, sometimes collectively.

One additional word of warning is in order. Let us not allow our desire to be tolerant to carry us beyond reasonable limits. In Haiti, as anywhere else in the world, there are real psychopathological cases which must remain within the domain of medicine. Too often in Haiti, however, clearly abnormal manifestations that have nothing to do with religious or mystic expression are viewed commonly as theomorphic possessions. No! No! No! A thousand times no! Haitians in general are so deeply religious that they tend to sçe a trance whenever some hysterical individual comes up with a crisis.

7. A typical voodoo ceremony Now let us imagine we are attending a voodoo ceremony. Here is what we

would see:

First would come the salutations and the parade of the flags. Signs of respect are shown among the dignitaries, for example, the 'hounsis' turning three times in front of the 'houngan', and kissing the ground, or the dignitaries kissing the flags. Then would come the invocations to the god being honoured, beginning often with "in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit." The invocations are followed by the libations or special salutations with water, in front of the sacred objects, and the ritual drawing of the 'vèvès' (symbolic signs of the gods) on the floor of the 'peristyle' with powder or flour, accompanied with sacred prayers and ceremonial gestures. Next would come the sacrifice if one is called for. This feature of the voodoo rites has so often been the victim of wrong or dishonest presentation that, in the name of fairness, clarifications are imperative.



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The voodoo sacrifice fits perfectly within the classical tradition found in many religions, including Judeo-Christianity, to offer an animal to the gods to appease their ire or to obtain their favours. In voodoo moreover, an animal is sacrificed only if and when it is specifically prescribed in the rituals. In many cases fruits and vegetables, or ordinary gifts are used instead. Among the animals offered, chickens seem to be the favourite, followed by goats; a rpull may be killed if the circumstances require it, meaning often if there are enough guests to eat it. Petro gods are especially fond of pigs. For the sacrifice, the priest must be in a state of complete purity, and have taken a bath in perfumed, blessed water. The animal also is washed before its immolation; a dish of sacred food is placed in front of it, if it doesn't eat, this means that the god wants it to be replaced by another animal. After the animal is ritually killed, its body is laid on the vèvè, (symbolic drawings on the floor). It is cut and cooked to the taste of the god whose favourite parts and pieces are set apart and reserved.

The voodoo ceremony (or party!) reaches its paroxism after the offerings, when the audience is invited to participate in the dances which are such an important feature of the rituals, that voodoo could be called a religion of dances. This part of the service is when most theomorphic trances take place. And from there to the end, the whole thing is just a big party.

8. The future of Haitian voodoo

One cannot overstress how regrettable it is that most people still do not understand or know the true face of voodoo. Such ignorance worsens the damage attributable to the primitivism of the religion itself. But in spite of voodoo's primitivism the historico- cultural heritage that it represents should not be disdained. The Third World in general, and Haitians in particular, should at no time forget its catalizing role during our War of Independence, the greatest indeed of all world revolutions, since its fruit was the freedom of a whole race. Long live the "Serment du Bois Caiman."

Some well-meaning people honestly believe that voodoo constitutes today a hind- rance to the progress of Haiti. Personally, I would rather think that the traditional lack of development of the country instead is responsible for the everlasting survival of the

primitive aspects of voodoo. It is my conviction that the day that will see Haiti definitively engaged on the road to progress, will also signify the eventual disappear- ance of voodoo as a religion, while its survival as folklore is most likely. Meanwhile, in

spite of its identification with primitivism, backwardness or hindrances, it is still

contributing a great service for the mental health and social happiness of the unbeliev-

ably miserable Haitian peasant: its dances and parties give him joy, his faith gives him

hope!

GÉRARD A. FERÈRE



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SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bach, Marcus, VADOU, Religion, sorcellerie, magie, Paris: Hachette, 1955.

Benjamin, Rene S., Introspection dans l'inconnu, New York: French Printing Publishing Corp., 1976.

Dorsainvil, J.C., Vodou et névrose, Port-au-Prince: Imprimerie La Presse, 1931.

Une Explication philologique du vodou, Port-au-Prince: Imprimerie Pierre-Noel, 1924.

Foisset, J., "Quelques considérations générales sur les superstitions." Port-au-Prince: La Phalange. Feb. 25, 1942.

Herkovitz, Melville, Life in a Haitian Valley, New York: A.A. Knopf, 1937.

James, William, The Varieties of Religious Experience, New York: The Modern Library, 1902.

Leyburn, James G., The Haitian People, New Heaven: Yale University Press, 1945.

Mars, Louis, "La Crise de possession dans le vadou." Paris: in La Vie Médicale. Noel, 1952.

"Une nouvelle étape dans la réflexion sur les théolopsies en Haiti." Port-au-Prince: Journal Le Nouvelliste, April 30, 1976.

Maximilien, Louis, Le Vaudou haïtien, Port-au-Prince: Imprimerie de l'Etat, 1945.

Métraux, Alfred, Voodoo in Haiti, (1972 edition of translation by Hugo Charteris), New York: Schocken Books, 1959.

Rigaud, Milo, La Tradition vaudou et le vaudou haïtien, Paris: Niclaus, 1953.

Roumain, Jacques, A propos de la Campagne 'antisuperstitieuse', Port-au-Prince: Imprimerie de l'Etat, 1942.

St. -John, Spencer, Hayti or the Black Republic, London: Smith, Elder and Co., 1884.

Vaissiere, Pierre de, Saint-Domingue (1629-1789): La Société et la vie créole, Paris: Perrin, 1909.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

My special thanks to my friend and colleague Jack Iannucd, Chairman of the Language Department of St. Joseph's College, for his careful reading of this paper. His suggestions were useful and deeply appreciated.

My affectionate gratitude to my daughter MagalU for her patient proofreading of the manuscript.



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