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CSE MAINS 2019 VALUE ADDITION SERIES Part II GS Paper II GS Paper III BYJU'S IAS LEARN . UNLEARN . RELEARN

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Page 1: GS Paper III GS Paper II · C O N T E N T S lm US-CHINA Trade War lo Bangladesh Bhutan India Nepal Initiative (BBIN) lq New Indo-Pacific Division in the Ministry of External Affairs

CSE MAIN

S 2019

VALUE ADDITION SERIES

P a r t I I

GS Paper I IGS Paper I I I

BYJU'S IAS

LEARN . UNLEARN . R

ELEARN

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CON

TEN

TS01 US-CHINA Trade War

03 Bangladesh Bhutan India Nepal

Initiative (BBIN)

05 New Indo-Pacific Division in theMinistry of External Affairs

07 India and Arctic Council

09 Rising Clout of BIMSTEC

  10 Reservation for EconomicallyWeaker Sections

  11 The Jammu & KashmirReorganisation Bill, 2019

  12 The Constitution (one hundredand twenty-fifth Amendment)Bill, 2019

  14 First Past the Post System

BYJU'S IAS

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CON

TEN

TS 16 Lapsing of Bill - Wastage of Lok

Sabha Time

17 Breach of Privilege Motion

19 Lower Productivity of Rajya Sabha

20 Gaganyaan

24 The DNA Technology (use andapplication) Regulation Bill, 2018

 28 5G Network

BYJU'S IAS

 30 Electric Vehicles

 32 Defence Procurement Policy (DPP)

 35 Chief of Defence Staff

 37 Draft River Basin ManagementBill, 2018

 26 Data Localisation

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US-CHINA TRADE WAR Context:

The China–United States trade war is an ongoing economic conflict between the world’s two largest economies, China and the United States.

The conflict, initiated by the president of the United States Donald Trump has been characterized by increasing tariffs and other trade barriers with the goal of forcing China to make changes to its alleged "unfair trade practices' '.

What is trade war A trade war is when a nation imposes tariffs or quotas on imports and foreign countries retaliate with similar forms of trade protectionism. As it escalates, a trade war reduces international trade. Purpose of trade war :

To protect the domestic industry and creation of jobs

Tariffs are supposed to give a competitive advantage to domestic producers of that product. Their prices would be lower by comparison. As a result, they would receive more orders from local customers. As their businesses grow, they would add jobs.

It is one of the methods for reducing the trade deficit of the country. Limitation of Trade War:

A trade war costs jobs. It depresses economic growth for all countries involved. It also triggers inflation when tariffs increase the prices of imports.

Prolonged trade war between the two largest economy can put the world economy into recession.

According to a Bloomberg Economics report, uncertainty over trade could lower world gross domestic product by 0.6 per cent in 2021 compared to a no-trade-war scenario.

It creates a ripple in the currency valuations of the country which in turn has the potential to alter the whole trade kitty and the terms of trade for the associated parties.

Impact of US-China trade war On India :

Due to a trade war between China And US, Global Stock Markets have been falling. In the same line, India stock market has been falling.

India’s share in US imports went up from 1.92% to 2.54%, a gain of 0.62 percentage points.

In other words, about a tenth of the share lost by China has come to India as China’s share in US imports has declined by 6.09 percentage points.

Future Outlook of US China trade war:

Global firms are constantly looking at the countries in which they operate except for these two countries .

So India has a great opportunity to attract these countries for larger investment in India.

They also make changes based on their judgement about the countries that offer a better economic environment

India’s Course of Action

India’s Policy making should be realigned according to the demands of these global firms that are grappling with the problem of their over-exposure to China.

There is a requirement of improving the ease of doing business environment in our country.

To make India a global destination of FDI, there is need to relook into labour laws, taxation policy and infrastructure development.

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To make India a key partner of global supply chain management, there is a requirement of changes in import and export policy and streamline the tax administration related to import and Export.

So there is a requirement of reforms in different sectors of the economy to make India a global manufacturing hub.

All these reforms will force global firms to make India a new investment destination.

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BANGLADESH BHUTAN INDIA NEPAL INITIATIVE (BBIN) Context: The Bhutan government has placed the bill for ratification of Bangladesh-Bhutan-India-Nepal (BBIN) initiative for road and rail connectivity at its upper senate Key features of BBIN

The Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal (BBIN) Initiative is a sub-regional architecture of countries in Eastern South Asia, a subregion of South Asia.

It aims to facilitate movement of vehicles carrying cargo and passengers in each other’s territory without the need for trans-shipment of goods from one country’s truck to another’s at the border

The BBIN Initiative

On the line of Kathmandu declaration, Bangladesh, Bhutan, India and Nepal (BBIN) signed a sub-regional Motor Vehicle Agreement (MVA) in Thimphu on June 15, 2015 for the regulation of passenger, personnel and cargo-vehicular traffic amongst them.

The BBIN MVA, drafted on the lines of SAARC MVA, is expected to allow speedy implementation of land transport facilitation arrangements.

It focuses on transport connectivity projects with an estimated cost of over US $8 billion that will rehabilitate and upgrade remaining sections of trade and transport corridors in the BBIN countries.

These transport corridors, if transformed into economic corridors, can potentially increase intra-regional trade within South Asia by almost 60% and with the rest of the world 30%.

Under the South Asia Sub regional Economic Cooperation (SASEC) programme, Asian Development Bank (ADB) has been providing technical, advisory, and financial support to this initiative.

The JWG(Joint Working Group ) of BBIN also taking initiative for power trade and inter-grid connectivity cooperation and water resources management.

There is a focus on power trade, inter-grid connectivity, flood forecasting and other areas of possible cooperation. It also agreed to initiate discussion on the possibility of having a BBIN Rail Agreement.

The Importance of BBIN

It will pave the way for greater market access for production centres in the subregion.

Any improvement in infrastructure and connectivity will automatically result in better access to the large Indian market for smaller member states like Bhutan, Nepal And Bangladesh.

Advantage to Nepal And Bhutan : multi-modal transportation network in the BBIN sub-region would be quite useful for landlocked Nepal and Bhutan. They will be able to take advantage of cheap transit services to ports in India and Bangladesh.

The hydropower potential of Nepal and Bhutan and thermal power capabilities of India and Bangladesh could be utilised for each-others benefits.

The initiative is important for India, as it aims to improve the sub-regional connectivity in South Asia which in turn would lead in the long run to materialise broader inter-regional connectivity.

It will help India develop its North-Eastern region, as the transportation cost for moving goods from other part of India to North-Eastern region through Bangladesh and vice-versa will be greatly reduced.

Way forward:

The BBIN initiative has the potential and is a very promising initiative. There is no question about India’s centrality and its commitment for the initiative.

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However, the success of this initiative will depend much upon India to make it acceptable across the political spectrum in the neighbouring countries. It will also depend on how India addresses concerns related to the delivery deficit.

If these things are done adequately and in time, the BBIN initiative will undoubtedly reach its logical conclusion.

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NEW INDO- PACIFIC DIVISION IN THE MINISTRY OF EXTERNAL AFFAIRS

Context: Recently India set up a new Indo Pacific division in the Ministry of External Affairs. To integrate the Indian Ocean Rim Association, ASEAN Region, and the ‘Quad’ under its purview. What defines Indo Pacific

It spans “from the shores of Africa to that of the Americas”.

The operational clarity about Indo Pacific vision was clarified by the PM at the Shangri-La Dialogue in June 2018.

India’s Engagement in the Indo Pacific Region

India’s act east policy is the key initiative for engagement in the Indo Pacific region.

ASEAN countries are the key stakeholders in India’s Act East Policy.

India is an active partner in BIMSTEC initiative and Indian Ocean Rim Association(IORA)

India is also interacting with pacific island countries through the FIPIC(Forum for India-Pacific Islands cooperation) initiative.

India is also promoting engagement with Africa through India Africa Forum Summits. Key Priorities of India In Indo Pacific Region

To counter growing Chinese footprint in the Indian Ocean and Chinese diplomacy in the region.

India has been consistently emphasising “inclusiveness” in the Indo-Pacific framework; it will be challenging to protect the interests of all stakeholders.

To maintain the security in the region , a common rules-based order and freedom of navigation should be promoted.

Key priority for India in the Indo-Pacific region is Inclusiveness, openness and ASEAN centrality and unity.

Factors Responsible for setting Up of Indo Pacific Division

Indian definition of Indo-Pacific covers a large geography. There was a need for a bureaucratic re-alignment to create a division that can include the various territorial divisions in the MEA that look after the policies of the countries which are part of the Indo-Pacific discourse.

This wing provides a strategic coherence to the Prime Minister’s Indo-Pacific vision, integrating the IORA, the ASEAN region and the Quad to the Indo-Pacific dynamic.

