THE WI

4 N. M. Hiiring S. A. C.

In the following year (n46) Gilbert held a synod at Poitiers. During a sermon in the cathedral he made some passing remarks conceming the Blessed Trinity to which Archdeacon Arnald did not hesitate to object in pnblic. To settle the matter an appeal to Rome was made and, according to Geoffrey, both went to submit their disagreement to the arbitration of Pope Eugene III (II45-II53) before whom they debated at Viterbo. Eugene passed no sentence and ordered both parties to present themselves to him in Paris on Easter Sunday of the following year (20 April II47) (6).

At the end of the year II46 Geoffrey accompanied St. Bernard on his journey to Germany where they frst visited snch cities as Mainz (November), \Vorms, Frankfurt, and Speier('). Then they went as far south as Zi.irich. On Christmas eve they returned to Speier where they met Archbishop Albero of Trier (II3I-II52), bishops Hermann of Constance (n38-n66), Ortlieb of Basel (n38-n64), Amadeus of Lausanne (II45-II5g), Burchard of Strasbourg (II4I-II62), Bucco of Worms (II20-II49), Gi.inther of Speier (n46-n6r), and Anselm of Havelberg (n2g-n55). Also present were the Benedictine abbots Fridelo of Reichenau in the diocese of Constance, Benedict of \Veissenburg in the diocese of Speier, Berthold of Murbach in the diocese of Strasbourg, and a number of priors. One of them was the Premonstratensian Otto of Kappenberg (8) whom they were to meet again at Reims in March n48.

The reason for the presence at Speier of so many dignitaries was a diet (9 ) convoked by the Emperor Conrad III (rog3-II52). St. Bernard preached the Christmas sermon and during his sojourn persuaded the emperor to take part in the crusade to be launched in II47

On 3 January II47 St. Bernard and his secretary left for Worms. At Kreuznach on Epiphany, they passed through Boppard, Koblenz (January 8), and Remagen on their way to Cologne (10) where they stayed January 9-13. After visiting Brauweiler Abbey and Ji.ilich they arrived at Aachen described as "celeber-rimus et amoenissimus locus" (n). From there they went to Lige via Maa-stricht and, after passing through Huy, Gemblours, Villars, and Mons, arrived a t Cambrai on J anuary 26. They stopped a t Laon and Reims. On February 2 we fnd them in Chlons-sur-Marne at a meeting with King Louis VII (II37-n8o) and many French, German, and Sicilian nobles discussing the crusade. It was resolved that the fnal dedsions sho11ld be postponed until the next meeting to be held at tampes. This meeting lasted three days (February r6-r8), and the general starting date of the crusade was fxed: the day of Pentecost (June 8).

(6) Ep. ad Alb. 2, 4-5. Libellus III, ro. (7) W. R@NHARDI, Konrad III. (Leipzig r883) 527 ff. ( 8 ) w. BERKHARDI, l{onrad III., p. 528. On 2 January II53 Eugene granted Otto

a privilegimn. Ep. 553; PL r8o, 1568 D. ( 9 ) 5. Bernardi vita prima VI (r), + I5; PL I85, 38I B. O'M'O OF FREISING, Gesta

Frid. I, 40; ::VIGH SS (ad usum schol.) 46, 59: "Princeps generalem curiam in natiuitate Domini apud ciuitatem Spira m celebrandam inclixit ".

(10) 5. Bernardi vita prima VI (2), 7, 23; PI, r85, 387 D. (ll) Ibidem VI (2), g, 31; PL r85, 3'3 B.

The \Vritings against Gilbert of Poitiers by Geoffrey of Auxerre 5

The French army was to gather at Metz and to set out for the East on June rs. Suger, abbot of Saint Dnis (II23-II5I), was appointed administrator during the king's absence.

Four of fve days after the meeting, on February 22 or 23, St. Bernard and Geoffrey left tampes for Sens and Auxerre. On Febmary 27 they were back at Clairvaux. But less than three weeks later, on March 13, St. Bernard attended the diet at Frankfurt 'vhere he met archbishops Henry of Mainz (II42-II53), Albero of Trier, Arnold of Cologne (II37-II5I), and bishops Bucco of Worms, Gi.inther of Speier, Burchard of Strasbourg, Siegfried of Wi.irzburg (electus II47-nso), Werner of Miinster (II32-II5I), Henry of Lige (II45-II64), Anselm of Havelberg, and Eberhardt of Bamberg (n46-II72) (12). Also present were Abbot Wibald of Stavelot (III7-II58) and, probably, the abbot of Cluny, Peter the Ve-nerable (II22-II56). The archbishop of Mainz was chosen to administer Germany during the absence of King Conrad. During those exciting days Geoffrey, a young and insignifcant secretary, saw and heard the men who were shaping the destiny of Europe.

While all this was going on, Pope Eugene and the papal curia were on their journey to Paris, following a rigid, well-planned schedule. On March 30 they were welcomed in the name of Conrad III at Dijon by a delegation including bishops Bucc.) of Worms, Anselm of Havelberg, and Abbot Wibald of Stavelot (13). They arrived at Clairvaux on April 6. St. Bernard had gone from Frankfurt to Trier where his presence is recorded on March 27. Returning to Clairvaux via Metz and Toul he arri-v-ed just in time to receive the illustrious visitors. We may assume that on all these travels Geoffrey was constantly at St. Bernard's side.

The papal visit at Clairvanx did not last long, for on April ro Pope Eugene was already at Troyes on his way to Paris (14). On April 13 the archbishop of Trier (15 ) joined the papal retinue at Provins. Two days later we fnd the trav-ellers " in the territory of Meaux" (16) and on April rg, Holy Saturday, at Saint-Dnis.

We have seen that in Italy Pope Eugene had given instructions to Bishop Gilbert of Poitiers and his archdeacon Arnald to present themselves in Paris on Easter S11nday (zo April II47) (17). Both St. Bernard and Geoffrey were in Paris where Bishop Gilbert was tried by Pope Eugene himself a t a consistory (18) attende d

(12) W. BERNHARDI, Konrad II I., pp. 54-5-546. ( 13) \VIBALD, Ep. rso (I3I); ed. Ph. JAFF, 1\Ion. Corbeiensia, in: Bibl. rer. germ. I

(Berlin r864) 242. ( 14) EuGENE, Ep. 165; PL r8o, 1202 D. ( 15 ) BALDERIC, Gesta Alberonis 22; l\IGH SS 8, 254 (16) EuGENE, Ep. r67; PL r8o, 1205 iL ( 17 ) E p. ad Alb. 2, 5: " Utramque partem si bi precepit in solemnitate paschali Pa-

risius presentari ". ( 18 ) The legai or canonica! implications of Pope Eugene's procedure are very compe-

tently ana.lyzed by D. Lindner in: Zeitschr. der 5avigny-5tiftung f. Rechtsg., kan. Abt. 46 (rg6o) 541-544 As I,inclner points out, Pope Eugene followed an ancient rule of law that the trial of bishops is the prerogative of the pope.

6 N. M. Hiiring S. A. C.

by the curia, an unknown number of archbishops, bishops, abbots, and schoolmen. It must have taken place during Easter week, probably on Tuesday and \Vednes-day (April 22-23), for on Easter-Monday Pope Eugene consecrated a church on Montmartre, assisted by St. Bernard and Peter the Venerable (19).

Geo:ffrey who attended the consistory tells us that Bishop Rotroux of vreux, later archbishop of Rouen (n6s-n83), "a rather rich man ", and Master Ivo, dean of Chartres (d. n65), witnessed in favour of Gilbert (2). From Otto of Freising we learn that two masters, Adam of Petit-Pont (d. n8r), whom we shall meet again at Reims, and Hugh of Champfleury (d. II75), later the king's chan-cellor, gave testimony against Gilbert (21 ). Master J ocelin, bishop of Soissons (n26-II52), and the learned Benedictine Hugh of Amiens, archbishop of Rouen (n3o-n64), are known to ha ve taken an active part in the investigation {22). St. Bernard also joined in the enquiry(23), but no cardinal is recorded to have questioned Gilbert. However, it may be taken for granted that Cardinal Alberic did not remain silent during the debates.

There was no unanimity among those present at the trial. As Geo:ffrey sums i t up: " Agebant pro eo quidam, quidam pro fidei ueritate, maxime Clareuallis reuerendissimus abbas" (24). The main difficulty at Paris was the surprising and almost unbelievable fact that nobody had a copy of Gilbert's controversia! com-mentary on Boethius.

Pope Eugene, a cautious judge, refused to rest his decision on hearsay and, for that reason, put an end to the debates, ordered Bishop Gilbert to send him a copy of his work, and instructed the Premonstratensian Godescalc (26), abbot

(19 ) Gallia christ. 7 (Paris I7H) 6I3 C. (20) Ep. ad Alb. z, II. Cf. N. M. HA.RI="G, Das sogenannte Glaubensbekenntnis des Reim-

ser I

8 N. M. Haring S. A. C.

Archbishop Albero was on his right and Arnold, archbishop of Cologne, on his left. W e are told that they were preceded by numerous bishops "from Germany, Belgium, Burgundy, Lombardy, Tuscany, and from every nation under the sky "(33).

Archbishop Baldwin of Caesarea (II42-II55) whom we shall meet again at Reims was present. Also at Trier were Henry, archbishop of Mainz, bishops Sven of Viborg (II33-IISo), Hartwick of Geneva (II35-II8S), Amadeus of Lausanne (II45-rr8g), and the controversia! bishop-elect Henry Murdac whose consecration took place on December 7 in the presence of St. Bernard e4). With Henry were two archdeacons of York, Master Walter and Master Geoffrey. St. Bernard's presence in Trier is confrmed in a letter to Eugene by Henry, count of Namur (35), and by the Vita s. Hildegardis (36). The powerful archbishop of Trier was not able to cope with the infl.ux of so many dignitaries and their retinues. Heavier taxes caused louder complaints. About the middle of February II48 Pope Eugene and the curia left for Reims where they arrived before March g. While they were the guests of Alberon de Chiny, bishop of Verdun (II3I-II56), Cardinal Alberic died. St. Bernard was absent at the time but shortly afterwards said Mass at the cardinal's grave (37 ). Geoffrey deeply regretted the cardinal's un-timely death, for he considered him an important witness against Gilbert (38).

At the consistory of Reims which Pope Eugene convened after the closing of the council all cardinals, as J ohn of Salisbury (39) claims, si d ed with Gilbert. Records show that the following nineteen cardinals were at Reims: Cardinal-Bishop Imar of Tusculum (40), the cardinal-priests Herbert (Aribert) of S. Anastasia, Bernard of S. Clemente, Master Hubald of Ss. Giovanni e Paolo, Guido of S. Lorenzo in Damaso, Guido of S. Lorenzo in Lucina, Julius of S. Marcello, Gilbert of S. Marco, Master Guido of S. Pastore (Pudenziana), Hubald of S. Prassede, and Jordan of S. Susanna, the cardinal-deacons John Paparo of S. Adriano, Gregory of S. Angelo, chancellor Guido of Ss. Cosma e Damiano, Oddo of S. Giorgio in Velabro, Hyacinth of S. Maria in Cosmedin, Guido of S. Maria in Porticu, J ohn of S. Maria Nuova, and Octavian of S. Nicola in Carcere.

With the exception of Bernard of S. Clemente, Hubald of S. Prassede, and J ordan of S. Susanna, all these cardinals were with Eugene a t Trier. Since a t the consistory of Paris in the previous year the number was smaller (sixteen,

Bernard said Mass at Alberic's grave a few clays later. Since Alberic was still with the curia in Tri'"r, his death occurred at Verdun on his way from Trier to Reims in February I 148.

(33) Ru,DERIC, Gesta Alberonis 23; MGH SS 8, 255. (34) VACANDARD, Vie 2, 327. BERKHARDI, Konrad III., pp. 687-688. (35) (WIBAI,D), Ep. 87 (72); ed. Jaff I6o. ( 30 ) Vita s. Hildc'gardis I, 5; PL I97, 95 AB. VAO.~DARD, Vie 2, 335 (37) S. Bernardi vita prima IV, 4, 21; PL 185, 333 B. (3B) Ep. ad Alb. 3, 14. (39) Hist. pontificalis 9; ed. Reg. I,. Poole (Oxford 1927) 21. (40) St. Bernard wrote severa! letters to him: Epp. 219 and 230-232; PL. 182, 382 D-

419 D. Without offering a list P. Pelster writes in A1iscell. Lombardiana (~ovara 1957) 68 that only seventeen cardinals were at Reims. BAI,DERIC, Gesta Alberonis 23; l\IGH SS 8, 255 names a total of seventeen cardinals, including Alberic, as present at Trier.

