graeme hugo-forced migration in indonesia-historical perspectives

8/10/2019 Graeme Hugo-Forced Migration in Indonesia-Historical Perspectives

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FORCED MIGRATION

IN INDONESIA :HISTORICAL

PERSPECTIVES

byGraeme Hugo

Federation Fellow,Professor of Geography

and Director of the National Centre forSocial Applications of GS, !he "ni#ersity of Adelaide

$mail% [email protected]"&'% http((www)arts)adelaide)edu)au(socialsciences(people(ges(ghugo)html

http%((www)gisca)adelaide)edu)au(gisca(flash)html

&e#ised paper presented to nternational Conference on Toward NewPerspectives on Forced Migration In Southeast Asia, organised by&esearch Centre for Society and Culture *P+- at the ndonesian

nstitute of Sciences *'P- and &efugee Studies Centre *&SC- at the"ni#ersity of ./ford, 0a1arta, 23425 No#ember 2667

For consideration byAsia and Pacific Migration Journal

+ay 2663
mailto:[email protected]:[email protected]


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A!STRACT

!his paper argues that an historical perspecti#e is important in the understanding of

contemporary forced migration in ndonesia) t demonstrates this through an analysis of the

ma8or pre 9:53 forced migrations in the country) t shows that many contemporary

population flows both forced and unforced ha#e their origins in historical forced migration)

For e/ample, urbani;ation in ndonesia in the immediate post independence decades was in a

ma8or way a function of forced migration) Forced migration also has created chain migration

lin1ages between origin and destination along which later non4forced mo#ements occur) t is

also shown that historical forces are often responsible for the political, economic and social

ine


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Howe#er, forced migration has a longer history in ndonesia and the present paper see1s to

summarise the ma8or patterns of forced migration, which occurred in ndonesia before gaining

independence and in the early post independence period) !hese migrations pro#ide an

important conte/t for e/amining contemporary forced migration in ndonesia)

DEFINING AND CATEGORISING INVOL"NTAR# MIGRANTS AND REF"GEES

!he migration literature is replete with typologies which differentiate migrants and

migrations according to the relati#e permanency of the mo#e, the distance tra#ersed, the

nature of the boundaries crossed, the causes of the mo#e, the characteristics of the mo#ers,

etc) .ne of the per#asi#e distinctions made between types of population mo#ements is that

between #oluntary and forced migrations which dates bac1 ?6 years to Fairchild@s *9:23-

migration classification) Perhaps the most fre


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does not e/ist because, in a gi#en system, he has no alternati#es) ndeed the early typology

de#eloped by Peterson referred to abo#e recognised this degree of o#erlap between #oluntary

and in#oluntary mo#ement and distinguished an intermediate category) He differentiated

between = impelled migration when the migrants retain some power to decide whether or

not to lea#e and forced migration when they do not ha#e this power *Peterson, 9:3?%259-)

!hese are in turn separated from free migration in which the will of the migrants is the

decisi#e element initiating mo#ement)

!here is also di#ersity in the literature with respect to what particular types of

in#oluntary migration can be identified) +uch of this centres around the issue of defining the

term refugee) hile the term refugee migration is in some cases used as a synonym for

in#oluntary migration, others apply it only to a #ery restricted sub4set of all such mo#ements)

!he 9:5B "nited Nations Protocol on &efugees considers a refugee as = e#ery person who,

owing to a well founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality,

membership of a particular social group or political opinion, is outside the country of his

nationality and is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to a#ail himself of the protection

of that country)*Eeely, 9:?9%5-)

An alternati#e approach, which is more congruent with the day to day use of the term

refugee, is that which distinguishes refugees from other migrants by the causes of their

mo#ement) A good e/ample of such a definition is that pro#ided by .lson *9:B:%96-)))

&efugees differ from other, spontaneous or sponsored migrants, largely in the

circumstances of their mo#ement out of one area to another, and the effects these

ha#e on them in the settlement and ad8ustment phases of their relocation) &efugees

are forced to lea#e their homes because of a change in their en#ironment which

ma1es it impossible to continue life as they ha#e 1nown it) !hey are coerced by an

e/ternal force to lea#e their homes and go elsewhere)