This move is significant as it bureaucratically aligns the MEA with Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s vision of the Indo-Pacific as spanning “from the shores of Africa to that of the Americas,” making the Indo-Pacific division the central node to coordinate activities across the various regional desks in this area.

The creation of this Indo Pacific division also signals to India’s partners, particularly the United States, to consider the importance of the western Indian Ocean, currently not included in the U.S. definition of the Indo-Pacific.

The new Indo Pacific division will coordinate with The Ministry of Defence and the Indian Navy for better monitoring of the activity in the Indian Ocean region.

Including ASEAN region as a part of the wider Indo-Pacific shows opening of the new possibilities for India’s engagement with the grouping.

Challenges ahead

There are challenges for India, how it will integrate the objectives of the Quadrilateral initiative with goals of larger Indo-Pacific approach.

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It will also be important for the new MEA division to move beyond security and political issues and articulate a more comprehensive policy towards the region. Commerce and connectivity should be prioritised if India has to take advantage of a new opening for its regional engagement.

India has been focussing on “inclusiveness” in the Indo-Pacific framework, it will be challenging for India to maintain a balance between the interests of all stakeholders.

There are differences between India’s vision and the U.S. strategy for the Indo-Pacific region . As geopolitical tensions rise between China and the U.S., the MEA’s new division will have its task cut out if India’s long-term political and economic interests in the region are to be preserved.

A bureaucratic change was indeed needed, but going forward the challenge would be to see how effectively this change manifests itself in managing India’s growing diplomatic footprint in the Indo-Pacific.

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INDIA AND ARCTIC COUNCIL Context: India was re-elected as an Observer to the Arctic Council at the Arctic Council ministerial meeting at Rovaniemi, Finland. India was first granted the Observer status in 2013, along with five other nations. The Arctic Council

It is the leading intergovernmental forum” for discussing and addressing issues concerning the Arctic region, including scientific research, and peaceful and sustainable use of resources in the region.

The Council was established by the eight Arctic States through the Ottawa Declaration of 1996.

Canada, Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, Russia, Sweden and the United States are members of the Arctic Council.

It is only an intergovernmental ‘forum’ to promote cooperation in regulating the activities in the Arctic region.

The Arctic Council works on the principle of consensus building that can be carried out in the Arctic region in keeping with the overall objective of conserving the pristine environment, biodiversity, and the interests and well-being of the local populations.

India’s role in Arctic Council India, along with 12 other countries, is an observer to the Arctic Council.

The Observer countries are not part of the decision-making process, but they are invited to attend the meetings of the Council.

The Observer status is granted to entities that support the objectives of the Arctic Council, and have demonstrated capabilities in this regard, including the ability to make financial contributions.

The renewal of Observer status is a formality. The status, once granted, continues till there is a consensus among the members that the Observer was engaging in activities that run counter to the objectives of the Arctic Council.

India’s involvement in the Arctic

India is one of the very few countries to set up a permanent station in the Arctic for the purposes of scientific research. The polar regions provide some unique physical features to carry out research regarding atmospheric and climate sciences that cannot be done anywhere else.

The Himadri research station was started in July 2008. The Goa-based National Centre for Antarctic and Ocean Research (NCAOR) is the nodal organisation coordinating the research activities at this station.

The station has been used to carry out a variety of biological, glaciological, atmospheric and climate science research projects in the last one decade.

India and Norway’s bilateral research cooperation is realised in the Norwegian Programme for Research Cooperation with India (INDNOR).

Commercial and strategic interests

The Arctic region is very rich in minerals, and oil and gas. With the melting of some parts of the Arctic due to global warming, the region opens up the possibility of new shipping routes that can reduce existing distances.

Countries having ongoing activities in the Arctic, plan to commercially exploit the natural resources present in the region.

The Arctic Council does not prohibit the commercial exploitation of resources in the Arctic.

It only seeks to ensure that it is done in a sustainable manner without harming the interests of local populations and in conformity with the local environment

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A Platform for Increasing India’s Clout

Out of its position at the Arctic Council and existing activities in the region, India has the unique position to strengthen its international presence.

In terms of governance, in addition to offering a more holistic view, India can make use of opportunities within the Council. The opportunity at the Council that allowed Observer participation in formulating the Agreement on Enhancing Scientific Cooperation demonstrated that there may be more room in active governance for Observers in the future.

In comparison to other Asian Observers, India’s position in terms of private sector investment in the region is weak, however, India should encourage businesses and other interested parties to participate in the more flexible Arctic Circle that admits non-state actors as a means to further Indian influence.

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RISING CLOUT OF BIMSTEC

Context: Leaders from BIMSTEC countries were invited for the swearing-in ceremony of Indian Prime Minister. Due to differences with Pakistan, India is giving preference to BIMSTEC in place of SAARC. About BIMSTEC

The Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) is a regional organization comprising seven Member States lying in the littoral and adjacent areas of the Bay of Bengal .

This sub-regional organization was established on 6 June 1997 through the Bangkok Declaration.

The regional group constitutes a bridge between South and South East Asia and represents a reinforcement of relations among these countries.

BIMSTEC is acting as a platform for intra-regional cooperation between SAARC and ASEAN members. The BIMSTEC region is home to around 1.5 billion people which constitute around 22% of the global population with a combined gross domestic product (GDP) of 2.7 trillion economy.

India’s approach towards BIMSTEC:

India’s views BIMSTEC as an alternative to SAARC to improve the regional cooperation. Most of the members of the SAARC are also part of the BIMSTEC with exception of Pakistan, Afghanistan and Maldives. Afghan and Maldives can be approached through bilateral actions.

The BIMSTEC will act as a bridge connecting India with Southeast Asia. Moreover, the Indian Act East policy is also in line with these developments.

The development of the connectivity projects like trilateral highway will increase the economic integration of South Asia with the South East Asia. BIMSTEC will also help in the smooth implementation of the trade agreement like RCEP.

Possible impact of the change in approach: The change in the approach in the regional grouping will have a number of economic and geopolitical impact on India and others in the region. Some of the impacts are

Better trade relations with Southeast Asia.

Development in Northeast Indian states.

Isolation of Pakistan in the region.

Increased connectivity and people to people relations. Benefit for India From BIMSTEC

It provides the natural platform for India to implement the key foreign policy like Neighbourhood first and Act East Policy.

A key reason for India's engagement is the vast potential that is unlocked with stronger connectivity. About 45 million people live in landlocked North-eastern states.

Bimstec more naturally lends itself to regional integration—physical connectivity as well as economic cooperation—than Saarc which is dominated by India and Pakistan and hamstrung by tensions between the two.

As the biggest member of Bimstec, it’s up to India to take all members with it and show tangible results. So there will be no conflict like SAARC due to the absence of Pakistan.

In terms of connectivity, Bimstec has major projects like the Kaladan Multimodal project and Asian Trilateral Highway that, when finished, could transform the movement of goods and vehicles through the countries in the grouping.

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RESERVATION FOR ECONOMICALLY WEAKER SECTIONS Context: Recently Indian Parliament has cleared the 124th Constitutional Amendment Bill (103rd constitutional amendment ) guaranteeing 10% quota in education and employment to economically weaker sections in the general category. Key Features of the Amendment Bill :

It is the first time Economic condition is constitutionally recognised as criteria for reservation. Earlier social and Education backwardness was criteria for providing reservation

The Bill amends Article 15 of the Constitution, by adding a clause which allows states to make "special provision for the advancement of any economically weaker sections of citizens .

These "special provisions" would relate to "their admission to educational institutions, including private educational institutions, whether aided or unaided by the state, other than the minority educational institutions". 10 percent of the seat will be reserved for

Economic weaker section.

Amendment of Article 16 stated, “Nothing in this article shall prevent the State from making any provision for the reservation of appointments or posts in favour of any economically weaker sections of citizens other than the classes mentioned in clause (4), in addition to the existing reservation and subject to a maximum of 10% of the posts in each category.

Arguments in favour of the bill

It does not violate the Indira Sawhney judgement of 50 percent limit. As Indira Sawhney judgement is applicable in case of socially and educational backwardness.

But under this Act reservation is provided on the basis of Economic backwardness.

Implementation of DPSP : Under article 46, there are provisions that State shall promote with special care the educational and economic interests of the weaker sections of the people. So providing reservation for economically weaker section is the right step as per the constitutional mandate.

Coverage of large section of beneficiaries: This reservation policy cut across the boundaries of caste,class and religion. So larger section of the beneficiaries are covered Under this Act.

Arguments against the bill

Against the basic principle of Equality: To balance the equality of opportunity for everyone, a cap of 50 percent was put for reservation. But with the enactment of this Act that cap will be crossed. Basically it is against the spirit of Article 14 which provides for equality of opportunity for everyone.