The Writings against Gilbert of Poitiers by Geoffrey of Auxerre 9

including Card. Alberic), one may be inclined to conclude that Eugene was an-xious to have all cardinals available to advise him. However, the council may have been the real reason for the arrival of cardinals who had not been with the curia in France until March rr48. At that time the entire curia consisted of abont thirty cardinals (41) two of whom were with the crusaders and at least seven had stayed behind in Italy.

How much personal contact Geoffrey had with the cardinals who were in Paris, Trier, or Reims is unknown. But he had no doubt that the most important ones favoured and supported Gilbert - " cardinales quorum principales fauisse reo et euidenter etiam fouisse consta ba t '' (42). It is well known that one of them was Cardinal Hyacinth of S. Maria in Cosmedin, later Pope Celestine III.

The trial did not develop as planned by Pope Eugene. Abbot Godescalc was in poor health (43) but he had prepared the case. In addition to Gilbert's com-mentary he handed over to the pope a scedttla of patristic texts or excerpts "manifestly contradicting "Gilbert's teaching, as Geoffrey maintains (44). Geoffrey points out that, Godescalc's eloqueuce being unequal to the task, Pope Eugene passed Gilbert's commentary aud the scedula on to St. Bernard.

Writing to Albinus, cardinal of Albano (rr8g-rrg8), over forty years later Geoffrey mentions the presence of Geoffrey, archbishop of Bordeaux (rr36-rr58) (46), the Premonstratensian Milo, bishop of Throuanne (II3I-II59) (46), Master Jocelin, bishop of Soissons (rrz6-rrsz), and Jocelin's dose friend, Suger of Saint-Dnis (47). St. Bernard's secretary noticed that Gilbert's metropolitan, Geoffrey of Loroux, spent most of the time in silence. But Master J ocelin had already argued "impa-tiently" with Gilbert at the consistory of Paris (48). Bishop Milo, a saintly and learned man, may also have been at the consistory of Paris though there seems to be no written support for the view. It is almost certain that Suger had attended the trial in Paris despite the fact that there is no historical record to prove it.

At Reims Suger was among those who " sharpened their tongues " against Gilbert (49). Also mentioned as particularly hostile to the accused a t Reims are

(H) Other members were the ca.rinal bishops Guarin of Preneste, Conrad of S. Sabina, and Dietwin of S. Rufina (on Crusade), the cardinal priests Guido of S. Crisogono (on Cru-sacle), and Manfred of S. Savina, the cardinal cleacons Astald of S. Eustachio, Roclulph of S. Lucia in Septisolio, and Peter of S. Maria in Via Lata.

( 42 ) Ep. ab Alb. 3, I3. ( 43 ) See note 25 supra. ( 41 ) Ep. ad Alb. 3, 13. ( 45 ) Cf. Hist. litt. 12, 541-545. (46 ) Cf. H. TII,I,MANN, Die papstlichen Legaten in England (Bonn 1926) sr. joH~ OF

SAI,ISBURY, Ep. 200 (acl Milonem ep. Morin.); PL 199, 227 C. In Ep. 1o8; ed. W. J. Mrr,r,oR, The Letters of fohn of Salisbury r (Lonclon 1955) 172 John speaks of Bishop Milo as " sancto episcopo :.\Iilone p a tre optimo ".

( 47 ) Ep. ad Alb. 3, 16-17. Six letters written by St. Bernarcl to Jocelin are still extant. Cf. Hist. litt. 12, 412-4r8.

( 4'j OTTo, Gesta Frid. I, 54; p. 76. J ocelin met Gilbert a t Poi tiers in .May I 145 Cf. S. Bentardi vita prima II, s. 36; PL 185, 288 D.

( 49 ) Hist. pont. 8; p. 17.

IO N. M. Haring S. A. C.

his two archdeacons Calo and Arnald (50). Geoffrey pays special tribute to Master Arnald (51 ) but never refers to Calo in his writings. According to Otto of Freising both archdeacons approached St. Bernard asking him to support their cause (52). Peter Lombard and Robert of Melun are likewise known to have attacked Gilbert with a certain bitterness (53).

To show that his doctrine did not deviate from the teaching of the Fathers Gilbert instructed his clerics to bring to the consistory a great number of " large volumes " from which the pertinent texts were to be read in their originai con-text (54). St. Bernard's secretary soon realized that Abbot Godescalc's scedula became the object of derision and mockery by comparison with Gilbert's imposing array and use of originai sources (55).

To remedy the situation he paid a visit to the cathedral library of Reims after the debate of the frst day was over. Among other works he decided to borrow St. Augustine's De Trinitate in which he was happy to discover a text that agreed almost verbatim with a statement made on that day by St. Bernard against Gilbert (56).

If we remember St. Bernard's travels and endless journeys in II45-II48 it is obvious that neither the abbot nor his secretary could spare the time to fami-liarize himself with Bishop Gilbert's way of theologizing. The task to prepare the case against Gilbert had been placed in the hands of Abbot Godescalc whose health was apparently causing diffculties.

At the end of the second day of the trial the cardinals declared: "We shall weigh the evidence and pass sentence accordingly ". To quote Geoffrey: "Au-diuimus que proposita sunt. Deinceps iudicabimus qualiter debeant diffniri ''(57). For Gilbert's opponents it was a foregone conclusion that the sentence would not amount to a condemnation. Deeply disturbed by this turn of events they gathered, as Geoffrey relates (58), at St. Bernard's residence on the next day.

The gathering was attended by ten archbishops (59 ) and " almost all " the bishops (60) stili at Reims. Most bishops had already left. In addition, many abbots and schoolmen were present at the gathering: "abbatum et magistrorum plurima mnltitudo" (61).

( 50 ) Ibidem. ( 51 ) Ep. ad Alb. 2, 4-5. ( 52) OTTo, Gesta Frid. I, 48; p. 68. ( 53) Hist. pont. 8; p. I7. ( 54 ) Cf. K. M. HARING, The Porretans and the Greek Fathers, in: 1'd cdStudies 24 (Ig6z) I82 ff. ( 55 ) Ep. ad Alb. +,18: "Calumpniabantur fautores illius hominis quocl decurtata te-

stimonia proferremus eu m ille coclices integros exhiberet ". (56 ) Ep. ad Alb. 5, 22-23: De Trin. V, ro, II; PI, 42, gr8. ( 57 ) Ep. ad Alb. 7,34. By referring only to the carclinals Geoffrey may have triecl

to exonerate Pope Engene. But the history of the trials shows that Pope Eugene was a man who clicl not snccumb to pressure.

( 58 ) Ep. ad Alb. 7,35. ( 59 ) Ep. ad. Alb. 7,35 and I3,68. S. Bernanli vita prima III, s.rs: "a patribus de-

cem prouinciarnm ''. (6o) Ep. ad Alb. I3, 68. (61 ) Ep. ad Alb. 7, 35 ancl I3, 68. No mention of the magistri is macle in his Vita.

The \Vritings against Gilbert of Poitiers by Geoffrey of Auxerre II

Tostate their case they drew up a (idei symbolum (62), divided into four parts, as a reply to the four errors or capitula of which Gilbert was accused. Those who were present at the meeting gave their consent to the proposal that their presence should be recorded in the document. Hugh of Auxerre, Milo of Throuanne, and Abbot Suger were delegateci to submit to the pope and the curia the profession of faith with the names of those present when it was formulateci. The three emis-saries were told to point out that, while Gilbert had given the pope a written de-claration of his readiness to correct his teaching should it be found wanting, their word was so fnal that they wonld change "nothing whatsoever" (63).

According to Geoffrey Pope Eugene told the delegation to inform the gather-ing that their " profession " contained nothing objectionable and that both he and the cardinals intended to protect Gilbert's name and station without approving his doctrine (64). We are then told by Geoffrey that Gilbert "freely renounced each capitulum " publicly in the hall where the trial had taken place. Then the pope condemned the four arti cles or charges "un der pain of excommunication '' (65 ), forba-de the reading as well as the copying of Gilbert's commentary "unless it had been corrected by the Roman Church"(66 ). Geoffrey bemoans the fact that no correc-tions were ever m ade (67 ), There were several other charges against Gilbert. But Geoffrey never even bothered to ascertain their contents (68).

In a number of details other contemporary sources do not confrm Geoffrey's description of the events. Inspired by a deep-seated aversion to the bishop of Poitiers, St. Bernard's secretary can hardly be called impartial. But especially in his Libellus he has recorded a number of rather pithy oral statements which he must have jotted down at the trial (69 ). Very valuable from the historian's point of view is also his list of those present at the meeting in St. Bernard's residence. They were frst recorded in the document sent to Eugene and the cardinals and again in Geoffrey's scriptura a copy of which had long been lost at Clairvaux and was discovered when he was about to send his reply to Master Albinus, Car-dinal Bishop of Albano (' 0 ).

Geoffrey had written this scriptura about forty years earlier (71 ). Listed as present at the meeting are the archbishops of Reims, Bourges, Bordeaux, Tours, Trier, Caesarea (Palestine), York, Canterbury, Rouen, and Vienne; the bishops of Soissons, Chalons-sur-Marne, Paris, Auxerre, Amiens, Tournai, Throuanne (Mo-rinie), Norwich, Valence, Le Mans, Alet (Saint-Malo), Angoulme, and Saintes; the abbots of Cluny, Citeaux, Clairvaux, Saint-Dnis, Fleury (Saint-Benoit-sur-

( 62 ) Ep. ad. Alb. 7, 35 (63 ) Ep. ad Alb. 8, 39-40. ( 64) Ep. ad Alb. 8, 4I-42. ( 65 ) Libellus I, I3 (PI, I85, 597 B). Geoffrey either clropped or acldecl this remark,

for it is not contained in the Budapest manuscript. ( 66 ) Ep. ad Alb. 8, 43-44. ( 67 ) Libellus I, I3 and III, Io. ( 68) Ep. ad Alb. 9, 4+ ( 69) See, for instance, Libellus I, 5; III, 6-9. ('o) Ep. ad Alb. I3, 68. ( 71 ) Ep. ad Alb. I3, 68.

12 :-l". M. Haring S. A. C.

Loire), Corbie, Prmontr, the Premonstratensian prepositus Otto of Kappenberg " an d several others"; the magistri scolarum \V alter of Mortagne, Archdeacon \Valter of York, Archdeacon Geo:ffrey of York, Humbert of Bourges, Peter Lombard, Thierry of Chartres, Robert de Bosco, Adam of Petit-Pont, "and many others ".

Not listed as present is John of Salisbury who attended the meeting. Not mentioned is the presence of Master Arnald of Poitiers who must be presumed present on the evidence of the testimony given by John of Salisbury. The omis-sion is hard to explain. Also omitted is Master Robert of Melun who must have attended the meeting.

As early as II44 St. Bernard wrote to Peter the Venerable: "Fractus sum uiribus" (' 2). In II5I he confided to Pope Eugene: "Puer uester plns solito infirmatnr, gutta'dm defiuit" ('3). But Pope Eugene died before St. Bernard. The news of the pope's death on 8 Jnly II53 reached St. Bernard a few months after he had returned worn out from a peace mission in Metz (' 4). His biographer condudes: " La nouvelle de la mort du pape lui donna, pour ainsi parler, le der-nier coup " (7 6). When St. Bernard died on zo August II53 the death of this " singularis lucerna " (7 6) marked the end of an epoch in Geoffrey's life. Bishop Gilbert died about a year later on 4 September II54

Four years after St. Bernard's death Geoffrey became abbot of Igny (IISJ). While he headed this abbey he wrote his LibeZZ,us against Gilbert's four capitttla e'). J ohn of Salisbury admires its elegant style but regrets the overtones of bitterness pervading the work. Together with his confrres Geo:ffrey sided against the anti-popes Victor IV (II59-II64) and Paschal III (II64-II68) both of whom he had met at Paris, Trier, and Reims as Cardinals Octavian of S. Nicola in Carcere and Guido of S. Maria in Porticu.