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!his definition stresses the in#oluntary, forced nature of the mo#e, the uprooting

suddenness of most refugee mo#es and the e/ternality to the mo#er of the force or forces

impelling the mo#e) t also implies a substantial degree of powerlessness among the mo#ers

in the decision to mo#e and selection of destination) !here is no consideration in this

definition of the distance the refugees mo#e or whether or not they cross an international

boundary, although .lson points out these spatial factors do affect refugees@ ad8ustment after

flight) !his definition is clearly more holistic and sees refugee mo#es as a subset of all

population mobility rather than of international migration)

.lson@s definition is also broader than that of the ")N) with respect to the nature of the

e/ternal force or forces, the threat or presence of which impels refugee mo#ements) Again, the

"nited Nations definition is somewhat restricti#e in that it refers only to persecution or fear of

persecution as initiating refugee mo#ement) Eeely *9:?9%5- points out that this e/cludes

people fleeing the ra#ages of war, and who are usually considered refugees, although the

broader definitions in wider use usually include such groups) +ore commonly, persons who

are displaced by ci#il conflict or war are also categori;ed as refugees) Some writers, howe#er,

ha#e e/tended the recognition of forces which create refugee mo#ements e#en further and go

beyond the conflicts created by human agents to include people displaced from their home

areas by natural disasters) .lson *9:B:%96-, for e/ample, identifies the following fi#e types

of e/ternal compulsions that alone or in concert create refugees)))

9 Physical dangers *e)g) floods, #olcanic eruptions etc)-

2) $conomic insufficiency *e)g) drought, famine-

) &eligious persecution

7) $thnic persecution

3) deological persecution)

hile it recognised that there are elements of force in much of the mo#ement

characterised as #oluntary, the concentration here is on mo#ers where there has been some

7


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compulsion to mo#e by the sudden onset of life threatening conditions *olberg and Suhr1e

*9:?7%9-) !hese can be di#ided firstly *Hugo and Chan, 9::6- into those initiated by

=natural> disasters although it is recognised that these often ha#e an underlying political,

economic and social cause) !hese are migrants who are forced to flee their home areas by the

onset of *or the fear of- a natural calamity or disaster which include the first two categories of

.lson@s *9:B:- classification of e/ternal compulsions to migration listed abo#e and co#ers not

only the migrations initiated by the sudden and #iolent onset of floods, earth nature of the forces

initiating such mo#ements as being

= characterised by the immediacy of life threatening compulsion, its relati#e

deliberate e/ercise by some agent and the inability of persons affected by it to rely

on their go#ernment for e#en nominal protection)>

t must be stressed, howe#er, that we are referring here to the immediate cause which triggers

the forced migration, not necessarily the deeper underlying long term determinants) For

e/ample, many natural disasters ha#e their root causes in long term political, social,

economic or agricultural practices or policies)

n both of the types of forced mo#ement identified here e/ternal pressures are

paramount in initiating mo#es 4 without the sudden introduction of particular e/ternal forces

the mo#e would not ha#e occurred) As Eun; *9:B%96- points out ))) t is the reluctance to

uproot oneself, and the absence of positi#e original moti#ations to settle elsewhere, which

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characterises all refugee decisions and distinguishes the refugee from the #oluntary migrants)

n fact Eun; goes on to recogni;e two distinct 1inetic types of refugee mo#ement in which

the chief distinction is the strength of the e/ternal forces impinging upon the potential

refugee)

*a- Anticipatory refugee mo#ements in#ol#e people mo#ing before the deterioration of the

military or political situation becomes o#erwhelming, pre#enting an orderly departure)

*b- Acute refugee mo#ements, where the emphasis is on unplanned flight en masse or in

bursts of indi#idual or group escapes where the o#erwhelming ob8ecti#e is to reach a

ha#en of safety)

!his differentiation is e


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!he Dutch historians Jollenho#en *9:9?, %9243- and #an 'eur *9:33%96649- ha#e

summarised patterns of migration in pre4colonial ndonesia as being of three main types each

of which in#ol#ed some elements of forced migration

*a- migration to cities which pre dated $uropean contact)

*b- colonisation by a large group of migrants from one region who settled in another region)

*c- establishment of authority in foreign regions)

!a1ing first the mo#ement to cities, pre4colonial urbanisation too1 two main forms *+cGee,

9:5B-) First were the traditional inland 1ingdoms based on e/acting tribute from intensi#e

agricultural populations in their hinterlands of which the temple comple/ of orobudur in

Central 0a#a is a remaining #estige) Second, were the more ephemeral and smaller trading

cities along the coasts of islands such as 0a#a and Sumatra *Hugo, 9:?6-) !he ta1ing of sla#es

was a substantial element in both types of cities) !his is reflected in the data presented in