Definition of EWS is broad : Definition of EWS is very broad and it will cover a larger section of people. Also families with below poverty line and the ones with income of 8 lakh/annum in the same category.

Identification of beneficiaries will be difficult: In a country where people misrepresent the income to evade income tax, identification of beneficiaries on the basis of income will be difficult. Also, Government doesn't have quantifiable data to identify the beneficiaries.

Intensification of demand for reservation by other section of people: OBC, SC/ST may demand for more reservation as proportion of their population.

Not an affirmative action : There is no data to prove that low income groups are underrepresented in government jobs. So such type of provisions is basically against the spirit of affirmative action.

Way forward There should be an institutional mechanism to identify the real beneficiaries of such provisions. It should not be misused. Such provisions of the Act should be implemented in letter and spirit. There is also requirement of more creation of jobs in the private sector so that demand for reservation can be reduced to a larger extent.

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THE JAMMU & KASHMIR REORGANISATION BILL, 2019 Context: Recently The Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Bill, 2019, was passed by Parliament, paving the way for the formation of the Union Territory of J&K. Key Provisions of the bill:

Reorganisation of Jammu and Kashmir: The Bill reorganises the state of Jammu and Kashmir into: (i) the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir with a legislature, and (ii) the Union Territory of Ladakh without a legislature.

Lieutenant Governor: The Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir will be administered by the President through an Administrator appointed by him known as Lieutenant Governor. The Union Territory of Ladakh will be administered by the President, through a Lieutenant Governor appointed by him.

Legislative Assembly of Jammu and Kashmir: The Bill provides for a Legislative Assembly for the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir. Seats will be reserved in the Assembly for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in proportion to their population in the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir. In addition, the Lieutenant Governor may nominate two members to the Legislative Assembly to give representation to women, if they are not adequately represented.

Law making power of legislative assembly : The Legislative Assembly may make laws for any part of the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir related to: (i) any matters specified in the State List of the Constitution, except “Police” and “Public Order”, and (ii) any matter in the Concurrent List applicable to Union Territories. Further, Parliament will have the power to make laws in relation to any matter for the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir.

Advisory Committees: The central government will appoint Advisory Committees, for various purposes, including: (i) distribution of assets and liabilities of corporations of the state of Jammu and Kashmir between the two Union Territories, (ii) issues related to the generation and supply of electricity and water, and (iii) issues related to the Jammu and Kashmir State Financial Corporation.

Argument in favour of this Bill

It will help in better administration of state and right strategy for countering the menace of terrorism.

Many provisions of the bill are conducive for better business environment and job creation in J & k.

Creation of Ladakh as Union territory will help in better development of the region.

Article 370 has prevented the merger of J & k with India. It was not the basis of merger of J & k with India.

Article 370 was discriminatory in nature in terms of Gender and place of origin.

With the repeal of Article 370, private individuals can purchase the land in J & k . It will increase private investment in the state and create jobs in J & K.

Arguments against the bill:

Against the spirit of cooperative federalism: Dismemberment of the state without prior consultation is against the very spirit of cooperative federalism.

Process was hasty : The bill was introduced hastily in Rajya Sabha. The bill was not even sent to the Select Committee. Such a sensitive issue should not be enacted without proper consultation of every stakeholder.

Such steps are against the very spirit of Parliamentary democracy and diversity of the country.

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THE CONSTITUTION (ONE HUNDRED AND TWENTY-FIFTH AMENDMENT) BILL, 2019 Context: Recently, The Constitution (One Hundred and Twenty-Fifth Amendment) Bill, 2019 was introduced in Rajya Sabha . The Bill amends key provisions related to the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution and the Finance Commission. Background: What is the 6th Schedule? Under Sixth Schedule of the constitution , there are special provisions for the administration of tribal areas in the four north-eastern states of Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram. Key provisions of 6th Schedule :

1. The tribal areas in the four states of Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram have been constituted as autonomous districts. But, they do not fall outside the executive authority of the state concerned.

2. If there are different tribes in an autonomous district, the governor can divide the district into several autonomous regions.

3. The district and regional councils administer the areas under their jurisdiction. They can make laws on certain specified matters like land, forests, canal water, shifting and divorce, social customs and so on.

Need for 6th Schedule:

1. The tribes in Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram have not assimilated much the life and ways of the other people in these states.

2. Tribes of the other states have assimilated the culture of the majority of the people around whom they live. But the tribes of these states still have their roots in their own culture, customs and civilization. These areas are, therefore, treated differently by the Constitution and a sizeable amount of autonomy has been given to these people for self-government

What is the Finance Commission? Article 280 of the Constitution of India provides for a Finance Commission as a quasi-judicial body. It is constituted by the president of India every fifth year or at such earlier time as he considers necessary. Functions of Finance Commission:

1. The distribution of the net proceeds of taxes to be shared between the Centre and the states, and the allocation between the states of the respective shares of such proceeds.

2. The principles that should govern the grants-in-aid to the states by the Centre (i.e., out of the consolidated fund of India).

Key provision of the bill (125th Constitution Amendment bill):

1. Village and Municipal Councils: The bill provides for the formation of Village and Municipal Councils in addition to the District and Regional Councils. Village Councils will be established for villages or groups of villages in rural areas, and Municipal Councils will be established in urban areas of each district.

2. The District Councils may make laws on various issues, including: (i) number of Village and Municipal Councils to be formed, and their composition, (ii) delimitation of constituencies for election to the Village and Municipal Councils, (iii) powers and functions of Village and Municipal Councils.

3. Power of Governor: The Governor may make rules for devolution of powers and responsibilities to the Village and Municipal Councils. Such rules may be framed in relation to: (i) preparation of plans

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for economic development, (ii) implementation of land reforms, (iii) urban and town planning, and (iv) regulation of land-use, among other functions.

4. State Finance Commission: The Bill provides the appointment of a Finance Commission for these states, to review the financial position of District, Village, and Municipal Councils. The Commission will make recommendations regarding: (i) distribution of taxes between states and District Councils, (ii) grants-in-aid to District, Village, and Municipal Councils from the Consolidated Fund of the state, (iii) and measures to improve the financial position of District, Village, and Municipal Councils

5. Finance Commission: The Bill states that the Commission will make recommendations on measures to augment the Consolidated Fund of a state to provide resources to District Councils, Village Councils, and Municipal Councils in tribal areas in the four Sixth Schedule states.

6. Elections to councils: The Bill states that all elections to the District Councils, Regional Councils, Village Councils, and Municipal Councils will be conducted by the State Election Commission appointed by the Governor, for these four states.

Importance of the bill:

1. Strengthening democracy at the Grass Root Level : Panchayati Raj Institution(PRI) was exempted in these autonomous district council. With enactment of this bill PRI institution will be established at the grass root level.

2. Empowerment of Village Council: To draft a development plan for the holistic development of the region.

3. Financial Empowerment of the Regional, District and Village Council: Under this bill there is provision for distribution of taxes between States and District Council. So it will improve the financial condition of these councils.

Limitation of the Bill:

1. Position of Governor: There is conflicting view that Governor of these states should work according to his/her discretion or advice of council of ministers regarding the administration of these areas. Bill has no such provision to clarify such dilemma.

2. Auditing of these councils: There is no such provision in the bill to monitor or regulate the expenditure incurred by these councils.

Way Forward There is a requirement for codification of customary laws of these tribal population to protect their cultural identity. Along with there is requirement of capacity building of the member of these council for better administration of these areas. Source : Laxmikanth and PRS India

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FIRST PAST THE POST SYSTEM Context: During the 17th Lok Sabha Election, some of the experts called for replacement of the first past the post system (FPPS) with proportional representation system (PRS) Even with the third largest vote share of 20%, the Bahujan Samaj Party got zero seats. The FPPS has considerably diluted the representative nature of democracy by creating a mismatch between the percentage of votes polled and the outcomes. Party polling 20% of the votes but drawing a blank in the final tally of seats is a travesty and trivialises the voting preferences of a sizeable section of the population. What is FPPS ? In this electoral process, the country is divided into different constituencies and the candidate securing the maximum number of votes wins the election. What is PRS ? In this electoral process, the country may or may not be divided into different constituencies and seats are allocated to different political parties according to vote percentage won by them. Advantage of FPPS:

1. It provides for a direct relationship between the members of the legislature and the local constituency. The system is secret and simplest for the voter; and the voter’s vote is non-transferable, or manipulated by party hands.

2. As elections are contested at the constituency level, there can be a degree of local control over the party's choice of candidate, and parties must take some account of the constituency's wishes when selecting a candidate.

3. The system elects the candidate who receives the largest number of votes. Candidates cannot be elected as a result of the transfer of a third or fourth preference, thus defeating the candidate with the largest number of first preference votes.