In II62 Geoffrey became abbot of Clairvaux. An address delivered by him before the council of Tour convened in II63 by Alexander III is still extant. The council reminded him of a council celebrateci by Pope Eugene ('B). Two years later, in II65, Geoffrey either resigned or was deposed. He retired to Citeaux. It is believed that Pope Alexander III meant Geo:ffrey when he wrote to Gilbert, abbot of Citeaux: "sine dilatione ipsum ab abbatie administratione remoueas" {1 9). From a strongly worded letter (B 0 ) addressed by Alexander to the king's brother Henry, archbishop of Reims (II62-II75), we learn that the archbishop visited

(1 2) Ep. zz8, z; PL r8z, 398 A. (' 3) E p. 270, 3; PL r8z, 475 A. (14) VACANDARD, Vie 2, 520 ff. (1 5 ) VACANDARD, Vie 2, 522. ('6) S. Bernardi vita prima V, 2, 13; PL rSs, 359 A. (1 7) Hist. pont. II; p. z6. (1 8 ) PL r84, 1095 B-rroz C. J. LECLERCQ, Les crits de Geoffroy d'Auxcrre, in: Rcv.

Bn. 6z (1952) 287. (1 9 ) Ep. 324; PI, zoo, 350 A: Sens, 27 March II6j. J. LECLERCQ, Les crits de

Geoffroy 2 76. ( 80) E p. 325; PL zoo, 350 C: " Timemus enim ne homo ille sua loquacitate uerbum

ipsum isseminet et illnJ ad fratrum notitiam referat propter quod si taliter procederetur tam no bis quam et ti bi grauis materia distractionis exsurgeret ".

l

The Writings against Gilbert of Poitiers by Geoffrey of Auxerre 13

Clairvaux an d that some scandal was involved which the pope hoped to preven t from becoming known (B1). Pope Alexander adds that when the archbishop carne for bis next visit he would discuss the matter " more carefully " with him, the bishop of Auxerre (Alain of Flanders II52-II67) (B2), Cardinal Henry of Ss. Nereo et Achilleo (II5I-II6J), and the former bishop of Langres, Geoffrey (II38-II63).

Geoffrey mentions Cardinal Henry as present at the consistory of Reims. At that time he was a subdeacon: "Henricus Pisanus tunc Romane ecdesie subdia-conus, futurus postea Clareuallensis monachus et ex abbate Sancti Anastasii sanc-torum Nerei et Achillei presbiter cardinalis" (B3).

At Clairvaux Geoffrey was replaced by Pontius, abbot of Grandselve, who was later elected bishop of Clermont (IIJO-II8g). In II67 Geoffrey was sent to Italy by the abbot of Citeaux, Gilbert, in order to promote the reconciliation between the Emperor Frederick Barbarosa. and Pope Alexander (B4). Barbarossa rejected his mediation. In the following year he was sent to mediate between Henry II (II54-II8g) and Thomas Becket(B5). Henry expressed the wish to keep Geoffrey in the royal court (B6).

When Pontius of Clairvaux was elected bishop of Clermont (IIJO), he was succeeded by Gerard, abbot of Fossa Nuova near Piperno in the diocese of Terra-cina. The successor of Abbot Gerard was our Geoffrey. \Vhen Abbot Gerard died a violent death in IIJO, Henry of Marcy, then abbot of Hautecombe near Chambry in the diocese of Geneva took his place and Geoffrey became abbot of Hautecombe. It was there that he wrote his commentary on the Canticle of Canticles dedicated to Henry, his predecessor at Hautecombe (B'). It is generally held that he died as abbot of Hautecombe after II88.

As we shall see, his letter addressed to Cardinal Albinus shows that., still living in the nineties, he returned to Clairvaux. It is however widely assumed that thls letter was addressed not to Cardinal Albinus but to his predecessor, Cardinal Henry of Albano(BB), who died in the vicinity of Arras on I January II8g.

The letter was first published by C. Baronius (B 9) (1538-r6o7) as: " Gaufridi epistola de rebus gestis in causa Giliberti ". No manuscript source is indicated

( 81) Ep. 325; PL zoo, 350 B. ( 82) Alain retired to Clairvaux in r 167 and die there in r r8z. In I I 52 St. Bernar

(Ep. z8z; PL r8s, 488 B) wrote to King Louis VII on his behalf: " Ego, ego electioni Autissiodorensi interfui ... Electum bene nouimus. Testimonium ei perhibemus quoniam bonus est".

( 83 ) Ep. ad Alb. 4, zo. See also Hist. pont. ro; p. zz. Henry entered Clairvaux in April 1148, a few weeks after the trial. Geoffrey dedicated his Declamationes to hhn. Cf. J. LECLERCQ, Saint Bernard et ses secrtaires, in: Revue B11. 6r (195I) 224.

( 84) M.-A. DIMIER, in: Catholicisme 4 (Paris 1956) 1849. Cfr. Epistolary of Thomas Becket, Ep. 409; ed. J. C. RoBER'l'SON, Rolls Series 67, 6 (London 1857) 404.

( 85 ) Hist. litt. 14, 433 ( 86 ) Hist. litt. 14, 433 ( 87 ) J. LECLERCQ, Les crits 275. The prologue edite by J. Leclercq (p. 277) be5ins:

"Reuerendissimo Patri suo domno H(enrico) abbati Clareuallensi fr. G(aufridus) de Alta-cumba: lVIinimum id quod est".

(B8) Hist. litt. 14 (Paris r869) 457 (B9) Anna!. ecc!. 12 (Vatican I6o7) 352 D-357 D.

N. M. Hiiring S. A. C.

and no (other) manuscript has been found to date. After Baronius the letter ap-peared in the Concilia (Cologne r6o6, r6r8, and r636) of Severin Binius (r573-I64r), in vol. ro of the Sacrosancta Concilia (Paris r67r) rrzr-rr27 of Philippe Labbe and G. Cossart (90), later in Mabillon's edition of the works of St. Bernard (Paris r6go) (91 ), in Hardouin's Conc. col!. regia max. VI,z (Paris IJI5) I3II-I3I8, and in the Conc. sacr. nova et ampl. collectio (r758-I798) of Giovanni Dom. Mansi (r6gz-IJ6g) (92).

The address reads: "Amantissimo patri et domino A., Dei gratia Albanensi epis-copo, domini pape uicario, frater Gaufridus de Claraualle: Minimum id quod est".

According to su eh historians as F. Ughelli (93), Cl. de Molinet (94), an d others the letter A stands for Albinus, also known as Master Albinus.

Although Mabillon does not hesitate to spell out the name (Epistola ad Albinum) in the heading of the letter (95), he calls it Epistola ad Henricum in his admonitio (96 ). According to the Rectteil des historiens (97 ) the letter A should be replaced by H to make the papal legate Cardinal Henry of Albano the reci-pient of the letter. The Histoire littraire approves because "rien ne prouve que cet Albin ait t lgat en France " (9B). But that does not prove that he might not have been a papal legate elsewhere. The cautious conclusion reads: "Il est clone vraisemblable qu'on aura lu A au lieu de H".

Much more categorica! is H. Denifle's declaration: " Albin war nicht vicarius papae ". He maintains moreover that Geoffrey wrote his Libellus in 1148 and "presented it to the council" of Reims (99). Denifle concludes that the letter must have been written before rr88 and adds that Geoffrey died shortly after writing it since another abbot of Hantecombe (1) is recorded in rrgo.

( 90) Cf. R. C. OUDIK, Com m. de script. eccl. 2 (Frankfurt I 722) 1497. ( 91) S. Bernardi opera II, 6 (Paris 16go) 1319 A-1324 F. (92) Mansi 21 (Venice 1776) 728. ( 93) Italia sacra I, 2 (Rome I6S4) 296. ( 94) STEPHE~ OF TOURNAI, Ep. 106; PL 211, 394 D: "Ad dominum Alhinum pres-

byterum cardinalem ... " Molinet's information is based on U ghelli. ( 95 ) S. Bernardi opera li, 6 (Paris: Thomas Moette 16go) 1319 A. See also ROBERT

DE LASTEYRIE, Cart. gn. dc Paris I (Paris 1887) 307, No. 333 ( 96) S. Bernardi opera II, 6, IOS7 (IV). We have seen that Card. Henry of Marcy

(Burgundy) had been abbot of Hautecombe (II6o) and Clairvaux (1176). He was created cardinal-bishop of Albano in 11ay I I 79 After many missions across the Alps h e died rather unexpectedly on I January II8

I6 N. M. Haring S. A. C.

for Abelard extend so far as to embrace the loved one's errors (10). It was out of reverence for Celestine II that Hyacinth assumed the name Celestine.

Master Balderic who met Cardinal Hyacinth at Trier describes him as a man "who by the sweetness of his speech drew everyone's love to him" (11). But for some unknown reason his sweetness did not include St. Bernard (12).

As early as II54 Hyacinth acted as papal legate in Spain (13). To appease the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa (II52-ngo) Pope Hadrian IV (II54-II59) sent him to Germany in II58 (14). In II62 and II65 he was in France on important missions on behalf of Alexander III (n5g-n8r) whose theology was influenced by Abelard and to whom the Porretan Adhemar of Saint-Ruf submitted his pa-tristic collection to show that Gilbert was orthodox. \Ve are told that he received the work with gratitude and that he read it like a young student (16). Master Everard of Ypres who later became a Cistercian served for a while in France "as a cleric of his lordship Hyacinth, now pope " (16).

When at the age of 85 Cardinal Hyacinth accepted the tiara he had hardly forgotten the persons and issues involved in the nan~es Abelard, Bernard, and Gilbert. It is, therefore, quite probable that Cardinal Albinus, a Canon Regular like Adhemar of Saint-Ruf, acted so strongly at the pope's personal request.

We have seen that in n88 or earlier Cardinal Albinus of S. Croce in Geru-salemme was a papal legate in Sicily together with Cardinal Peter of S. Lorenzo in Damaso. But he did not become bishop of Albano until the summer of n8g, between r8 May and 6 June. The title "domini pape uicarius ", given Albinus in both letters, does not occur until ngr in a charter in which King Tancred (n8g-II94) calls the " domini pape uicarius " his dearest friend. The title is confirmed by the cardinal's admirer, the papal notary Master Michael whose short treatise, preserved in MS Troyes IJ2I, is dedicated to Albinus and opens with the words: " Reuerendo patri et domino Albino, Albanensi episcopo, domini pape ui-

rl. " (1') ca o... . Since Cardinal Albinus was consecrated in May or June n8g and his mes-

senger arrived in France on October 31, the year n8g cannot be ruled ont en-tirely. Of the two letters the reply to Albinus is of later date. The first letter was written dnring the first year of Geoffrey's return to France from Italy. Hence a more probable date for the second letter seems to be ngr-ng2 or even later, for in ngo Albinns was with King Tancred and his first signature under Celestine

(10) Ep. I92; PL I82, 358 B. (11) Gesta Alberonis 23; MGH SS 8, 25'i ( 12 ) Speaking of Arnold of Brescia, John of Salisbury (Hist. pont. 3I; p. 64) writes:

"Adhesit Petro Abaielardo partesque eius cum domino Iaciucto, qui nunc caruinalis est, aduersus abbatem Clareuallensem studiosius fouit ".