!able 9, which relate to ata#ia *now 0a1arta- in 95B) Although this was after the Dutch had

established themsel#es in the city *93:5- and ta1en control *959:-, it is indicati#e) n the

inland 1ingdoms the cities also had substantial numbers of sla#es, often from areas con


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Substantial agricultural colonisation occurred in the pre4$uropean period) !his was in

large part a response to the build up of population pressure in origin areas so there was an

element of force in this mobility as well) n some cases, such mo#es were triggered by the

onset of physical disasters in the place of origin) An e/ample of such mo#ement was that of

0a#anese from hea#ily settled wet rice *sawah- areas of Central 0a#a to more lightly settled

shifting dry field culti#ation *ladang- areas of est 0a#a) !his in#ol#ed ethnic 0a#anese

people settling in areas dominated by Sundanese and has been e/amined elsewhere *Hugo,

9:B3K 9:?6-) !he main flow occurring in the si/teenth and se#enteenth centuries are shown

in Figure 9)

Fgure %: Ma0or Pa(h' o* Mgra(o) ) (he S1(ee)(h a)d Se+e)(ee)(h Ce)(ure' )

2e'(er) 3a+a

Source% Hugo, 9:B3%?9

!he third type of mobility identified by #an 'eur and Jollenho#en was the

=establishment of authority in foreign regions>) !his created forced mo#ements both in

displacement of pree/isting populations as well as the ta1ing of massi#e numbers of sla#es)

!hey pro#ide a number of e/amples but another was in the early se#enteenth century when

?


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the Central 0a#anese 1ingdom of +ataram e/tended its influence o#er Cirebon in est 0a#a

ma1ing it a #assal in 959: *Hugo, 9:B3%?2-) De Haan *9:92, %:- e/plains that the

+ataram attac1s produced a flood of Sundanese refugees from the region to the Citarum

&i#er region in Erawang *est 0a#a- where they settled) !he lin1s established between

Sumedang *Central 0a#a- and Cirebon on the one hand, and Sumedang and Erawang on the

other, during this period, are still reflected in contemporary population mo#ement patterns

*Hugo, 9:B3-)

FORCED MIGRATION IN THE COLONIAL PERIOD

+igration in the $ast ndies was transformed by the gradual penetration of capitalism

#ia the =step by step> growth in $uropean control of ndonesia, culminating in the ta1ing of

#irtual total control in the nineteenth century) As $uropean influence and control increased in

ndonesia during the si/teenth, se#enteenth and eighteenth century, so did their impact on

population mo#ement *Hugo, 9:?6%9664962-, but it was with the imposition of direct colonial

rule by the Dutch *and for a short time ritish- go#ernment in the nineteenth century, which

saw the most dramatic effects) Some of these effects were as follows%

M . !here was probably a greater degree of peace and order, which at least in part remo#ed

the fears associated with forced mo#ement between regions)

. !he whole pattern and a#ailability of transport underwent a re#olution which greatly

reduced the friction of distance)

M . !he structure of the economy was changed drastically in line with the e/ploitati#e

colonial aims concentrating 8ob opportunities in new and different types of areas than in

the past)

M . !here were direct colonially imposed laws to encourage or discourage particular types

of mo#ement)

M . !here was a range of forced and semi4forced labour schemes)

:


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. !he introduction of an e/ternally oriented trading system *&iddell, 9:?6%995-, saw the

de#elopment of urban centres and migration toward them)

M . !he introduction of #arious schemes of ta/ation had effects on population mo#ement)

. !he encouragement of immigration of non4ndonesian foreigners)

. !he introduction of wage employment of #arious 1inds)

. !he reduction in mortality and perhaps e#en an increase in fertility *hite, 9:B- led to

increasing population pressure in rural areas)

. !he introduction, albeit in an e/tremely limited way, of primary and to a lesser e/tent

secondary schools)

hile the mo#ement asteris1ed influenced forced migration in ndonesia, it could be argued

that the enforced imposition of colonialism meant that #irtually all mobility in the colonial

period could not be considered #oluntary) Some scholars *e)g Amin, 9:B7K Gregory and

Piche, 9:B?K 9:?6K insbergen and +eilin1, 9:B?K Gerald4Scheepers and Jan insbergen,

9:B?- see colonial population mo#ement patterns and le#els as a response to broader socio4

structural changes associated with the une#en penetration of capitalism, which ha#e

substantial sectoral, class and spatial ine


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aristocracy was installed as regents and became the medium through which the people of