4. The system is straightforward and easy to understand. Electors are not required to choose from vast lists of candidates or to exercise preferences they may not have. The system is uncomplicated and produces a speedy outcome.

Disadvantages of FPPS:

1. Exclusion of Regional Party: The FPPS may lead to exclusion of small or regional party from the Parliament.

2. No true representative of People’s mandate: There is a common discrepancy between Votes shared by political parties and seats shared by political parties.

3. Example: Even with the third largest vote share of 20%, Bahujan Samaj Party got zero seats. 4. High Election Expenditure: In FPPS the election expenditure is high as compared to PRS

Advantage of PRS:

1. Election Expenditure would be minimised. 2. Small parties with broad base, minorities, and women parties could get ample representation in the

parliament. 3. True Representative of People’s mandate : As the seat allocation will be according to vote share .

So it will represent the people’s mandate. 4. There will be no feeling of wasting votes among voters as now they vote according to their

respective ideologies.

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Disadvantages of Proportional Representation System:

1. The proliferation of minor parties in legislatures as a result of proportional representation systems can result in an unstable government, and in minor parties being in a balance of power situation.

2. The election of a number of parties with no one party having a majority in the legislature may result in unstable government and uncertainty as parties trade with each other to form coalitions and alliances.

3. Governments are more susceptible to the whims of party officials rather than the wishes of the electorate.

4. By its very nature it involves large multi-member electorates thus breaching the direct relationship between an electorate and its representatives in the legislature.

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LAPSING OF BILL - WASTAGE OF LOK SABHA TIME Context : Vice President called for a debate on the rule that provides for automatic lapsing of any bill passed by the Lok Sabha but pending in the Rajya Sabha with the dissolution of the lower house of Parliament. Procedure for lapsing of the bill:

1. A bill pending in the Lok Sabha lapses (whether originating in the Lok 2. Sabha or transmitted to it by the Rajya Sabha). 3. A bill passed by the Lok Sabha but is pending in the Rajya Sabha lapses. 4. A bill not passed by the two Houses due to disagreement and if the president has notified the

holding of a joint sitting before the dissolution of Lok Sabha, does not lapse. 5. A bill pending in the Rajya Sabha but not passed by the Lok Sabha does not lapse. 6. A bill passed by both Houses but pending assent of the president does not lapse. 7. A bill passed by both Houses but returned by the president for reconsideration of Houses does not

lapse. Pendency of the bill

1. 22 bills, pending in the Rajya Sabha, had lapsed with the dissolution of the 16th Lok Sabha 2. Among the 33 Bills that have survived in Rajya Sabha after the Lok Sabha term came to an end are

some that have been pending for decades. 3. Three Bills have been pending for more than 20 years, six Bills for 10-20 years, 14 Bills for 5-10 years

and 10 Bills for less than 5 years. 4. The Indian Medical Council (Amendment) Bill, 1987, has been pending for over 32 years in the Rajya

Sabha. Effects of the lapsing of the bill

In effect, the Lok Sabha has to take up these 22 bills for consideration and passing. It would take a minimum of two sessions to do so. And this means that efforts of the Lok Sabha for passing these 22 bills have been rendered waste

It is the loss of taxpayers money as these bills have to pass again by lok sabha as lok sabha has to again assign time for discussion of the bill.

Considerable time and energy is required for passing of the bill in either of the Houses of Parliament.

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BREACH OF PRIVILEGE MOTION Context: Claiming they had misled Parliament on the Rafale fighter jet deal issue, the Congress may move a breach of privilege motion against Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Defence Minister Nirmala Sitharama. What is a privilege motion?

Parliamentary privileges are certain rights and immunities enjoyed by members of Parliament, individually and collectively, so that they can “effectively discharge their functions”.

When any of these rights and immunities are disregarded, the offence is called a breach of privilege and is punishable under law of Parliament.

A notice is moved in the form of a motion by any member of either House against those being held guilty of breach of privilege.

Each House also claims the right to punish as contempt actions which, while not breach of any specific privilege, are offences against its authority and dignity.

What are the rules governing privilege?

Rule No 222 in Chapter 20 of the Lok Sabha Rule Book and correspondingly Rule 187 in Chapter 16 of the Rajya Sabha rulebook governs privilege.

It says that a member may, with the consent of the Speaker or the Chairperson, raise a question involving a breach of privilege either of a member or of the House or a committee thereof.

The rules however mandate that any notice should be relating to an incident of recent occurrence and should need the intervention of the House.

Notices have to be given before 10 am to the Speaker or the Chairperson.

What percentage of privilege notices are rejected?

A large number of notices are rejected, with penal action recommended in only a few.

The most significant case was in 1978 when Indira Gandhi, who had just won the Lok Sabha elections from Chikmagalur, was expelled from the House. Then home minister Charan Singh moved a resolution of breach of privilege against her following observations made by the Justice Shah Commission which probed excesses during the Emergency.

Another case was the expulsion of Subramanian Swamy from the Rajya Sabha in 1976. Swamy was charged with bringing disrepute to Parliament by his activities through interviews in foreign publications that were construed as anti-India propaganda.

In another instance, Blitz editor R K Karanjia was held guilty of gross breach of privilege of the House in 1961. Blitz had published an article that lampooned veteran leader J B Kripalani. He was summoned to the bar of the Lok Sabha and reprimanded, while the Lok Sabha gallery pass of his correspondent, R K Raghavan, was cancelled.

What is the privileges committee?

In the Lok Sabha, the Speaker nominates a committee of privileges consisting of 15 members as per respective party strengths.

A report is then presented to the House for its consideration. The Speaker may permit a half-hour debate while considering the report. The Speaker may then pass final orders or direct that the report be tabled before the House.

A resolution may then be moved relating to the breach of privilege that has to be unanimously passed. Currently, Congress member P C Chacko is the chairperson of the privileges committee. In the Rajya Sabha, the deputy chairperson heads the committee of privileges, that consists of 10 members.

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Criticism of Parliamentary Privileges

Against the Doctrine of Separation of Power : As speaker acts as judge to impose punishment for breach of privilege.So it is against the very spirit of separation of powers.

Absence of codified privileges led to unlimited power for legislatures to decide when and how breach of privileges occurred.

Penal action in case of breach of privileges is not the right step. It should be invoked only in case of obstructing the functioning of the house.

Must be invoked only in case of obstructing the functioning of the house and not for personal vendetta. Breach of privilege invoked for genuine criticism of members of the house or due to political vendetta, reduces accountability of elected representatives.It also Violates Fundamental Rights of expression and personal liberty.

Way Forward

Decision of the speaker may be influenced by his/her political affiliations. So, There should be an independent tribunal to decide such cases.

There should be the right balance between fundamental rights of citizens and privileges of legislators.

Higher Judiciary should set the limit for penal provisions.

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LOWER PRODUCTIVITY OF RAJYA SABHA Context: On the last day of the 16th Lok Sabha session on Wednesday, Rajya Sabha Chairman M. Venkaiah Naidu presented a “Report to the People”, citing statistics that highlighted the below-par performance of the Upper House and asserting that there is a need for legislatures to be accountable. Highlight of the “Report to the People”

Since June 2014, the Rajya Sabha has held 18 sessions and 329 sittings till date and passed 154 Bills — which comes to less than one Bill in two sittings.

In 2009-2014, it cleared 188 Bills and in 2004-09 it cleared 251 Bills.

In contrast, since 2014, the Upper House has been unable to function for 40% of its allotted time due to frequent disruptions.

Relevance of Rajya Sabha:

It checks hasty, defective, careless and ill-considered legislation made by the Lok Sabha by making provision of revision and thought.

It maintains the federal equilibrium by protecting the interests of the states against the undue interference of the Centre.

It facilitates giving representation to eminent professionals and experts who cannot face the direct election. The President nominates 12 such persons to the Rajya Sabha.

Criticism of Rajya Sabha:

1. Way for back door Entry: Many parties are now using the Rajya Sabha as a backdoor to get members elected, most of whom will not be able to win a Lok Sabha election. This is something that must be avoided as it amounts to taking the electorate for granted.

2. Not representative of State: Many members of Rajya Sabha get in from States they are least connected with. Even though we are moving towards a pan-India polity, this poses the question as to what the stand of the ‘alien’ MP with respect to the new constituency would be and what he or she is going to do for its development. The abuse of Rajya Sabha posts should be stopped.

3. Not Equal Representation of state: At present , representation of the state is based on the population of that state. Due to this, smaller states have lower representation. All States must be given an equal number of seats.

Ways to Improve the productivity of the Upper House:

Enactment of the The Parliament (Enhancement of Productivity) Bill, 2017: It sought to provide for the establishment of an effective system to prevent and address the decline in productivity of Parliament on account of disruptions of sittings.