(13) W. JANSSEN, Die piipstl. Legaten 5(). (14 ) RAHEWIN, Gesta Frid. III, IJ; MGH SS 20, 42]: " Ad leniendum eius animum

nuncios mittit. . . Iacinctmn cardinalem ... presb. s. Marie in Scola Greca ". (15) N. HAIUNG, The Porretans and the Greek Fathers 193-I94 (16 ) Dialogus Ratii; ed. N. 11. HARING, in: j\JedStudies I5 (I953) 248. ( 17) Cf. Cat. gn. 4 , 2 (Paris I 855) 727: Bouhier E 96. saec. xii.

l

The Writings against Gilbert of Poitiers by Geoffrey of Auxerre 17

III does not appear until 15 June ngr (18). He stayed in Rome until 23 June ng2. After an absence of several months he signed papal documents from 3 August ng2 to I2 July ng6. Hence the second half of the year ngr would seem to be the earliest date for the second letter to Albinus. When he wrote those letters, Geoffrey was no longer at Hautecombe but at Clairvaux (lo). This is confirmed by the inscriptions of his commentary on the Canticle of Canticles (2o) written, as J. Leclercq puts it, "vers la fin de sa vie" (21 ). According to one of the inscriptions of the commentary he had become prior of Clairvaux. Hence it is more than a pure conjecture that at an unknown date Geoffrey left Hautecombe for Italy, probably Fossa Nuova, and happened to meet Cardinal Albinus. Perhaps they discussed current trends in the teaching on the Eucharist and Geoffrey pro-mised to answer by letter. H e then returned to '' Gaul '' - ''ad p art es Galli e '' -with the cardinal's blessings and wrote the promised letter.

When the cardinal's messenger, Augustine, arrived on the eve of All Saints, Geoffrey was quite surprised. He wrote his reply at once, for the messenger was waiting. On his return to Rome Augustine carried not only Geoffrey's answer but also the scriptura, Geoffrey's Libelltts de uita s. Bernardi, and the letters sent by St. Bernard to the curia in connection with Abelard's teaching (22).

II.- GEOFFREY'S WORKS AGAINST GILBERT AND THEIR MANUSCRIPT TRADITION

As gathered in this edition Geoffrey's writings against Gilbert comprise four texts:

[r] the chapter against Gilbert in the Vita sancti Bernardi prima tran-scribed from the Mabillon edition of r6go (1);

(18 ) V. PFAFF, Die Kardindle unter Papst Co,lestin III {II9I-IICJ8), in: Zeitschr. der Savigny-Stiftung f. Rechtsg., han. Abt . . p (I955) 84.

(19 ) At Hautecombe he called himself " fr. Gaufric1us de Altacumba: Minimum icl quod est". J. LECLERCQ, Les crits 277 and 278. In his two letters to Albinus he is " fr. Gaufridus de Claraualle: Minimum id quod est".

( 20) J. I,ECLERCQ, Les crits 280. ( 21) J. LECLERCQ, Les crits 280 writes: " Faut-il conclure que Geoffroy aurait com-

pos. c'e commenta ire complet pendant un dernier sjour Clairvaux? Rien ne le prouve, mals l hypothse n'est cepenJa!lt excl ue ". Consid.eriug the date an d the inscription of his two letters to Card. Albinus, Geoffrey's " deruier sjonr Clairvaux " seems to be beyond doubt. Geoffrey's name does not appear in the list of priors of Clairvaux edited by J. LECLERCQ, in: Anal. O. S. Cist. I8 (I962) I30-I3~.. \Ve may tberefore presume that Geoffrey retired to Clairvaux without having an office.

( 22) Ep. ad Alb. 14, 72. (1

) Vita s. Bernardi prima III, 5, I5; ed. J. MABILLON, S. Bernardi opera II, 6 (Paris: ~homas Moette I6go) II22 F-II2.) C: PL I85, 3I2 AD. Cf. A. H. BREDERO, Etudes sur la VV1ta Prima" de saint-Bernard, in: Anal. S. O. Cist . . 18 (ICJ.62) I

18 N. M. Haring S. A. C.

[z] the scriptura previously edited by J. Leclercq (2); [3] the Libellus contra capitt~la Gisleberti, first edited by Mabillon in r6go (3); [4] the Epistola ad Cardinalem Albinum, Albanensem episcopum, first pub-

lished in r6o7 by Cardinal C. Baronius (4).

The 5 criptura

Of these texts the scriptt~ra is probably the oldest. Unlike the other texts it is entirely impersona! and may be described either as a first draft of the Libellus or as a documentary against Gilbert without personal comment. With one or two exceptions all its attctoritates are found in the Libellus.

The scriptura offers the four capitt~la each of which is followed by a few pa-tristic excerpts allegedly opposed to the doctrine expressed in the preceding ca-pitulum. Then follows the text which Geoffrey usually describes as professio or symbolum (s). The scriptura ends with the list of those w ho w ere " present a t the council ". The word " council " in this case means the gathering that, as we have seen, took place at St. Bernard's residence the day after the closing of the two-day trial a t Reims. The use of the word " concilium '' to designate the meeting is, no doubt, legitimate but under the circumstances misleading in view of the council held at Reims.

No sooner had Geoffrey's letter to Albinus come back from the scriptorium than a confrre discovered a text Geoffrey had been looking for so long that he had given up hope of ever finding it. Since it was a rather small document it could easily be misplaced and get lost. He describes i t as " script"tra. . . quam super eisdem capitttlis ante annos pene quadraginta edideram cum ipso symbolo quod domino pape et Romane ecclesie ex parte decem archiepiscoporum et omnium episcoporum pene qui in illa adhuc die Remis inuenti sunt cum abbatibus maximis atque plurimis et magistris scolarum et subscriptis nominibus singulorum per sn-perius memoratas personas fuerat presentatum" (6).

Here one must read Geoffrey with caution. He speaks in this passage of a scriptt~ra " edited " by him almost forty years earlier. If we assume that he wrote to Albinus about ngr-ngz and if we take, "almost forty years" to mean 39 or 38 years, the edition was made about II52-II54 or before Gilbert's death. We know through the Historia pontifcalis (7) that he wrote the Libellus when he was

(2) Textes sur Saint Bernard et Gilbert de la Porre, in: 1vled5tudies 14 (1952) 102-128. Text of Scriptura on pp. 108-109. In his never-failing courtesy Dom J. LECI.ERCQ has welcomed the reprinting of this important document in the present edition. The permission to include it is hereby gratefully acknowledged.

(3) 5. Bernardi opera II, 6, 1325 A-1339 C: PL 185, 587 B-596 B. (4) Annal. ecci. 12 (Vatican 1607) 352 D-357 D: ed. AUGUS't. THEINER 19 (Bar-le-Due

1869) 23-27, Nos. 20-30. Although all later editions are derived from the edition of 1607 collations have been made to raw attention to suggestions of textual improvements.

(5) Cf. N. :NI. HARING, Das sog. Glaubensbekenntnis 55 (6) Ep. ad Alb. 13, 68. (7) Hist. pont. II; p. 26.

The Writings against Gilbert of Poitiers by Geoffrey of Auxerre 19

abbot of Igny (II57-II62). By identifying the Scriptura with the Libellus R. L. Poole caused considerable dating problems (8).

The strongest argument against the identification is the fact that the Libellus does not contain the "nomina subscripta singulorum" as stated by Geoffrey while the Scriptura answers his description step by step. But the subscriptions are no personal signatures. They are the names of ten archiepiscopal sees, thirteen episcopal sees, and eight abbeys. Except in the case of Otto of Kappenberg none of the incumbents is mentioned by his personal name. Eight magistri scolarum are listed by name; they could not be identified in any other way. The list is the record of those who attended the meeting at St. Bernard's residence. The four groups (archbishops, bishops, abbots, magistri) follow the order outlined by Geoffrey.

Geoffrey does not say that the scriptttra discovered by a confrre was present-ed to the pope. In fact, he clearly states that he himself " edited " the scriptura. He speaks only of the symbolum " quod domino pape . . . fuerat presentatum ". In other words, he speaks only of the creed (not the entire scriptura) as having been presented to the pope together with the names of those who attended the meeting at St. Bernard's residence. Hence the section of the scriptura preceding the creed is not included in this statement.

This first section contains the capitula in a form which became widely known (0) but which is by no means the only form known. Geoffrey himself offers a different version in his Libellus (10). This difference reveals that no uniform version of the capitttla was fixed or agreed upon at Reims. For that reason Geoffrey was free to change the wording as long as the substance of the charges remained unchanged. The symbolum, however, was in his eyes more official and therefore its text was no longer subject to arbitrary verbal changes.

If we study the attctoritates quoted, we find the text discovered by Geoffrey in St. Augustine's De Trinitate which he borrowed from the cathedral library of Reims (11). It was obviously not found in Godescalc's scedttla. But some auctoritates may well date back to the scedula presented to Pope Eugene by Abbot Godescalc. Y et i t is certain that the two texts from Theodoret were found neither in Godescalc's scedula nor in any collection that might have been presented to the pope by the delegation sent to submit the creed with the names of those who had been present when it was drawn up.

Theodoret was, like Sophronius, Gilbert's attctoritas. Geoffrey was not par-ticularly pleased a t the appearence of " some Greeks": " Facie ba t episcopus ... in quorundam Grecorum epistolis uerba minus intelligibilia ... lectitari " (12). On

( 8 ) Hist. pont. p. xxxviii. J. LECI.ERCQ (Text,;s ro8) accepts this view: " I)crit dont parle ici Geoffroy est son Libellus bien connu ". _-\.ccorclingly, E. M. BuvV .. R't, Tliomas of J,forigny and the Theologia scholarium of Abelard, in: Antonianum 40 (1965) So writes that Geoffrey "forwarded to Albin of Albano ... an authenticated copy of the Libellus ".

( 9 ) See N. HARING, Das sog. Glaubensbekenntnis 86 (Textfonn B). ( 10) Ibidem 87 (Textfonn C). (11) Ep. ad Alb. 5, 23: De Trin. V. ro, II; PL 42,

20 N. M. Haring S. A. C.

the other hand he must have been overjoyed when he later studied one of the Greeks and fom~d two statements which, to his mind, contradicted Gilbert's doctrine.

Less suspicious are the quotations from " ", for Vigilius of Thapsus was generally known and dted under that name (13). Geoffre(s remark t~at Athanasius was quoted against Gilbert (" cui euidens oppos1ta est auctontas Athanasii ... ") (u) lends weight to the assumption that the text was found in Godescalc's scedula. In writing to Albinus Geoffrey seems to have quoted the passage from memory.

The scriptt

22 ~.M. S. A. C.

Philippe Labbe (r6o7-r667), and Jean Harclouin of Quimper (r646-r729), from r683 librarian of the college library (25), contributed immensely to its fame as a centre of learning.

To see how a copy of Libellt~s. attributed to William of Saint-Thierry, carne into the Clermortt College Library we must return to Clairvaux where in r6go no copy of the Libelltts was available except the tran-script from a Longpont manuscript.

Writing to Cardinal Albinus Geoffrey notes at the end of the letter: "At Clairvaux I have found the Libellus by an abbot of the Black Mouk-; in which the errors of that same Peter Abelard) are censured. But for many years, as I have been assured by onr book-wardens (custodes librontm), the first quire (qua-ternio) has not been found determined efforts to locate it. Hence I have in mind to sent to Francia for it, to the monastery whose abbot wrote the book. If I can recover the part, I shall have the entire manuscript copied and then shall send it on to you " ("6).

This means that at Clairvaux a work against Abelarcl written by a Beneclictine abbot was preserved from which the first quire or eight folios had disappeared. This work, called Dispu,tatio catholicorum Patrmn ("7), was edited for the first time in r662 by the Cistercian Bertrancl Tissier (r6ro-r67o), Prior of Bonnefontaine m the cliocese of Reims (28).

Tissier considered the author to be an " abbas anonymus ", not vVilliam of Saint-Thierry, and points out that the part of the Disputatio was missing in his manuscript: " Primus quaternio deest exemplari quod unicum reperitur. Et illud fuit olim Bibliothece Clareuallis. Atque in eius initio hec uerba olim scripta su n t: De est ttmts q~taternus. Qui habuerit obedientz:am librorum reqHirat " (""). \Ve shall see that the reading of the second sentence was: " Qui tennerit obedienciam scriptorum, illurn requirat ". In other words, the man in charge of the scripta was to look for the missing folios.

Tissier knew that his copy was from Clairvaux and that it was the only copy available (exemplar unicum) (3 o). He also tells us that when he himself transcrib-ed the text the manuscript was in the hands of the late Andr Duchesne (r584-r64o) and that it had disappeared (sublattts) since.

It seems that the first scholar to draw attention to the Disputatio ancl the Libellus preserved at the Szchnyi Library in Budapest was Gennain Lottin (31).