Priangan were forced to grow coffee) !he so4called compulsory crops system, through the

agency of the regents who Geert; *9:5%39- styles labour contractors, inflicted much

hardship on the Sundanese and had an important impact on patterns of population mo#ement)

.ne effect was for local populations to flee the hea#y e/actions of the compulsory crop

system) &affles *9?9B, %57453- states that the oppression and degradation imposed by the

Dutch, led to depopulation in parts of Priangan as well as the anten and Cirebon regions%

$#ery new act of rigour, e#ery une/pected e/action, occasioned a further migration,

and culti#ation was transferred to tracts which had pre#iously scarcely a family on them)

During the early years of $uropean penetration, the sla#e trade in the $ast ndies

continued and proliferated) Sla#ery was not abolished in the Netherlands $ast ndies until

9?56 and prior to that the ta1ing of sla#es as forced labour was widespread practice) riting

in 9?93, &affles *9?9B- mentions that Dutch enforcement of compulsory labour for road and

harbour construction and coffee and pepper culti#ation was particularly oppressi#e in the

antam part of est 0a#a, producing se#ere and prolonged opposition and hea#y

outmigration) !he latter, is reflected in the low se/ ratio of ?5B which characterised the

population in 9?93 *Hugo, 9:B3-) After 9?6 the Dutch initiated a series of politico4economic

policies which were designed to ma1e 0a#a a @mammoth state plantation@ *Geert;, 9:5%3-)

!he @Culti#ation System@, introduced in 9?6, in#ol#ed @the remission of the peasant@s land

ta/es in fa#or of his underta1ing to culti#ate go#ernment owned e/port crops on one fifth of

his fields or, alternati#ely, to wor1 si/ty4si/ days of the year on go#ernment owned estates or

other pro8ects@ *Geert;, 9:5%324-) !he latter alternati#e predominated in est 0a#a, where

similar systems had been practiced for a century and the system came to be 1nown as the

Preanger System *Hugo, 9:B3-) t is apparent that substantial population mo#ements occurred

with people mo#ing away from areas where the culti#ation system had been introduced to

go#ernment lands not sub8ect to it or to lands held by pri#ate indi#iduals *see Day, 9:67%93

99


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for e/amples of such mo#ements-) n many areas the hardships #isited on the population by

the system were sufficient to impel them to flee) ailey *9:52- suggests that o#erpopulation

in the Gunung Eidul region of Oogya1arta *well 1nown as one of the poorest areas in

contemporary 0a#a- dates from the time when the Culti#ation System was introduced) He

suggests this caused people to flee from better agricultural areas suitable for cash cropping to

Gunung Eidul, which as a poor lime stone area had been left alone by the Dutch)

Day *9:67%95- argues that the system caused a diminished food supply, which in turn

produced famines such as that of 9?7:436 in which one third of a million people perished)

!here was also migration associated with the ine


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homeland of South Ealimantan due to the effects of a war with the Dutch) He also e/plains

that many Acenese mo#ed to +alacca after losing a war with the Dutch in 9:6 *9:::%2:-)

.ne part of est 0a#a the particuliere landerijen *pri#ate lands- in the immediate

hinterland of ata#ia comprised e/tensi#e tracts of land sold to indi#iduals between 95: and

9?2: and within which a feudal system pre#ailed until the close of the colonial period)

Although sla#ery was abolished in 9?56, the tuan tanah *landlords- had almost unbridled

power within their estates and many forcibly pre#ented tenants from lea#ing) n effect there

was a =forced staying> in these areas)

t is apparent that there were also forced migrations in colonial times associated with

physical disasters) n 9?? the #iolent e#isceration of the crater of Era1atoa caused se#eral

great wa#es which submerged the entire northern and western anten coasts, destroying 59

#illages completely and a further :5 partially, as well as 1illing a minimum of 2,:9B people

*Furneau/, 9:53%9?2-) !he destruction wrought by the wa#es and #olcanic ash was so

complete in se#eral areas that the fleeing inhabitants could not return for se#eral years by

which time many of the refugees had established themsel#es elsewhere and did not wish to

return) n the worst mid area of Caringan, inhabitants could not return until 9?:9)

!he forced outmigration caused when there were crop failures in 0a#a continued,

especially during the nineteenth century *Eroef, 9:35%B75-) !he introduction of the so4called