The bill sought an appropriate legal framework to fix the minimum number of days in a year for which Parliament shall be in session.

A special session should be arranged in addition to the existing three sessions, as compensation for the hours unutilised because of disruptions.

There has to be a mechanism to ensure that qualified people reflecting the diversity of our country are represented in the Rajya Sabha. At best, the Elders can facilitate the smooth functioning of our democracy and be the spokespersons for the marginalised

The Rajya Sabha is not only a House for second thought but is also a guardian of a State’s rights. As it has the role of a watchdog, it must assert itself as a House of correction. Its function is to improve legislation passed by the Lower House and is not one of obstructions.

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GAGANYAAN Context

Prime Minister announced in his Independence Day speech (2018) that India would launch an astronaut in space by 2022.

Recently there was news that Russia will select & train 4 of 12 Indian astronauts for Gaganyaan. Human Spaceflight Programme

The Indian Human Spaceflight Programme (HSP) is a proposal by ISRO to develop and launch the ISRO Orbital Vehicle, which would carry a two-member crew to the Low Earth Orbit.

The programme envisages the development of a fully autonomous orbital vehicle carrying two crew members to about 300 km low earth orbit and their safe return. The spaceship would be launched by the GSLV MkIII launcher. Pre-project activities have been initiated to study and develop critical technologies for this mission.

What is Gaganyaan?

Gaganyaan is an Indian space mission set to take place on or before 2022 where a man or a woman will be sent into space on board the spacecraft known as the ‘Gaganyaan’. Following this mission, India will become the fourth nation in the world after the United States, Russia and China to undertake a manned space mission.

A made in India spacecraft will be sent to space by 2022 carrying three Indian astronauts who will spend seven days there.

(Source: The Hindu, 15-08-19) Why we explore space? Human space exploration helps to address fundamental questions about our place in the Universe and the history of our solar system. By addressing the challenges related to human space exploration we expand technology, create new industries, and help to foster a peaceful connection with other nations.

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Global Attempts

Russia (USSR) was the first country to launch a manned human space programme. Yuri Gagarin was the first person to fly in space in the Soviet Union's Vostok spacecraft.

After that the USA and China have also been successful in manned space programs.

Following this mission, India will become the fourth nation in the world after the United States, Russia and China to undertake a manned space mission.

Significance of the Gaganyaan Mission

Gaganyaan Programme will establish a broader framework for collaboration between ISRO, academia, industry, national agencies and other scientific organizations.

This will allow pooling in of diverse technological and industrial capabilities and enable broader participation in research opportunities and technology development benefiting a large number of students and researchers.

The flight system realization will be through Industry.

It is expected to generate employment and train human resources in advanced technologies. According to ISRO Chairman K Sivan, 15,000 jobs would be created under the human space mission.

It will inspire a large number of young students to take up science and technology careers for national development.

Impact of the mission

The programme is expected to spur research and development within the country in niche science and technology domains.

Huge potential for technology spinoffs in areas such as medicine, agriculture, industrial safety, pollution, waste management, water and food resource management etc.

Human spaceflight programme will provide a unique micro-gravity platform in space for conducting experiments and testbed for future technologies.

The programme is expected to give impetus to economic activities within the country in terms of employment generation, human resource development and enhanced industrial capabilities.

The mission will enable ISRO to achieve higher levels of reliability in launch and satellite technology. Human Spaceflight capability will enable India to participate as a collaborating partner in future Global space exploration initiatives with long term national benefits.

Technology Required

Crew module: Crew Module (CM) is identified as the payload in GSLV MK-III-X/CARE Mission. The Crew Module (CM) is separated from the Launch Vehicle at an altitude of 126 km, re-enters Earth’s atmosphere at about 80 km and descends further in ballistic mode. Beyond 80 km, CM follows an uncontrolled re-entry trajectory and impacts at sea about 180 km from Andaman and Nicobar Island.

Thermal shield: During re-entering the earth's atmosphere from space, the capsule starts burning due to earth's atmospheric friction. To make sure that the high temperature doesn't harm astronauts inside the capsule, a thermal shield is required.

A human-rated GSLV Mk-lll will be used to carry the orbital module which will have necessary provisions for sustaining a 3-member crew for the duration of the mission.

Crew Escape System: The Crew Escape System is an emergency escape measure designed to quickly pull the crew module along with the astronauts to a safe distance from the launch vehicle in the event of a launch abort.

The necessary infrastructure for crew training, realization of flight systems and ground infrastructure.

Progress made

According to ISRO chairman, India’s manned mission to space Gaganyaan is on target. ISRO, the country’s premier space body, has put the required infrastructure in place.

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ISRO established Human Space Flight Centre (HSFC) at ISRO Headquarter campus in Bengaluru. HSFC is responsible for the implementation of GAGANYAAN Project which involves end-to-end mission planning, development of Engineering systems for crew survival in space, crew selection & training and also pursue activities for sustained human space flight missions.

In addition, the orbital and re-entry mission and recovery operations have been flight demonstrated in Space Capsule Re-entry experiment (SRE) mission.

ISRO has already done flight testing of the crew escape system which is a critical technology relevant for human spaceflight.

Elements of the life support system and Spacesuit also have been realized and tested. ISRO recently revealed its prototype spacesuit with a crew capsule and escape model at the sixth edition of Space Expo Bangalore. The suit and capsule are crucial in Gaganyaan, ISRO's 2022 space mission.

ISRO has developed a new thermal shield. This thermal shield will keep the internal temperature of the capsule below 25-degree Celsius irrespective of the high exterior surface temperature.

ISRO has developed and demonstrated most of the baseline technologies essential for undertaking human spaceflight mission.

Russia and France will help India in the mission. While the Russian space agency Roscosmos will train four Indian astronauts of which three will be selected to go onboard India's first human space mission programme, France will be training their medical support personnel.

The Institute of Aerospace Medicine (IAM), a centre of the Indian Air Force shall provide medical support to crew members of Gaganyaan.

Challenges

India has only 40 months to launch the mission. With no prior experience, it would be difficult for the ISRO to plan the things. Any unforeseen technical glitch can postpone the deadline. Although ISRO is confident that it would be able to pull things off.

Prior to the manned mission, ISRO would conduct two unmanned missions, the first one in 30 months and the second in 36 months. The success of the mission would depend on the successful testing of these two missions.

Biggest task of all will be selecting and training astronauts to handle the rigours of a sojourn in space.

This is the first time ISRO is planning to bring back the spacecraft into earth’s orbit which is going to be a big challenge. Earlier missions had no such requirement.

Creating the earth like conditions in space is another big challenge.

ISRO will also need to keep in mind that the astronauts which go in space face various health and psychological challenges. So addressing their needs will also be a challenge.

Space explorations vs socio-economic challenge

Many people have criticized the government and the space agency because they think that the money spent on space explorations can be better utilized in socio-economic development projects which can help India reduce Poverty but that is not always the case as space explorations and investments in these explorations turns out to be beneficial for humans in the long run.

The Indian spaceflight programme is not divorced from getting people out of poverty. Nearly the only thing India did for many decades after putting eyes in the sky was to help understand and predict the weather, monitor the consequences of natural disasters, the prospect for natural resources to extract and redistribute, enable newer communication channels, and improve access to education and healthcare in remote parts of the country.

Exploring the science can prove crucial as many times a comet or asteroid possess some danger to the earth and at that time our knowledge of science can prove to be very handy.

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Development of crew modules and aerospace medicines have the potential to develop ancillary sectors like healthcare and material science research in the country.

Also ISRO helps in balancing the current account deficit of India by earning crucial forex by launching satellites of other countries. Recently ISRO has launched various satellites of other countries. ISRO has recently emerged as a global player in the market of satellite launches and its credibility improved significantly especially after PSLV-C37 launched 104 satellites in one go.

Both are important and that is why the government has many schemes which cater to the socio-economic development but at the same time, they also keep allocating funds for science explorations.

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THE DNA TECHNOLOGY (USE AND APPLICATION) REGULATION BILL, 2018 Context

Lok Sabha passed the bill earlier this year.

There have been demands for increased scrutiny of the bill due to privacy concerns. Basic background

DNA technology finds its use in criminal cases as crucial evidence and in civil cases like parentage disputes.

The bill seeks to regulate the use of DNA to establish the identity of a person in matters listed in a schedule including criminal cases, civil matters, emigration, human organ transplantation etc.

Offences under the Indian Penal Code, 1860, as well as offences under other laws such as the Immoral Traffic (Prevention) Act, 1956, the Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act, 1971, the Protection of Civil Rights Act, 1955, and the Motor Vehicles Act, 1988, are covered under this Act.

The bill seeks to establish a National DNA Data Bank and Regional DNA Data Banks. The National Data Bank will store DNA profiles received from DNA laboratories and receive DNA data from the regional Banks.