(25) Cf. H. , ]. D. "VI ansi et lcs grandes collections conciliaires (Paris rgoo) 29 ff. (26 ) ad ,Jlb. 14, 73-H (27 ) PL r8o, 283-328. (2S) Bibl. Patrunl. Cist. II, 4 (Bono-Fonte: A. Renesson 1662) 238-26r. C. Oumx,

Suppl. de 439 attrilmtes to Geoffrey "libn1m Contra Petrmn Abelardum q uem uhli )lS. et editioni paratum in mani bus Bertrandi Tissier ". See also Com m. de script eccl. 2, r497 and J. A. PABRICIUS, Bt:l. lat. mediae et inf. aetatis 3 (Hamburg 1735) 2I.

(29) PI4 r8o, Cf. A. VERNET, U;~ abb de Clavaux bibliophile Pie1-re de (1471-1496), in: 6 84: "Il n'a pas t retrouv depuis ".

(30) E. M. BUYTART 79) takes unicum to mean " uniqne ". Ths is a possible but very unlikely interpretation.

(31) G. l\IORIN, Lettres indites des Papes Alexandre Il et Saint Grgoire VII, in: Revue Bn. 48 128, n. r.

The Writings against Gilbert of Poitiers by Geoffrey of Auxerre

In 1940 the catalogne was publishe;l ia which Dr. Ernma Bartoniek describes the manuscript in considerable detail (32). In Stegmiiller's Repertoriwm (33) it is listed as No. 634. Seveu years after cornparing Bartoniek's description with the information provi d ed by Tissier and Geoffrey, :\1.-B. Carra de Vaux Saint-Cyr (34) published his conclusi an: " le rnannscript disparu de Clairvaux ". Although as a rule historians state their case a little more carefully, it is true that the copy of the Disputatio and the Libelhts preserved at Clairvaux is identical with the copy now preserved at the Kational Mnseum (Szchnyi r6) in Budapest and that it was once bonnd together with MS Troyes 1926, formerly Clairvaux G. 33.

On fol. 71 of the Budapest w e read: "Ce liure m'a est ennoy en don par Mr. Camuzat Chanoine du r6og, au treys (?) de Januier". This enlry must bave been made by Andr Duchesne (r584-1640) in whose hands the codex was when Tissier (r6ro-r67o) transcribed it. The transcript was made some time hefore 1640 or hefore Tissier was thirty years old.

N:cholas Camuzat (3fi), Canon of Troyes (1575-r665), who published his famous Prompt2~arwm sacrarum antiquitatum Tricassnae diocesis (36) in r6ro, was an out-standing historian ancl in dose contact with Duchesne. Commenting on a letter written by Peter the Venerable, Dnchesne quotes a text " e chartulario Trecensis ecclesie depromptum et beneficio niri. docti Nicolai Camuzati nobis exhibitum " (37). Another example of their dose cooperation is found in Duchesne's Hist. Frane. Scriptores where he states that his edition of the historical letters of Traimundus, monk of Clairvaux, comes " ex duobus codd. ms. quorum unus communicatus est a pio et docto uiro Nicolao Camusa t, ecclesie Trecensis canonico'' (38).

Canon Camuzat must bave been the friend who donated the copy received by Duchesne in January r6og. That year Duchesne, who was 25 years old, presented France with two of his historical masterpieces (39).

( 32) Emma BARTO::i'IEK, Codi c es latini mcdii aevi, in: Catologi Bibl. Nlusaei N ationalis HungMci rz (Budapest 1940) 17, Ko. r6. Bartoniek rightly suspeeted the Freneh origin of the manuscript.

(33) F. STEGMULLER, comm. in sent. Petri Lombardi (Wurzlmrg 1947) 305. ( 31 ) (Artiele Disputatio catltolicorum patrum adversus dogmata Petri -:lbaelard, in:

Renue d es se. phil. et t!zol. 47 (r963) 205-220. In note 23 (p. 2q) he speaks of Citeaux instead of Clairvaux. According to E. :\L BuvTAH.T (Thomas of 1Vlorgny 75), C:arra de Vaux's elaim "leaves one uneasy ". A t the sa me time h e admits t ha t the evidence is " "

(85) See Cat. gn. 4, 2 (Paris rS55) 953: MS Troyes 232r. Gall. chr. 12 (l'aris 1770) 334 D; 472 C; 483 D; 486E. Bographie universelle 6 (Paris 1812) 663. MICHAUD, unv. 6, 523.

(36) Published at Troyes. ( 37 ) PL r8g, 67 A. Wheu Pierre de Goussainville prepared his edition of the works

of Peter of Blois which appeared in 1667, just two years after Canon Camuzat's death, he discovered at Clennont College a mauuscript of Peter's works which had bee11 in Ca-muzat's possession. MS Berlin. Dcutsche Staatsb. 189: Phillipps 1720 contains a note: "Ex bibliotheca ~icolai Camuzaei ( = Camuzati) Trecensis ecclesie canonici ". See also PL 207, col. xxii D: "Incidit preterea in manus nostras codex lll.S. Nicolai Camusa.tii, quondam eeclesie Trecensis canonici, qui nunc asservatur in Bibliotheca Collegii Claro-rnontani Soc. Jesu Parisiensi ".

(38 ) A. DucnESNI

X :VI. Hiiring S. A. C.

God only knows how Canon Camuzat came into possession of the codex (40), but Tissier was still in a position to notice that it once belonged to Clairvaux. Presumably the owner's name had not yet been erased.

At Clairvaux the volume or fragment now at Budapest was part of volume G. 33 (MS Troyes 1926) at the time when Abbot Pierre de Virey compiled the catalogne of the library (May 1472). Concerning MS Troyes 1926 A. Vernet (41) has the following note: "Dans le volume cot G 33 (Troyes 1926) des Excerpta patrum sans valeur ont t snbstitus aux articles 4 et 5 du catalogne:

26 N. :VI. Haring S. A. C.

on 5 July 1763, the French Parliameut issued an arrt for Clermont College (52) which was executed by Mesnil (r717-I769): " Paraph au dsir de l'arrest du 5 Jnillet 1763 Mesnil" (fol. r) (53), an inscription found in all the mannscripts of Clermont College, including our manuscript. Its pressmark was 525 and not 27 as stated in the Histoire littraire.

On 6 December 1763 the Dutch book collector Gerard Meerman agreed to pay " 15000 lvres" for the 856 manuscripts of college (54). While en route to Holland, the shipment was stopped at Rouen with a strong suggestion that some manuscripts should be re-routed as donations to the King's Library. As a result 42 manuscripts were transferred to the " Bibliothque du roi " (55). Meer-man was given the Order of Saint-Michael, and the permission to proceed with the shipment was issued in Paris on 24 Aprii 1764. The list of the manuscripts returned is still in existence. It shmvs that the lowest pressmark was 214 (56).

Gerard Meermann di ed in 1771. After his son' s death the Meerman library (noo manuscripts) was put up to anction at The Hague (57 ) on 8 June 1824. In the transition our Claromontanus 525 became Meerman 516 described iu the Meer-man catalogne (p. 87) as: "Abbatis (Guillelmi S. Theodorici) libri III contra Petrum Abaelardum quorum primns quaternus desideratur; einsdem Tractatus contra Gil-bertum Porretanum de relationibus diuinis. In membr. saec. xiv. Fol. 70,p." The short description given by V. Rose(58) reads: "Anon. c. Petr. Abael. etc. xiv. 70".

The Meerman catalogne of r824 does not contain 99 of the 349 Latin manu-scripts listed in the catalogne of Clermont College Library (Nos. 392-740) compiled by Dom Franois Clment OSB (59) in I754 Before Sir Thomas Philli.pps (1792-r872) bought the Meerman collection, another 6o copies had been disposed of, including our fragment. Sirmond's transcript landed in England (60) ancl s now in the Deutsche Staatsbiblothek in Berlin (61).

(52) H. 0:-.mNT, Documents sur la vente rles manuscrils du de Clcrmont Paris (If64). in: Bull. dc la soc. de l'hist. de Paris r8 (r891) 7-15. Cf. L. DELISLE, Le Cabine/ des manuscrits 1 (Paris J 868) 434-436.

According to the Biogr. univ. 28 (Paris 426-427 Jean Baptiste .i\lesnil was an " avocat clbre ". See also MICHAt:;D, Biogr. uni v. z8, wo. Mistaking the number 5 (in the date) for the letter G., E. M. BUYTAR'r (Thomas oj ,'\forigny suggests the reading '' Gouverneur ''.

(54) H. O>m~r. Donmrents 10. ( 55) Actually only 37 were sent to Paris. ("6) H. OMONT, Documenls 13-14. ( 57 ) Cf. GERARD MEEIUIAN (1722-1771), Bibliotheca Mrmamriana siue ca,falogns li-

brorum i mpressorum et codicum manuscriptorum. . . q'uorum publica fiet eme ti o di e v ii i sqq. hmii anni 1\dDCCCXXIV.

(58) V. RosE, Verzeiclmss, p. ix, (" 9) Catal. manuscr. codicum Co !l. Claromontani (Paris I 7 54). ( 60) G. HAENEL, Catalogi lbr. manuscrijJtorum (I,eipzig r83o) 85o: :\Ieennan 467 be-

eame :Middlehill (Phillipps, Cheltenham) 1690, dated saec. xvii. A. Y\'u.~rART, La svie r62 considered i t " une copie qui est de la main de Sirmond ". The Disputatia and the Lrbcllus are described in Haenel as: " Guglielmi, ab b. S. Theodorid aduersus Petrum .c\ baelardum lib. III; idem adnersus errores Gilberti Porretani ". Haenel compiled his list in r827. The spelling " Guglielmi " points to Ubri. See also H. SCHE::-iKL, Bibl. patr. lat. Britannica, in: TVicn, phil.-hist. Kl. rz6, 6 and 127, 8 r-8o and I75

(61) V. RosE, Verzeiclzniss 469: Phillipps 1690. The volume contains transc:ripts of eight different tracts made by Sirmond and four other transcribers.

The \Vritings against Gilbert of Poitiers by Geoffrey of Auxerre 27

Our fragment had disappeared again. It must have been purchased before 1g24 by the Hungarian bibliophile and archeologist Miklos Jankovich (1773-1846) whose name is written on the inside of the front cover.

The Library of Nicholas J ankovich (62) contained about 63000 volumes bought bv the National Museum Library of Budapest in 1830. Part of the library was t;ansferred to the National Musenm in 1830, the rest in 1852. To Jankovicb the Budapest Library owes six manuscripts from Clermont College, all duly initialled by the " " Mesnil (63). At least three of these Clermont manuscripts (696.525.519) were part of the :Meerman collection (633.5I6.572), now :MSS Budapest, Nat. Mus. Szchnyi 2 (Boethius), r6 (Disputatio and Libelhts), and 107 (Clement V) (64).

The script of the Budapest manuscript shows that the Disputatio (fols. 1-48v) was written a lttle earlier than the Libellus (49-70) and by a different scribe (6"). At first they were separate units, of course. At an unknown date they were bound together and adcled to the 159 (158) folios (66) of what is now MS Troyes 1926, formerly Clairvaux G 33

The separation of the 70 folios comprising both the Disputatio and the Li-bellus took place between 1472 and r6o9, presumably during the lifetime of Canon Nicholas Camuzat (I575-1655), in other words not long before 1609.

No inscription is found in the manuscript. On fol. 70v it is still possible to spot an erasure which is not thorough enough to rnake all letters of the erased words illegible. Partly erased w ere the words: " Li ber sancte :Nlarie Cla-reuallis ".

On the same folio there is an entry, elevenlines in in thirteenth-century cursi ve: "Frigescente caritatis in terris igniculo, fons totius.. . bene dicitur Roma(uns) quasi rodens per mam1s per quam mundus roditur ". In the lower section of the folio a fourteenth-century hand has written the following index: " In hoc uolumine continentur epistole Hildeberti cenomanensis episcopi et En-chiridion s. Augustini episcopi (67). Disputaci o Petri Abalardi contra uiros catho-licos Galliarum. Sed deest quaternus nnus ". Theu in a fourteenth- (or early

(62) Concerning :::\. J ankovich of J eszencze see Benedek .Marcell, M agyar Jrodalmi Lex:ihon (Budapest 1963} under Jankovich Miklos (no pagination). Vnyi Ferenc, J1agyar Irodalmi Lex:ikon (Budapest 1926) 395.