=ethical policy> at the beginning of the twentieth century, howe#er, undoubtedly reduced this

type of forced migration) !he ethical policy had an emphasis on =education, irrigation and

emigration> in order to stop the ac1nowledged deterioration of li#ing standards of the

indigenous population that had accompanied the mounting pressure of population on

resources in 0a#a *Hugo, 9:B3%995-) $lements in this system included upgrading local

irrigation systems and put in place systems to deal with seasonal local famine and food

shortage) Jan der +uelen *9:76%939- reports on the impact in one est 0a#a district where

pre#iously a total crop failure occurred e#ery four or fi#e years and crop yields were 9,766

9


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1gm(ha, the new irrigation wor1s resulted in an a#erage yield of ,6:6 1gm(ha and the fear of

crop failure was completely remo#ed) !he ethical policy also saw the remo#al of the

compulsory labour re


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this labour was not a#ailable locally either because the areas suitable for cash cropping,

mining etc) were ecologically not fa#oured for semi4subsistence traditional acti#ities or

because the local populations were in some way considered not suitable for wor1 on

plantations or mines) Accordingly, there were many schemes throughout the colonial period

to bring labour to areas of e/ploitation of resources) n the early days of the J.C, sla#ery

was rife and thereafter #arious types of contract labour schemes were introduced as well as

schemes whereby labour was pro#ided on plantations, roads and other wor1s, etc) in lieu of

paying ta/ation to the colonial regime) !hese mo#ements are considered in some detail

elsewhere *Hugo, 9:?6-)

After 9?B6 pri#ate $uropeans and Chinese were permitted to obtain long term leases

o#er land and there was a tremendous e/pansion of capital intensi#e plantation agriculture)

!his e/pansion occurred initially in 0a#a than1s to its transport facilities, greater public

security and abundant labour supply *Fisher, 9:57%23:-) Howe#er, in the irrigated lowlands

of 0a#a the density of settlement left little land a#ailable for plantation de#elopment and as a

result most of the new plantations were established in the central highlands of 0a#a) y the

late nineteenth century the growing congestion in 0a#a forced colonial planters to turn to the

.uter slands) Prior to 9?B6, Dutch colonial e/ploitation of the .uter slands had been

limited to some coffee culti#ation and coal and tin mining) Howe#er, in the latter years of the

century the fertile northeastern lowlands of Sumatra located on the ma8or sea route to $urope

were de#eloped for tobacco and later for rubber, tea, palm oil and sisal) Hence, this region

became a ma8or new centre of colonial acti#ity) !he scarcity of labour in the region led

planters to initially recruit Chinese coolies to wor1 on the plantations and later 0a#anese and

Sundanese wor1ers from 0a#a) !he result was the introduction of the contract coolie system

whereby agents recruited wor1ers for planters) As Furni#al *9:7?%75- has pointed out a

pri#ate agent dependent for his li#elihood on the number of recruits is less scrupulous than an

official in his relations with both employers and labourers>) Hea#y penal sanctions were

93


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applied to contract coolies and se#ere e/ploitation and mistreatment were commonplace until

recruitment was placed under go#ernment super#ision in 9:6: as part of the ethical policy)

Ne#ertheless, it is clear that there were elements of force both in recruiting and in restrictions

placed on the contract coolies in destination areas)

!he importance of these contract labour mo#ements in interpro#incial migration in the

Netherlands $ast ndies in the later part of the colonial period is e#ident in Figure 2, which

indicates that migration from 0a#a *especially Central and $ast 0a#a- to North Sumatra was by

far the largest interpro#incial flow in the years preceding the 9:6 census) !he bul1 of this

mobility was associated with the contract coolie system) !he significance of contract coolie

mo#ements to Sumatra is reflected in the fact that one tenth of the indigenous population of

Sumatra were born in 0a#a4+adura *Jol1stelling J, 9:5-)

Fgure 4: I)do)e'a: Ma0or I)(er&ro+)5al L*e(me Mgra(o) S(ream' 6Tho'e 7(h

more (ha) 8,999 Per'o)' %;/9

Source% Jol1stelling J, 9:5

95


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!he contract coolie mo#ements were made on both permanent and temporary bases, but

it was difficult to distinguish between them because temporary migration often in#ol#ed

absences of se#eral years) etween 9:9 and 9:23 some 2B,B66 kulikontrak *contract

coolies- left 0a#a for Tanah Sebrang *the land beyond-, representing some 93L of 0a#a@s

population growth during the same period *Scheltema, 9:25%?B47-) Although many contract

coolies returned to 0a#a, an un1nown but significant number settled in the outer islands and

this is reflected in the fact that at the 9:B9 census, 96 percent of North Sumatra@s population

had li#ed in another pro#ince and more than two thirds of them had li#ed in North Sumatra

for more than 96 years) !his underestimates the impact of migration from 0a#a4+adura since

it e/cludes the Sumatran born children of 0a#an migrants) At the time of the 9:6 Census

enumeration, there were B:,666 coolies wor1ing on $uropean estates in Sumatra, of which