Every Data Bank will maintain the following indices: (i) crime scene index, (ii) suspects’ or undertrials’ index, (iii) offenders’ index, (iv) missing persons’ index, and (v) unknown deceased persons’ index.

The Bill establishes a DNA Regulatory Board. Every DNA laboratory that analyses a DNA sample to establish the identity of an individual, has to be accredited by the Board.

Analysis

Written consent by individuals is required to collect DNA samples from them. Consent is not required for offences with the punishment of more than seven years of imprisonment or death. Consent is required for criminal investigations and cases regarding missing persons.

The bill is silent about consent for civil cases.

The bill provides for the removal of DNA data from the database under the following situations. DNA profiles in the crime scene index or missing persons’ index will be removed from the

DNA Data Banks on the basis of a written request by the individual. The DNA profile of a suspect will be removed after the filing of a police report or as per a

court order. In the case of an undertrial, the DNA profile will be removed on the basis of a court order.

DNA data may only be used for identification of the person. However, the Bill allows for access to information in the Data Bank for the purpose of a one-time keyboard search. This search allows for information from a DNA sample to be compared with information in the database without information from the sample being included in the database.

Benefits

This shall empower the investigating agencies with modern techniques needed to get a conviction in court cases.

It shall help in cases of disasters where the list of missing and deceased people is too incomprehensive and creates more confusion than solutions.

This shall help in nailing serial offenders. Example of Bhatkal brothers of Indian Mujahideen still haunts the security agencies. They were released by Kolkata Police due to lack of any identifiable evidence within a day. DNA profiling would eliminate operational loopholes like these.

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Concerns

Concerns regarding the lack of consent in civil cases remain.

The bill has also not specified that the consent has to be voluntary

The bill might run afoul of the Puttaswamy judgement that guarantees a fundamental right to privacy.

The bill also lacks clarity on the ownership of the samples and the data stored in the DNA labs.

It does not specify which parts of an individual’s DNA can be analysed to ascertain their identity. Way Forward

A balance needs to be struck between privacy concerns and the investigative needs of the security agencies.

Privacy activists, forensic experts and other stakeholders should be consulted and their feedback taken at regular intervals to remove operational and implementation issues from the Bill.

Source : Ministry of Science and Technology and Earth Sciences, PRS Legislative Research

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DATA LOCALISATION Context

Srikrishna Committee Report had suggested data localisation for critical data.

RBI has also asked payment providers for data localisation of payment-related data and it has set October 15th as the deadline.

It has also come up as a major issue in the US-India trade negotiations Basic background

Data localisation, in essence, means that the data will be stored in servers located physically within the countries borders.

Generally, the data is stored in the cloud and the location usually is not a priority. Justice B N Srikrishna Committee recommendation on draft Data Protection Bill 2018

The government will notify some data as critical and this has to be stored on servers located within the country.

Non-critical data can be stored outside the country subject to some conditions as long as one copy of the data is stored within the country.

Reserve Bank of India (RBI) notification

RBI issued a notification on 6th April regarding data localisation of payment data.

RBI observed that many payment system providers are not following data localisation. It said that “ it is important to have unfettered supervisory access to data stored with these system providers” and in this regard, data should be stored only in India.

In June 2019, it clarified that the transaction data can be taken out for processing but has to be brought back to the country for storage within 24 hours.

Currently, the Supreme Court is monitoring the compliance of Payment systems providers after a complaint was filed by a think-tank.

Advantages of data localisation

After the Cambridge Analytica scandal, where the data of local citizens were used by foreign agents for a prolonged “information warfare”, there have been demands from a lot of countries for data localisation. Critical data like financial transactions if under the supervision of India’s agencies will be more secure.

If data is not localised then law enforcement agencies have to rely on Mutual Legal Assistance Treaties (MLAT) to retrieve and process relevant data. Data localisation will simplify any such investigation requirements. This is also becoming increasingly important after a spate of lynchings based on rumour-mongering through Whatsapp.

According to General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) of the EU, data will be transferred to a non-EU country if the country passes an ‘adequacy test’ or it enters into some contract that offers protection of data. So a data localisation policy along with a strong data protection framework in line with international best practices might be advantageous for our bilateral trade with the EU.

Data localisation will also generate jobs in a critical sector like data storage and analytics. It will also be beneficial for young companies who are direct competitors of global giants in the same sector

Disadvantages of data localisation

Cost of data localisation might go up as companies might have to set up local storage solutions for data. This might have a cascading effect on the prices consumers pay for services.

Even rising startups in India who want to utilize global expertise might find those services too costly due to new regulations.

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Data localisation does not necessarily mean increased protection for the data of citizens. It might still be vulnerable.

It might lead to a clamour among other countries to ask for similar regulations, which means that the internet might get splintered along political boundaries. This ‘splinternet’ goes against the basic feature of cyberspace that transcends political and geographical boundaries.

Way Forward

Strict data protection laws need to be implemented which balances the needs of commerce and the fundamental right to privacy.

This challenge should be used as an opportunity to kickstart local production of memory storage devices, data servers and other critical IT components.

Promote clear, unambiguous policies that can help us gain consumer confidence while without compromising on national security or citizen privacy.

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5G NETWORK Context

China, Japan and South Korea have rolled out commercial 5G services.

The Indian government has also announced plans to auction spectrum for 5G services this year.

AJ Paulraj committee had submitted its recommendations on 5G and related areas in August last year.

5G: The basics

Fifth-generation wireless technology or ‘5G’ is a mobile communication technology that denotes a marked improvement over its predecessor Fourth generation wireless ‘4G’.

Wireless technology divides an area into smaller sectors serviced by mobile towers. The data transfer is done through radio waves. 4G uses high powered mobile towers that cover a large area and emits waves in the frequency of up to 700-2600MHz. In contrast, 5G technology uses high-frequency waves of the millimetre spectrum from 30GHz to 300 GHz using small cell stations located above buildings or other small structures.

5G technology could, however, initially use the 3400-3600MHz and might complement the existing 4G Long Term Evolution (LTE) band. That is, in places 5G connections are not yet developed devices would seamlessly use existing 4G networks.

5G requires these small towers or stations to be placed closer to each other since the high-frequency waves will be obstructed by buildings, trees etc and can travel only short distances.

5G vs. 4G: A comparison

Apart from the frequency, the key difference between 5G and 4G is the latency. Latency is generally defined as the time taken between the input and the desired output. In case of data latency, it is defined as the time taken by a packet to travel from point A to point B in a network. Or, it is defined as the time taken for a data packet to cover the round-trip from A to B, and back to A. In short, lower the latency the better.

4G typically has a latency of 30 milliseconds and in 5G, the latency can be as low as 1 millisecond.

4G offers a max speed of 100 Mbps and 4G LTE networks it can be as fast as 1Gbps. In 5G connections, speeds can be as high as 20 Gbps and at least 10 times faster than 4G.

5G: Advantages

5G has much lower latency allowing for near-instantaneous connections between devices.

The higher speed also allows more data to be transferred at very high speeds. 5G: Applications

5G will revolutionise the Internet of Things (IoT) by offering near-seamless connections between devices.

It can improve the education and health sector by integrating practical learning using Virtual Reality (VR) devices with traditional classrooms and hospitals.

It will have a positive impact on urban governance by improving “smart cities”.

It can also turn farmland “smart” by integrating data from various inputs like livestock, water and soil sensors, drones etc., and making it available for further data analysis.

Real-time data transfer between vehicles will also dramatically alter the public transport and automatic vehicle landscape.

It will revolutionise the entertainment industry as streaming will be virtually eliminated and downloads will occur at lightning speeds.

5G offers enough bandwidth to slice the network. That is, the spectrum can be divided into different virtual compartments that can be used for different applications. This means that emergency services can communicate in a band exclusively set for them without any interference from other

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services. This also means that network operators can provide value-added specialised services or specific customer services like IoT, smart appliances or driverless cars.

Concerns

Since 5G uses high-frequency waves it requires a clear line-of-sight between the antenna and the device receiving the signal. This requires a high number of receiving stations at every room or building as per the requirements. Otherwise, cities will have to increase the number of large mobile towers so that more area can be covered.

5G is also affected by clouds, humidity etc, since it uses the millimetre range frequency. Therefore, it might need a number of repeating stations to maintain signal strength.

Spectrum auction received a less than enthusiastic response a while ago.

The telecom companies are debt ridden and are not in a position to take up such a capital intensive project.

India has not yet taken a clear decisive stand on the ‘Huawei’ issue that was brought up by the U.S.

There is a lack of a clear long term plan regarding a project of this scale involving critical and modern technology.