(63) MS Budapest 2 (Boethius, s. xi); MS 5 (Augnstine, s. xi), :Y1S 16 (Geoffrey, s. xii); MS 73 (Clement IV, s. xiii-xiv); MS r66 (Pius II, s. xv). Cf. MoRIN, Lettres indites II8.

( 64 ) See E. BARTONIEK, Codices, pp. 8, 17, and roo. (65 ) E. BARTOKIEK, Codices 17: "ff. 1-4Sv prima manu.s ff. 49-70 secunda manus".

The frst hand seems to date back to II50II8o. The note concerning the missing quaternio is contemporary but slightly later. The second hand is closer to ugo-r2ro. On the inside of the front cover, in the upper left corner, there is the older Budapest ( ?) pressmark " 1053 Quart. lat. " with the addition " Cod. sec. xii ", ali don e in the I 9th century.

(66) Actually the numbering is inaccurate and should be I 58 because folio number 72 was counted as 73 At the end of the codex an entry reads: "Les pages de ganle et la reliure ont t entirement remplaces au xix sicle et ne portent aucune inscri-ption ".

(67 ) See the description of MS Troyes 1926 in (A. HARMAND), Cat. 4, 2 (Paris I855) 791:

28 N . .M. Hiiring S. A. C.

fifteenth-) century hand: "Et tractatus contra Gillebertum poretanum de rela-cionibus diuinis ''. This entry is followed by three pressmarks of which the first two are stroked through: (G. 44 G. 44) G. 33. The index nmst have been made before the addition, described by A. Vernet as excerpta Patntm, was made. The pressmarks, it seems, were written in the early fifteenth century. They were entered by the same librarian who wrote the pressmarks G. 74 and G. 75 in the two manuscripts containing Gilbert's commentary on Boethius (68).

Much less remains to be said of the second manuscript used in the pre-sent edition. It belongs to the Arundel Collection of the British Museum (69) in London and consists of two distinct parts (7). The first part (fols. r-93v) dates back to the tenth(?) century and contains the canons of seven early councils (71). The second part, written in Norman script, dates back to the end of the twelfth century (n8o-12oo) and contains what is described in the catalogne (' 2) as: " (Tractatulus) contra epistolas Gisleberti episcopi Pictauensis f. 94: Quatuor quedam ". It ends on line 39 of fol. 99 The rest of the folio (lines 40-44) is blank.

On fol. 99v there is a text written at the same time (n8o-12oo) but by a different scribe. The first line has been cut away by a binder. For that reason the incipit is missing. The text ends on line 36 with the words: " ... ita est alter alterius essentia i. e. idem esse est alteri quod alteri ". The text deals with the Son as Wisdom of the Father.

The erroneous title (Tractatulus) given to our treatise in the catalogne is due to the fact that the top lines of all the folios of our treatise have been cut away either partly or completely. However, the title fared relatively well, since only the upper halv-es of the first three words have been affected. There is stili enough evidence to allow the conclusion that the title reads: "Libellus contra epistolas

I 0 Hildeberti, Cenomanensis episcopi, epistole (99); 2 S. Augustini Enchiridion de fide, spe et caritate; 3 (S. Hieronymi epistole inter quas Apologeticus ad Pammachium); 4 (Incerti excerpta e ss. Patrilms, doctoribus et profanis quibusdam scriptoribus).

Judging by the index of the Budapest manuscript the originai recueil included Hildebert's (99) poems, the Enchiridwn, the Disputatio, and the Libellus. Items 3o and 4o were included before .i.VIay 14 7 2 or rather before the consecutive folio num bers w ere ente re d.

( 68) Cf. A. \VILMABT, L'ancienne bibliothque de Clairvaux, in: Coll. O. Cist. Ref. li (1949) 304, Nos. 38-39. Wilmart's reading G. 14 shmd be G. 74 It belonged to Collge Saint-Bernard in Paris (founded in I 240) before i t was transferred to Clairvaux. Today it is MS Paris, B. ~- I,at. I8094. The second manuscript is MS Troyes I841. Cf. L. DELISLE, Le Cabinet dcs matmscrits 2 (Paris 1874) 355

( 69 ) MS London, Br. Mus. Arundel 393. ( 70) Brit. lvlus. Dcpt. of Nianuscripts: Cat. of Manuscripts in the Brit. JJuseum, New

Series: J. PoRSHALL, The Arundel and Bttrney l\1anuscripts I, I (London 183~.) II5-II6: "Cod membran., in 4, ff. 99 s. fortasse x, inde a fol. 94 sec. xii". The date of the first section seems closer to the middle of the eleventh century.

(7 1 ) Ancyra (314), Neocaesarea (3I4), Gangra (324), Antioch (340). Laodicea (372), Sardica (343), and Africa (409).

( 72 ) This work should be added to C. H. TALBOT, A list of Cistercian lVIanuscripts in Great Britain, in: Traditio 8 (1952) 402-4I8.

The Writings against Gilbert of Poitiers by Geoffrey of Auxerre 29

Gisleberti episcopi pictauensis ". If we replace epistolas by capitztla the originai title is fully restored.

The provenance of the manuscript is unknown ('3). Its readings are closer to those of the Longpont manuscript (74) published by J. Mabillon.

In the present edition the readings of the Budapest manuscript have, as a rule, been given preference. There is no doubt that Geoffrey made certain alter-ations. But no clear decision could be reached concerning the question whether the Longpont-Arundel ('5) version constitutes a recension of the Clairvaux text or vice versa and whether the textual discrepancies are all due to Geoffreys' re-vision or not.

Geoffrey wrote the Libellus at Igny. When he replied to Cardinal Albinus, the Libellus preserved at Clairvaux - provided it was already at Clairvaux at the time - was not yet united to the Dispzttatio. It will be remembered that Geoffrey does not refer to the Libellus in his reply. Hence we do not know whether a copy of the Libellus was available at the time he replied to the Cardinal of Albano. We have seen that " vers la fin de sa vie " Geoffrey lived at Clairvaux. He must have seen to it that a copy of his Libellus was added to its library.

The present edition of the Libellus is based on the text published by Mabillon and the two additional manuscripts just discussed. The following sigla have been adopted:

A Ms London, Brit. M11s. Arundd 393, fols. 94-99 B Ms Budapest, Nat. Mus. Szchnyi r6, fols. 49-70. M Mabillon (MS Longpont): 5. Bernardi opera II, 6 (Paris r69o) 1325A-

1338F: PL r85, 595-618 (a very faithful reprint).

The Letter to Cardinal Albinus, bishop of Albano, was first published by Cardinal C. Baronius ('6 ). The edition is silent about the manuscript used. It was not flawless but, judging by the edition, above average in accuracy. Since then no other copy has come to light. Alllater editions, including the present one, are more or less faithful reprints of the text published by C. Baronius.

( 73) Most of the manuscripts collected by THOMAS HOWARD, Earl of Arundel (1585-1646), were presented to the Royal Society in 1678 and purchased from the same Society by the Brit. Mus. in 183I (pressmarks 1-550).

( 74) On 17 March 1148 Baldwin, abbot of Longpont (1145-1149), obtained a bull from Pope Eugene III in Reims. This probably implies that AblJOt Baldwin attended the conncil of Reims (2o March I I 48) and Gilbert's trial, tlwugh his presence is not recorded. Cf. Gall. chr. 9 (Paris 1751) 474 One of his successors presumably arranged the copying of Geoffrey's Libellus.

( 75 ) The Longpont transcript for Clairvaux was macle before 1690, probably not long before that date. The Earl of Arundel died in 1646. Considering these dates, it seems reasonable to assume that we are faced with two manuscripts.

( 76 ) Annales eccl. 12 (Vatican I6o7) 352 D-357 CD.

Gaufridus Autissiodorensis

l.

SANCTI BERNARDI VITA PRIMA

LIBER III, S,IS

AUCTORE GAUFRIDO

Fuit (1) item GILLEBERTUS quem cognominauere Porretanum Pictauorum episco-pus in sacris ltteris plurimum exercitatus sed sublimiora se etiam ipse scrutatus ad insipientam sibi.

Siquidem de sancte Trinitatis unitate et diuinitatis simplicitate non simpliciter sentiens nec fideliter scribens discipulis suis panes proponebat absconditos furtiuas propinabat aquas (2) nec facile quid immo quantum desiperet personis authen-ticis fatebatur.

Timebat enim quod apud Senonas (8) Petrum ei dixisse ferunt

Tunc tua res agitur pares cum proximt4s ardet (4). Nouissime tamen cum iam fidelium hoc iuualesceret scandalum cresceret murmur uocatus ad medium est et librum iussus in quo blasphemias emouerat graues quidem sed uerborum quodam inuolucro circumseptas.

Igitur in concilio (5) quod in urbe Remorum Papa uenerabilis EuGENIUS celebrauit egit comminus aduersus hunc GILLEBERTUM ecclesie sancte suo tempore singularis athleta BERNARDUS: primo quidem totum quod ille uerborum cauillationibus occultare nitebatur eliciens: deinde uero tam suis ratiociniis quam sanctorum testimoniis bi-duana disputatione redarguens.

Considerans sane non nullos ex his qui presidebant iam quidem animaduertentes blasphemiam in doctrina adhuc tamen auertentes iniuriam a persona accensus est zelo et domesticam sibi ecdesiam seorsum conuocat Gallicanam {6).

Communi denique consilio a patribus decem prouinciarum aliis autem episcopis et abbatibus plurimis dictante uiro dei nouis dogmatibus opponitur symbolum nouum cui etiam subscribuntur nomina sngulorum (') ut eorum uidelicet omnium scut ir-reprehensibilis fdes sic irreprehensibilis zelns ceteris innotescat.

Ita demum apostolico iudicio et auctoritate uniuersalis ecclesie errar ille damp-natur. Episcopus GILLEBERTUS an eidem dampnationi consentat interrogatur. Consen-tiens et publice refutans que prius scripserat et affirmauerat indulgentiam ipse conse-

( 1) J. MABILLON, S. Bernard opera II, 6 (Paris r6go) 1122 F-II23 C. ( 2 ) Lbellus I, 2: ":Xec paucos eorum furtiuis inebriarat aquis ... ". ( 3 ) Conceruing the synod of Sens (r qo) see St. Bemard, Epp. 187-194 L. GRII,L, Die

neunzehn Captula Bernhards von Clairva"tx gcgen Abiilard, in: Hist. ]ahrb. 8o (r')6I) 230-239. (4) HoRACE, Ep. I, rS, 83. Cf. ST. BER!'ARD, 342; PL 182, S47 A. ( 5) Gilbert was tried after the oilciai closing of the council. The trial took piace

in the archbishop's residence and not in the cathedrai where the conciliar discussion had taken piace. Cf. E p. ad Alb. 4, rS: " Ingredientibus uero nobis consistorium' ... ".

(6) Cf. Ep. ad Alb. 7, 35 (7) Cf. Ep. ad Alb. 7, 38: " sunt nomina singulormn ... " (13,68): "sub-

scriptis nominibus singulorutn ".

Scriptura 1-7

quitur maxime quod ab initio cautus fuisset ea lege eandem ingredi disceptationem ut promitteret sine ulla sese obstnatone pro ecclesie sancte arbitrio correcturum libere suam opinonem (8).

2. [GAUFRIDI SCRIPTURAJ

ERROR(ES) GIU.EBERTI PICTAUENSIS EPISCOPI [Pars prima J

Cap. I

I Quod (1) duna natura que diuinitas dicitur deus non sit sed forma qua deus est sicut humanitas homo non est sed forma qua homo est.

Contra 2 AuGUSTINus:

Omnis natura aut deus est aut a deo (2). 3 In libro De Trinitate:

Deus non ea magntudine magnus est que non est quod pse. Alioquin illa ert maior magnitudo quam deus (3).

Cap. II

4 Quod cum Pater et Filius et Spiritus sanctus unum esse dicuntur non nis una diuintate esse intellgantur: nec conuert posst ut unus deus uel una substanta uei unum aliquid Pater et Filius et Spiritns esse dicatur (4).