Way Forward

Formulate a clear, predictable and long-term policy regarding the rollout of 5G service. This should encompass the FDI structure, the duty limits, tax breaks and other incentives as well

Promote local manufacturing of key components by using the The National Policy on Electronics 2019 as a springboard.

Leverage our position as a global IT/ITES hub to attract cutting edge research in 5G technology.

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ELECTRIC VEHICLES Context Concerns regarding air pollution have compelled policymakers to look at Electric vehicles as an alternative. Niti Aayog has published reports on Electric Vehicles and shared mobility both covering this policy intervention. Electric Vehicles: Global context

Rising temperatures and air pollution had forced countries to look for alternative solutions to their fuel and mobility needs.

In recent times, there has been a sudden surge in the renewable energy generation making electric vehicles (EV) more viable.

Advancements in battery and energy storage solutions have also boosted the EV sector.

A lot of countries including the U.S and China have put in place infrastructure for manufacture and commercial use of electric vehicles.

Electric Vehicles: Indian context

India has skilled labour in IT and manufacturing and is looking for opportunities to promote ‘Make in India’.

It will lead to significant savings in our oil import bill.

Infrastructure development in this sector will have a cascading effect on the other sectors like electronics, power, instrumentation, precision engineering etc.

It will help us reduce our greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions and reduce air pollution. Electric Vehicles: Advantages to India

We can leapfrog over the conventional evolution of the automobile industry and shift the paradigm of transport altogether.

As per a NITI Aayog study “India can save 64% of anticipated passenger road-based mobility-related energy demand and 37% of carbon emissions in 2030 by pursuing a shared, electric, and connected mobility future.”

India imported 80.9% of its oil in 2015–16, and EVs can reduce this quantity considerably.

India’s growing population is more mobile than ever before. Introduction of EVs will connect this huge population of consumers with future entrepreneurs.

We have already shown the capability to scale up solutions in the solar energy sector and also in the payment sector (UPI).

According to NITI Aayog auto ownership in India remains low, with only 18 cars per 1,000 citizens. Also, “non motorized transportation and public transportation represent a large share of all trips taken in India”. This means that there is a huge untapped market for EVs

175 GW of renewable energy capacity by 2022 is the target set by the government. This also provides a huge boost to the EV sector.

Challenges

A regular power supply is still a basic necessity that India is struggling with.

The auto industry currently does not have the financial capacity to make such huge investments.

Lithium is used in batteries is not readily available for Indian manufacturers. India is dependent on Taiwan, Japan and Taiwan for Lithium. Australia, Argentina and Chile are the world's top lithium producers, while Bolivia holds the largest potential resources. Chile, Argentina and Bolivia- known as ‘Lithium Triangle’ due to vast reserves of Lithium. China, meanwhile, is also a significant producer. Together, these five countries account for most of the world's lithium supply.

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The supporting infrastructure and policies in terms of charging stations, cable specifications etc are not in place yet. GST and other tax regulations are also becoming more unpredictable.

Research and Development (R&D) in areas like Battery storage technology, fuel cells, Self-driving cars, AI etc, has not yet taken a mature form in India. These sectors have a direct impact on the development of EVs.

Electric Vehicles have fewer moving parts and therefore have minimal wear and tear. This will affect the livelihood of auto spare parts manufacturers, mechanics etc.

Government Interventions

Faster Adoption and Manufacturing of Electric Vehicles (FAME) has been extended through 2020, with a focus on technology generation, charging infrastructure etc.

Green mobility fund, for all state capitals and cities with a population above five lakh.

‘Smart City’ mission also has a focus on providing a variety of transport solutions will also directly impact the EV segment.

Way Forward

Urban governments have to take initiatives to promote EVs on a large scale. Incentives like toll-free access to roads, free parking, soft loans etc might be the ‘push’ that this sector needs.

There has to be a broader more predictable policy in place for EVs that integrates import of raw materials, manufacturing, sharing of EVs etc. The policy has to be India centric instead of merely aping the west. According to NITI Aayog, 79% of electric vehicles in India are two-wheelers, unlike other countries where four-wheelers are more popular

The sources of Lithium must be secured through diplomatic measures.

There must be a comprehensive plan for the development of R&D in the EV sector. Universities, private sector, start-ups, research labs etc must be involved in this endeavour. Creation of a national forum for knowledge sharing between various stakeholders will be critical for the development of a mature R&D ecosystem.

Duty structure must be designed to leverage India’s unique strengths and to boost local manufacturing.

Skilling workers in the electronics and allied sectors must be done parallelly in order to generate maximum employment in the EV sector.

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DEFENCE PROCUREMENT POLICY (DPP) Context:

The government started procurement under Strategic Procurement Policy and the first project to kick-off will be 111 utility twin-engine helicopters worth an estimated Rs 21,000 crore for the Indian Navy.

The Union Cabinet has cleared a change to the terms of reference of the Fifteenth Finance Commission, to get it to recommend apportioning a share of the Centre’s tax collections to defence procurement, and to share only what remains with the state governments.

What is DPP?

DPP focuses on institutionalising, streamlining and simplifying defence procurement procedure to give a boost to ‘Make in India’ initiative of the Government of India, by promoting indigenous design, development and manufacturing of defence equipment, platforms, systems and subsystems.

Enhancing the role of MSMEs in the defence sector is one of the defining features of DPP.

Cutting down permissible timeframes for various procurement activities and institutionalising robust mechanisms to monitor for probity at various stages of the procurement process are the cornerstones of DPP.

Except for medical equipment, the DPP will cover all Capital Acquisitions undertaken by the Ministry of Defence, Defence Services and Indian Coast Guard both from indigenous sources and ex-import. Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO), Ordnance Factory Board (OFB) and Defence Public Sector Undertakings (DPSUs) will, however, continue to follow their own procurement procedure.

Capital Acquisition in DPP Capital Acquisition schemes are broadly classified as, ‘Buy’, ‘Buy and Make’ and ‘Make’.

Under the ‘Buy’ scheme procurements are categorised as ‘Buy (Indian - IDDM)’, ‘Buy (Indian)’ and ‘Buy (Global)’. The three categories under the ‘Buy’ scheme refer to an outright purchase of equipment.

Under the ‘Buy and Make’ scheme, the procurements are categorised as ‘Buy and Make (Indian)’ and ‘Buy and Make’. The two categories under ‘Buy and Make’ scheme refer to an initial procurement of equipment in Fully Formed (FF) state in quantities as considered necessary, from the appropriate source, followed by indigenous production in a phased manner through comprehensive Transfer of Technology (ToT), pertaining to critical technologies as per the specified range, depth and scope.

In decreasing order of priority the procurement of defence equipment, under this procedure are categorised as follows:-

Buy (Indian - IDDM) Buy (Indian) Buy and Make (Indian) Buy and Make Buy (Global)

The ‘Make’ categorisation, aims at developing long-term indigenous defence capabilities. Depending upon factors such as Indian industry’s capability, access to technology, time frame required and available for development, the ‘Make’ category of procurement would be pursued in isolation, in sequence or in tandem with any of the five categories under ‘Buy’ or ‘Buy and Make’ classifications, with a separate heading under Services Capital Acquisition Plan (SCAP) and Annual Acquisition Plan (AAP)

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Strategic Partnership Model

The model was recommended by Dhirendra singh committee. The committee was set up in May 2015 to both evolve a policy framework for facilitating ‘Make in India’ within the purview of the Defence Procurement Procedure (DPP) and streamline the Defence procurement process.

Strategic Partnership Model(SPM) is a part of Defence Procurement Policy (DPP) intended to encourage broader participation of the private sector, in addition to DPSUs / OFB, in the manufacture of defence platforms and equipment.

The strategic partnership model seeks to identify a few Indian private companies as Strategic Partners who would initially tie-up with a few shortlisted foreign Original Equipment Manufacturers (OEMs) to manufacture big-ticket military platforms.

The guidelines of the policy lay emphasis on incentivisation of transfer of niche technology and higher indigenous content. Global Majors, who in collaboration with Indian Partners are ready to make India a Regional / Global manufacturing hub for the platform will also be incentivized.

In the initial phase, the selection of SPs would be confined to four segments: Fighter Aircraft, Helicopters, Submarines, and Armoured Fighting Vehicles (AFV)/Main Battle Tanks (MBT). Only one SP would generally be selected in each segment.

Need for SPM

Though defence manufacturing has been open to private sector participation for well over a decade, private companies have pointed to the lack of a level playing field compared to DPSUs and Ordnance Factories (OFs), which continue to enjoy a commanding role based on various forms of governmental support over the past decades, including long-term purchase arrangements.

There was thus a need to institutionalise a transparent, objective and functional mechanism to encourage broader participation of the private sector, in addition to capacities of DPSUs/OFB, in manufacturing of major defence platforms. SPM provides that mechanism.