Contra 5 THEODERICUS Grecus (5):

Ibi enim unitas nere est Trinitas: et Trinitas nere est unitas (6). 6 AuGUSTINUS De Fide ad Petrum:

Quia in illo uno nero deo Trinitate non solum quod unus deus est sed etiam quod Trintas est, natnraliter uerum est, propterea ipse deus [f. 72v] uerus in persons Trinitas in una natura unus est (7). 7 ATHANASIUS Contra Arn'um et Sabellium:

Illuc mihi necessario uideo festinandum ut tres unum esse et unum tres esse ets non ratione qua homo sum tamen auctoritate perdoceam (8).

( 8) Cf. ad Atb. 8,42-43. Libellus I, 12-13. (1 ) Concerning this version of the capitula see N. M. H.:i.RING, Das sog. Glaubensbekenntns

86-87 (Tex:tform B). Instead of sicut humanitas o ne tradition reads quemadnwdum humanitas. ( 2) Cf. Libellus II, 35 (3) De Trinitate V. IO, II; PL 42, 918. Libellus II, rg: "Deus non ... ut quasi par-

ticeps eius st deus cun1 magnus est: alioquin ... quam deus ". Ep. ad Alb. s. 23. (4) Instead of Spiritus esse read Spiritus sanctus esse. ( 5) MS. (6 ) Conc. univ. Chalcedonense: Collectio Sangermanensi.s rs; ed. E. SCH\VARTZ, Acta

Conc. Oec. II, s. 153 (24): "Ibi enim uere est unitas Trnitas et Trinitas uere est unitas ". Libellus III, 50.

(') (S)

De Fide ad Petrum I, 4; PL 6s, 673 D. Libellus III, 37 Contra Arian. II, 42; PL 62, 225 A. Libellus III, 45

Gaufridus A utissiodorensis

8 THEODERICUS: Existentis scientia est deus: deus est Trinitas (9).

9 AUGUSTINUS De Trinitate: Consequenter intelligitur non tantum de Patre dixisse Apostolum Qui solus

habet immortalitatem sed de uno solo deo qui est Trinitas (10). IO IDE:M:

Supernarum uirtutum carmina unum tres esse et tres unum esse demonstrant (11). II IDEM;

Nec Sabellium incurrmus tres unum deum fatendo nec tue perfidie laques irretmur dum bune deum Trinitatem esse ingenue confitemur (12).

Cap. III

12 Quod tres persone tribus unitatibus sint tria et distincte tribus proprietatibus que non sunt persone sed tres (res) eterne et ab inuicem et a diuina substantia numero di:fferentes (13).

Contra

13 AUGUSTINUS De Essentia diuinitatis: Deus simplex est natura et inmutabilis et inperturbata. Nec aliud est pse et

aliud quod habet (14). 14 IDEM habes in IERONIMO, De Essentia Dei. IDEM in YSIDORO (15). IS BoETHIUS (16 ) De Trinitate:

Hoc uere est unum in quo nullus est numerus quia nullum in eo aliud preter id quod est (17). r6 IERONili1US Ad Damasum Papam:

Non enim nomina tantum modo sed etiam nominum proprietates i. e. personas uel ut Greci exprimunt ypostases hoc est subsistentias confitemur (1 8).

( 9 ) Co1~c. univ. Chalcedonqnse; ed. SCHWARTZ, Acta Cane. Oec. Il, 5, 150 (rs): PG 83, r 167 A. Libellus III, 49.

(10) De Trin. I, 6, ro; PL 42, 826. Lbellus III, 24: " Consequenter ... solo deo quod est ipsa Trinitas ".

(11) VIGTLI'C'S, Co11tra Arian. II, 42; PL 62, 225 C. Libellus III, 46. Ep. ad Alb. o, z8. The introcluction (Idem) may indicate that the two excerpts (8-9) are later insertions or that a text attributed to " Athanasius" was omitted by a scribe.

( 12) VIGILJUS, Contra Arar~. II, 46; PL 62, 227 D. Libellus III, 48. (13) Instead of tr:s etente read tres us eterne. Cf. X. :\I. HXRJNG, Das sog. Gla-ubens-

bekenntnis 87. (14) PSE'C'DO-AUGUSTIN"E, De essentia diuinitatis r; PL 4..:, Izoo: "Simplex enim natura

est, immutabilis atque imperturbata neque aliud est ipse et aliud quod ha be t ". Libellus IV, 41.

(16) Libellus IV, 43 and 42. (16) Beda MS. The scribe left some space after Beda which seems to indicate that

he was uncertain. (17 ) BoETHIUS, De Trinitate z; ed. Stewart-Rand IO. Libellus IV, I4. (18) PRLAGIUS, Libellus fidei 6; Pl, 48, 489 C. Libellus IV, 46.

17

Scriptura 8-25

Cap. nn

Quod diuina natura non sit incarnata (19). Contra

1g L:eo Papa:

33

Assumpta est a maiestate humilitas, a uirtute infirmitas, ab eternitate mortali-t Et natura inuiolabilis nature est unita passibili (20). as. 19 lDSM:

Carnem sibi inuiolabilis Verbi deitas coaptauit (21). 20 GREGORIUS:

Venit ad nos calciata diuinitas (22).

* * *

21 Credimus simplicem naturam diuinitatis esse deum nec aliquo sensu catholico posse negari qui1_1 di~initas sit deus et ~eus dininitas. Si~ubi uero dici.t~r .deum sapientia sapientem magmtudme magnum etermtate eternum umtate unum dmmttate deum esse et alia huiusmodi, credimus

non n i si e a sapientia que est ipse deus sapientem esse non nisi e a magnitudine que est ipse deus magnum esse non nisi e a eternitate que est ipse deus eternum esse non nisi ea unitate um1m que est ipse non nisi ea diuinitate deum que est ipse

id est se ipso sapientem magnum eternum unum Deum. 22 Cum de tribus personis loquimur Patre Filio Spiritu sancto, ipsas unum deum unam diuinam substantiam esse fatemur. Et e connerso cum de uno deo una diuina substantia loquimur, ipsum unum deum unam diuinam substantiam esse tres personas profitemur. 23 Credimus solum deum Patrem et Filinm et Spiritum sanctum eternttm esse nec aliquas omnino res siue relationes siue proprietates siue singularitates uel uni-tates dicantur et hninsmodi alia - adesse deo qne sint ab eterno et non sint deus. 24 dicas

25

Credimus ipsam diuinitatem - siue substantiam diuinam siue natnram dininam incarnatam esse: sed in Filio (:13).

Nomina archiepiscoporum qui interfuerunt concilio Remensis (2~) Bituricensis (25) Burdegalensis (26) Turonensis (27 )

(19 ) A longer version of this capituium is foun in Textform C. See N . .:'.I. HXRING, Das sog. Glaubensbekenntnis 8 .

(20) Senno 21,2; PL 54, I92 A. Libellus V, Ig. ( 21) Sermo 25, 2; PL 54, 209 A. Not found in his Libellus. ( 22 ) Hom. in Euang. VII, 3; PI4 76, rroi D. Liballus V, 13. ad Alb. 7,32. ( 23) Cf. N. \I. HARING, Das sog. Glaubensbekenntnis 89-90. ( 21) Reitus: Samson de Mauvoisn (I 140-11 P. B. GAl'YlS, Series Episcoporum (Leipzig

1873) 6oS. J. MABILI,ON. Anna!es OSB 79, 4; ed. I4ucca 6 (1745) 400. Gallia Christiana 9 (Paris I75I) 84.

( 2~) Bourges: Peter of I,a Cl!atre (II42-II7I Gams 523. :Mabillon 400. Gall. chr. 2 (I873) 50.

( 26 ) Bordeaux: Geoffrey III of Loroux (u36-II58). Gams 520. Mabillon 4oo. Gal!. chr. 2, 8, Ep. ad Alb. 3, r6.

( 27 ) Tours: Engelbald of Preuilly (I 147-II 56). Garns 640 . .Mabillon 400. Gall. chr. 14 (Paris 1856) 87: Hugo de Stampis.

3

34

Treuerensis (28)

z6 Suessionensis (34) Ambianensis (38) Valentinns (42) Xantonensis (46)

27 Cluniacensis ('7)

Gaufridus Autissiodorensis

Cesariensis (29) Rotomagensis (32)

Eboracensis (30) Viennensis (33 )

Episcoporum Cathalannensis (3) Tornacensis (39) Cenomannensis (43)

Parisiensis (36 ) Morinensis (40) Alecensis (44)

Abbatwm Cisterci ensis ( 48)

Cantuariensis (31)

Autisiodorensis (37) Noruincensis (41) Engolismensis (411)

Clareuallis (49)

(25) Trler: Albero of Montreux (r 131-1 (Paris 1814) 421.

Gams 318. Mabil!on 401. Gall. chr. 13

(29) Caesarea (Palestine): Baldwin II (r 142-II55 ?) Gams 452. Mabillon 401. (ao) York: Henry Mnrdac, O. Cist. (rr47-1153). Gams 201. Mabillon 401. Dict. of

Nat. Biography 13 (London 1218-1220. (31) Canterbury: Theobald of Bee, OSB (1 I6I). Gams 183. l\Iabillon 401. D iDI.

of Nat. l3iog. 19 (London 1909) (32) Ronen: Hugh of Bovis or of Amiens, OSB (r 13o-II64). Gams 6LJ.. Mabllon

4or. Cali. chr. 12 (Paris 43 Gesta Frid. I, 54; p. 76. (33) Vienne: Hugh, O. Carthus. (r Gams 655. Mabillon 401. Gal!. chr. r6

(Paris r865) 82. The archbshops of Bordeaux, York, and Canterbury are also meutioned by ]OH~ oF SALISB'CRY, Hist. pont. 8; p. r8.

(34) Soissons: Jocelin de (rr26-r Gams 633. Mabillon 401. Gal!. chr. 9 (Paris 1751) 357 Ep. ad Alb. 3, 16. Gesta Frid. I, 54 ;p. 76.

(35) Chalons-sur-Marne: Bartholomew of Senlis (n47-Il5I). Gams 534 Mabillon 401. Gall. chr. 9, 881.

(36) Paris: Theobald OSB (1144-1158). Gams 596. Mabillon 401. Gal!. chr. (Paris 1744) 65.

7

(37) Auxerre: Hugh of Mcon, O. Cist. {II37-II5I). Gams 502. Mabillon 401. Gal/. chr. 12, 291. Ep. ad Alb. 8, 39

(3B) Amiens: Thierry OSB (rr44-n64). Gams 487. Mabillon 401. Gal!. chr. ro (Paris 1751) II75

(39) Tournal: A.nselm OSB (rq6-!I49). Gams 251. l\Iabillon 401. Gall. chr. 3 (Paris 1876) 212.

(40) l\Iorinie (Throuanne): Milo, Praemonstr. {II3I-II59 died u69). Gams 521. Mabillon 401. Gall. chr. ro (Paris 1751) 1546-1548. Gesta abbaturn S. Be-rhni; MGH SS 13, 66r-666. Ep. ad Alb. 3, r6 uu 8, 39

(41) Norwich: William Turbe (r 1909) 358-360.

175). Gams 195. Dict. of i'lat. Biog. 21 (London

(42) Valence: Beruard OSB (n46-ri54). Gams 648. Gal!. ckr. r6 (Paris r865) 306. ( 43) Le Mans: Guillaume de Passavant (II43-r187). Gams 562. Gal!. chr. q, 383. (44) Alet (Saint-Malo): John of Chatillon, O. Cist. (n44-II63). Gams 618. Mabillon

40I. Gall. chr. q, roor. (45) Angouleme: Lambert de Palude (r 136-1148). Gams 490. ..VIabillon 4or. Gall.

chr. 2, roor. I,an1bert died on 13 June rq8. Cf. S. Bernardi Vita prima IV, 4, 29; PL 185, 337 C.

(4&) Saintes: Bernard (rqr-II66). Gams 623. (47) Cluny: Peter the Venerable (II22-1 156). (48) Cteaux: Rainard O. C.ist. (rr34-II5I).