Critical technologies like Stealth, Air Independent Propulsion for submarines, AESA radar systems for airplanes,Jet engines etc are things which foreign private manufacturers are reluctant to transfer under ToT creating a wide gulf in the development of indegenous technologies. SP model creates a platform where expertise is inculcated through experience.

Who can be a strategic partner?

According to the guidelines, any applicant company interested in participating in the selection process for strategic partners must be owned and controlled by resident Indians.

This means that the majority in a company’s board of directors, including the Chief Executive Officer (CEO), must be resident Indians, and that a minimum 51 per cent of its equity must be owned by resident Indians.

The cap of a maximum of 49 per cent Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in SPs, which is also the condition in the ‘Make’ procedure, is intended to keep the crucial decision-making and intellectual property rights (IPR) in the hands of resident Indians.

Significance of Strategic Partnership Model

It will boost self-reliance by encouraging indigenous defence industry and aligning the defence sector with the ‘Make in India’ initiative leading to a reduction in dependence on imports.

It will enhance competition, increase efficiencies, facilitate faster and more significant absorption of technology.

It will create a tiered industrial ecosystem, ensure the development of a wider skill base, trigger innovation and enable participation in global value chains as well as promote exports.

From a strategic perspective, this will help reduce current dependence on imports and gradually ensure greater self-reliance and dependability of supplies essential to meet national security objectives.

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From the private sector’s point of view, the biggest benefit would be the opportunity to participate in some big-ticket contracts estimated to be worth over two lakh crore rupees in the initial phase of execution which was hitherto reserved for the DPSUs and OFs.

It will help us bridge the long-standing trust gap between the Indian private sector and the Ministry of Defence.

Streamline procurement as dependence on foreign players causes a delay in procurements and at times substandard quality is provided by them, there are issues regarding getting the spare parts too.

Concerns

The first concern is the lack of institutional capacity and ability to guide the new process to its logical conclusion. Although the DPP talks of “an appropriate institutional and administrative mechanism” besides “adequate expertise in relevant fields like procurement, contract law and ToT [Transfer of Technology] arrangements”, much would depend on how they unfold.

There is also a concern regarding the long-term viability of SPs largely due to the privileged position enjoyed by public sector entities. The government should not deviate from its own promise of fair play in awarding of contracts otherwise it would be futile to expect SPs to make major investments.

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CHIEF OF DEFENCE STAFF Context: The Prime Minister recently announced in his Independence speech that the government will appoint a Chief of Defence Staff (CDS). Who is Chief of Defence Staff?

The CDS is meant to be a single-point military advisor to the government, and to coordinate long-term planning, procurements, training and logistics of the three services.

The three forces will continue to have their own chiefs. However, the four-star officers heading these three services will report to the Chief of Defence Staff.

The Chief of Defence Staff will be a ‘first among equals’, a fourth four-star officer who will be senior to the three other service chiefs.

As future wars become short, swift and network-centric, coordination among the three services is crucial. Also as the stress on resources increases and defence budgets remain flat, the way forward is optimisation of resources by joint planning and training.

The CDS, being above the three Service Chiefs, is expected to play this role by optimising procurement, avoiding duplication among the services and streamlining the process. India being a nuclear weapons state, the CDS will also act as the military advisor to the Prime Minister on nuclear issues.

Background:

The proposal for a CDS has been there for two decades. It was first made by the K. Subrahmanyam committee appointed after the Kargil conflict of 1999 to recommend higher military reforms. However, lack of consensus and apprehensions among services meant it never moved forward.

In 2012, the Naresh Chandra committee recommended the appointment of a Permanent Chairman of Chiefs of Staff Committee (COSC) as a midway to allay apprehensions over the CDS.

The CDS is also one of the 99 recommendations made by the Lt General D.B. Shekatkar (retd) Committee which submitted its report in December 2016 which had 34 recommendations pertaining to the tri-services.

Why was CDS needed?

The case for a CDS has been built around the argument that it is necessary to have a professional body of the highest standing to facilitate ‘jointmanship’ and render single-point military advice to the government on matters of national security.

CDS would play a role in fostering inter-services jointness in terms of budgeting, equipment purchases, training, joint doctrines and planning of military operations-an imperative of modern warfare

It is believed that this step will make our national security more effective and more economical.

In the book ‘Reforming and Restructuring: Higher Defence Organisation of India’, published by Centre for Joint Warfare Studies, Brigadier (Dr) Rajeev Bhutani (Retd) said, “Probably, India is the only country in the world, where the Secretary Department of Defence ,a generalist civil servant drawn from diverse background and who serves in the Ministry of Defence for a fixed tenure has been made responsible for ‘the Defence of India and every part thereof including preparation for defence’.”

In most democracies, the CDS is seen as being above inter-Service rivalries and the immediate operational preoccupations of the individual military chiefs. The role of the CDS becomes critical in times of conflict.

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Most countries with advanced militaries have such a post, albeit with varying degrees of power and authority. The United States Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee (CJCSC), for example, is extremely powerful, with a legislated mandate and sharply delineated powers.

India has also initiated steps to create a special forces division. Once it takes shape, the division is expected to be the first choice for the government to undertake any major counter-terrorism operation. CDS will also help in its formation and coordination.

Why it was not implemented?

There has never really been any consensus in the defence establishment on the advisability of such a move.

Fearing a loss of supremacy, the bureaucracy has preyed on the apprehensions of the political class, leading the latter to believe that a powerful military officer at the apex would encourage praetorian tendencies in the services.

Meanwhile, concerns that the new office would be dominated by the Army have never quite allowed the Navy and Air Force to fully support a CDS.

There is the continuing discomfort in sections of the military with a unified command structure, in particular the setting up of ‘theatre commands’ with independent operational commanders who would report supposedly not to the service chiefs but the Cabinet Committee on Security, of which the Chief of Defence Staff would be a member. Such an arrangement would remove service heads out of the operational chain of command, putting the latter effectively in-charge of joint military operations.

What is the current status?

In the absence of a CDS, presently the senior most of the three Chiefs functions as the Chairman COSC. But it is an additional role and the tenures have been very short.

For instance Air Chief Marshal (ACM) B.S. Dhanoa took over as the Chairman COSC on May 31 from outgoing Navy Chief Adm Sunil Lanba.

However, ACM Dhanoa will be in the role for only few months as he is set to retire on September 30 after which the baton will pass to Army Chief Gen Bipin Rawat who will then be the seniormost. Gen Rawat too is set to retire on December 31 after three years in office.

Way Forward

Although the announcement is a good step forward but the task is far from complete. How effectiveness the new office will be would depend largely on the delineation of its powers and the swiftness with which supporting reforms are undertaken, including structural changes within the Ministry of Defence, and creation of unified theatre commands. Also the work of CDS will not be easy, he will need to create confidence in all three services that their legitimate and vital interests will not be compromised.

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DRAFT RIVER BASIN MANAGEMENT BILL, 2018 Context

Alarming rise in water scarcity

Increasing tensions between states over water disputes Basic background

The 2nd Administrative Reforms Commission’s 7th Report titled “Capacity Building for Conflict Resolution-Fiction to Fusion” (February 2008), had recommended that the River Basin Organisations (RBOs) should be set up for each inter-State river.

There were demands in the past to amend the River boards Act, 1956 including the Report of the National Commission for Integrated Water Resources Development, 1999

The proposed River Basin Management Bill, 2018 seeks to set up 13 River Basin Authorities. Each authority will have a two-tier system, consisting of a governing council and an executive board. The council will comprise of chief ministers of all states within particular basin.

The bill provides for a mechanism where chief ministers of basin states will meet at least twice a year to discuss all the issues concerning the river basin and take a call on various issues.

The chairperson of the governing council will be from the CMs of the basin states,who will share the post on rotation.

The dispute between two or more states will go to the Inter-State River Water Disputes Tribunal only if governing council of the concerned authority fails to address it.

Analysis

The bill will speed up inter-state river water dispute resolution among states. The provision for a master plan will ensure that the development is participatory and holistic.

It will change the atmosphere of conflict into a culture of cooperation thus promoting cooperative federalism.

There are concerns that this will take away the participatory powers of farmers and local governments; and might lead to centralisation.

It might lead to commodification of water. Way forward

An independent, non-partisan agency along the lines of National Water Commission is required to provide credible and continuous data to the Executive Council.

Representation must also be given to local governments, farmers and experts who can raise concerns about local issues that might not attract the attention of the River Board

References:

Various Government of India websites

NITI Aayog

PRS Legislative Research

Press Information Bureau (PIB)

Institute for Defence Studies and Analysis

Vikram Sarabhai Space Centre (VSSC) website

Newspapers including Financial Express, Hindustan Times, Economic Times, India Today

NASA

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