IV, 3, rg; PI, 332 B. (49) Clairvaux: Bernard, O. Cist. (rrrs-rr

Gall. chr. 2, 1070. Hist. litt. 13, 590. Mabillon 401.

Mabillon 401. S. Bernardi v-ita pr-ima

Mabillon 401.

Sancti Dionisii (50) Premonstratensis (53)

z8

Scriptura 26-28

Sancti Benedicti (51) Otto Capembergensis (54)

kf agistri scolarum Gauterius de Mauritania (55)

Corbinensis (52) et alii plures.

Gauterius eboracensis archidiaconus (66) Gaufridus eboracensis archidiaconus (57 ) Humbertus Bituricensis (58) Petrus Lumbardus ('9) Theodericus Carnotensis (60) Robertus de Bosco (61) Adam de Paruo Ponte (62) et alii multi.

35

(SO) Saint-Dnis: OSH (rr23-II5r) Mabillon 401. Ep. ad Alb. 3, r6 and 8, 39 (51) Saint-Benot-sur-Loire (Fleury) William OSB (1 145?-n67). Mabllon 401 names

Macarius. (52) Corbie: Nicholas OSB (rr4z-rrs8). Mabillon 401 names Hugo. (sa) Prmontr: (rr28-rr61). l\fabillon 401. (54) Kappenberg: Otto, O. Praemonstr. (II56-1172). There is an s-like mark in front

of Otto's name. Since Otto was not an abbot, this sign may be intended to distinguish him from the group. John of Salisbury, Hist. pont. 8; p. r8 mentions Baldwin, abbot of Chtillon-sur-Seine as present.

(55) '\Valter of studied under Alberic of Reims (d. 1141), taught at Reilns and Laon. He became bishop of I,aon in 1155 and died there in 1174.

(56) He accompanied Archbishop Henry ::.VIurdac. Cf. N. :\L H.ii.RING, Das sog. Glau-bensbekenntnis 84, n. 170. See also AYRO:M SALT:YL\.N, Theobald, Archbishop of Cantetbury (London 1956) .. wz.

('") Geoffrey Turcople became dean of the catheral (u62-II67). His colleague Walter was known as \V alter of London. Both must have been in Trier on 7 December 1147 when Henry ::.VIurdac was consecrated by Pope Eugene. However, the presence is not recorded.

(58) In 1 r 56 " Humbertus archidiaconus Bitnricensis" signed a charter pub-lished in Gall. chr. 2, 13 B instr.

(59) When Theobald of Paris who attended the tueeting died on 8 January 1158, he was succeeded by Lombard who died in I r6o. Peter I,ombard's presence is also recorded by ]OHN OF SAI,ISBURY, Hist. pont. 8; ed. Poole I7.

(60) Thierry of Chartres seems to have retired to a Cistercian mon3stery during the following decade.

(61) Robert de Bosco accompanied Bishop Bartholomew. JOHN OF SALISBURY (Hist. pont. 8; ed. Poole 19) describes how Robert reacted against one of the propositions rnade by St. Bernard a t the meeting : '' Archiiliaconus qtdam Catalaunensis, scilicet de Bosco ... " His name is found under a charter published in Gall. chr. IO (Paris 173 instr.. See also Afiscell. Giov. J'vltrcati, in: Studi e Testi 122 (Vatican

(62) Adam gave his lectures on the Petit-Pont in Paris. He attended the consistory of Paris where he witnessed against Gilbert as is recorded by Otto of who describes him as "uir subtilis ". Gesta Frid. I, 53; p. 75 This reputation is confirmed by John of Salisbury, 1\lletal. II, 10; ed. Webb. 8o. At the Lateran coundl of 1179 he stood up

Pope Alexander III in favour of Peter Lombard. He was then bishop of St. Asaph (II75-I Cf. Dict. of Nat. Biogr. 1 (London rgo8) 75-76. C. E. Du BOULAY, Hist. univ. Paris. 2, 148. All the magistri listed here 3re enumerated in the sarne order by Mabillon 40r. JoHN OF SALISBURY, Hist. pont. 8; p. r8 has recorded the presence of Thomas who, at the time, belonged to the household of Archbishop Theobald. In I I 55

II made him chancellor. He was elected archhishop of Canterbury in 1 r62 and assassinated in 1170. John also mentions the presence of Roger, later Archbishop of York (n54-II81).

Gaufridus Autissiodorensis

3.

LIBELL US CONTRA CAPITULA GISLEBERTI EPISCOPI PICTAUENSIS

I

1 Quatuor (1 ) in his scedulis capitula, lector, inuenies que in magna nuper ec-clesia (2) propalata et reprobata sunt tanquam manifeste repngnantia ueritati: nec cuilibet ueritati sed ei cuius iniuriam dissimulare non licnit quod ea nel maxime fidei catholice obtineat fundamentum. 2 Hi sunt panes absconditi (3) quos celebris lle magister, porrata (') agnomine, nomine GrsLEBERTUS (5), suis non paruo tempore discipulis uenditarat. Nec paucos eorum furtiuis inebriarat aquis (6 ) presertim animos iuueniles nouitate gaudentes: sine dane qne Christus est in diuinas paginas irruentes: sine spirtu qui solus ea nonit scm-tantes ipsa etiam alta dei (7). Inter eiusmodi nona dogmata celabantur. Sed in ln-cem aliqnando prodiere. 3 Horrebant catholicorum aures profanam nonitatem. Et eo usque zelns pro-rupit ut predictns G(ISLEBERTus) ("), iam tunc qnidem (9) episcopns, in presentia Summi Pontificis EuGENII tercii et Sancte Romane Ecclesie (10) super his pulsaretur. 4 Elegit autem negare omnia etiam qne Pictauis in sinodo (11) sua manifeste ab archidiacono suo (12} arguebatur fuisse confessns. Inter negandum tamen anfractnosis quibusdam more suo uerborum cauillationibus utebatnr ut facile Vir Apostolicns ani-madnerteret prorstls aliquid apud eum de anathemate Iherico latitare (13). 5 Itaqne eodem anno descensurus in Gallias (14} causam distulit. Et Parisins facta est secnnda interrogatio de eodem (15). Agebant pro eo quidam (16), quidam

( 1) I,ibellus contra epistolas Gisleberti Pietauensis: Quatuor quedam in his .... A. Tractatus contra Gilbertum Porretanum De Rdationibus di

Gaufridus A utissiodorensis

12 Gnde etiam omnibus demum Apostolico examine et communi iudicio reprobatis ipse quoque eorum auctor (' 0) in communi audientia ore proprio his (41) que professus fuerat abrenunciauit ('2). Et singula queque refutans (43 ) promisit nil tale deinceps sese (44) aut scripturum aut docturum (45) aut etam crediturum. 13 Porro uolumen illud in quo manifesta esset inuenta iniquitas lectitari de cetero nel (46) transcribi ('') Summus Pontifex apostolica auctoritate prohibuit nisi forte ro-mana ecclesia purgatum illud ederet et correctum ('8). Quod quidem nec factum au-diuimus (49) nec speramus aliquando faciendum. 14 Quia tamen multorum adhuc scolarium corda uidentur eum quo semel inbuta sunt seruare odorem nec desistunt ut dicitur (50) eo (51) perniciosius (52) quo occultius interdictas paginas lectitare, erit forsitan non inutile si ad correptionem (53) presentium et futurorum cautelam (54) ipsa pariter confutati (55) erroris capitula - qnemadmodum auctor eorum suo illa ore professus suo deprehensus est inscripsisse libello - et sanc-torum testimonia patrum quibus confutata snnt aut [sov] confutari posse uidentur in medium proferamus (56).

II

De capitulo primo

I Inicium malorum hoc erat: Forma ponebatur in deo qua deus esset et que non esset deus ut humanitas hominis forma est non que sit sed qua sit homo. 2 Hanc nero formam siue naturam diuinam quam, ut diximus, deum esse negabat diuersis dice ba t (1) appellati nominibus "diuinitatem magnitudinem bonitatem ueritatem sapientiam omnipotentiam " qua uidelicet una forma non modo deus sed et magnus et uerus esset et bonus et sapiens et queque similia: eo nempe creatorem a creaturis differre contendens quod ille quidem formis subsisterent (2) pluribus, ipse una. 3 Unde et hniusmodi (3) enuntiationes " Diuinitas est deus sapientia ueritas ma-gnitudo bonitas " nel " Omnpotentia dei est deus ipse ", si de simplicissima illa excel-lentissmaque natura sermo fieret, falsas esse omnino tam impie quam libere ausus est profiteri. 4 Porro connersas earum " Deus est ueritas " " Deus est sapientia " ceterasque eiusmodi emphaticas esse tradebat ac si de homine diceretur " Tu quantus quantus

( 40) (J:'i;"ec sicut ... eorum auctor) Dernum est a Summo Pontifice, abiudicatis omnlms, timens ille ac tremens (pauens A1\1.

( 41) his om. A. Cf. S't. BB~RNARD, Cant. s. So, 4, g; ed. LEcr,ERCQ 283: "Tam bee quam cetera digna repregensione inuenta proprio ore damnauit ".

( 4~) Cf. Ep. ad Alb. 8, 42. (43) Cf. S'l'. BERNARD, Cani. (44) (nil. . . sese) sese nichil tale ( 47 ) su h excommunicationis pena ad d. A ,11.

ed. LECLERCQ 283. ( 45) dicturum M

(48) Cf. Ep. ad Alb. 8, 43 audiuimus corr. ex nouimus B. ( 50) (nec ... dicitur) nec destiterunt AJJ. Cf. ST. BERNARD, E p. 338 (to Card. Haimerius):

" Quo semel est imbuta recens seruabit odorem testa diu ", quoted frorn HoRACE, Ep. I, 2, 69. ( 51) utique add. A~1. (52) sibi add. AM. ( 53) correctionern A 1\f. Cf. Cani. s. So, 4, 9; ed. LECLERCQ 283. (54) et add. AlVI. (55) confutati M. ( 56 ) Explicit prefacio. Incipit capitulum prirnum add. B. ( 1) dicebat om. Alvf. (2) sustinerent A (3) eiusmodi 1vf.

Libellus I,r2-r4; II,I-ro 39

totus sapientia es " (4) eo sane propriarn magis in deo figuram expressionis assignans quod in homine quidem, cui (5 ) multe sint proprietates, habundantia forme unins ut-puta sapientie in deo autem singularitas ipsa ueram faceret huiusmodi enunciationem (6).

5 Et dei quidem esse in eo constituebat ut hac (7) forma subsisteret: forme autem ipsius (s) in eo magis ut non hec aliquo [SI] sed hac esset aliquid i. e. deus (9). 6 De qno quidem capitulo super tractatum BOECII immo pocius contra non expo-nens BoECIUM sed BoECIO se opponens scripserat in bune modum:

7 Ex Commentario (10) episcopi super BoECIUM:

Sicut (11) non est quo deus sit nisi sola atque simplex essentia i. e. usya sic non est unde usya ipsa sit nisi quoniam ea simplex et solus deus est. Gnde etiam usus lo-quendi est ut de (12) deo dicatur non modo " deus est " uerum etiam " deus est ipsa essentia ". Recte utique. Si enim de aliquo (18), qui non modo sapiens sed etiam colo-ratus et magnus et multa huiusmodi est, ex sapientie pre ceteris (14) habundantia di-citur " Tu quantus quantus totus es sapientia " (1") tanquam nichil aliud sit quod sibi esse conferat nisi sola sapientia, multo proprius deus cui diuersa non conferunt ut sit dicitur " ipsa essentia " et aliis nominibus idem ut " Deus est ipsa diuinitas sua, ipsa sua sapientia ".

8 Ex (16 ) eodem: Diuinitas (17 ) in Patre dicitur esse sic ut essentia in eo qui nere est.

9 Ex (18) eodem: Aliqui (19) sensu paruuli (20) audientes quod deus est simplex ipsum et que-

cumque de eo nominum diuersitate dicuntur - ut " deus unus eternus persona princi-pium auctor Pater Filius Connexio " et huiusmodi alia - eiusdem nature eiusdemque rationis esse ita accipiunt ut essentia (21) qua dicitur esse deus (22) sit et unitas qua unus est et eternitas qua etern