2:6,666 were 0a#anese and 6,666 Sundanese *Jol1stelling J, 9:5%7-)

!here was also an international e/tension of the contract coolie system) A small number

of 0a#a4born persons mo#ed out of ndonesia during the last century of colonial rule, under

contract4coolie recruitment programmes to obtain cheap labour for plantations) n 9:6, for

e/ample, there were ?:,B3 0a#a4born persons *ahrin, 9:5B%2?6- and 9B6,666 ethnic

0a#anese *Jol1stelling 9:5, J%73- in +alaya, 9,666 emigrants in the Dutch colony of

Surinam and 5,666 in New Caledonia *Jol1stelling 9:, J%73-) Smaller numbers mo#ed

to Siam *,666 0a#a4born persons in 9:26-, ritish North oreno *3,2B in 9:22- and to a

lesser e/tent Sarawa1, Cochin China and ueensland, Australia *Scheltema, 9:25%?B7-)

efore 9:9 there were some e/perimental attempts to establish agricultural colonies of

settlers from 0a#a in the .uter slands, mainly Sumatra, but the two ma8or colonies in 9:6

had a total population of only 9,B3: persons *Pel;er, 9:73%9:94296-) Howe#er, when the

depression of the 9:6@s forced curtailment of plantation industries and reduced the demand

for 0a#anese labour, the go#ernment turned to coloni;ation to replace contract4labour schemes

as a measure to relie#e population pressure in 0a#a *Pel;er, 9:73%22?-) Hence, between 9:5

9B


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and 9:76 the number of colonists in the .uter slands trebled from 55,566 to 265,626 *Pel;er,

9:73%262-) t is clear that the colonists were predominantly from Central and $ast 0a#a and

+adura) !his was the precursor of transmigration in ndonesia and although there is much

discussion of force in this system there was no e#idence of force being used in colonisation in

the colonial period)

y the time the Dutch were e#icted by the 0apanese in 9:79, $uropean colonialism had

transformed the $ast ndiesI economy, society and demography) +a8or changes in population

mobility as both a cause and conse


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in the $ast ndies but also in 0apan and in other countries) !here were, for e/ample, many

ndonesian roushawho wor1ed on the infamous urma railway)

POST2AR INVOL"NTAR# MIGRATION IN INDONESIA

Conflict was an important element in the population mobility, which occurred in

ndonesia in the two decades following the declaration of independence in 9:73) Suhr1e

*9:?9- de#eloped a model of refugee mo#ements in which se#en types of conflicts are

identified as producing refugees) n discussing this model, Eeely *9:?9%9B- points out that it

is especially appropriate to !hird orld situations where the conflicts are often associated

with e#ol#ing processes of state, nation and regime4building) n !able 2, the se#en categories

of refugee4producing conflicts put forward by Suhr1e are listed supplemented with two

additional categories) n the table selected, e/amples from ndonesia in its first three decades

of independence are gi#en) t has been argued elsewhere *Hugo, 9:?B%26- that whereas

conflict induced migration across international boundaries has a considerable literature

internal migrations resulting from insecurity ha#e attracted much less attention, although the

scale of it has been substantial and the problems and conse


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Ta$le 4: T


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!hey point out that there is no formal or legal definition of nternally Displaced Persons

*DPs- and they use the term to refer to%

))) those persons who, as a result of persecution, armed conflict or #iolence, ha#e

been forced to abandon their homes and lea#e their usual place of residence, and

who remain within the borders of their own country)I

!his definition is rele#ant when considering forced migrations within ndonesia in the early

post independence period)

efore loo1ing at these migrations, howe#er, it needs to be reiterated that the single

cause e/planations e#ident in the !able 2 classification are o#erly4simplistic) hile ethnic,

religious and political factors may be the triggers of forced mo#ement there are more

fundamental elements such as ine


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t is indicati#e that the main re#iew of internal migration in ndonesia o#er the period

under consideration here gi#es particular prominence to forced migration *+cNicoll, 9:5?-)

!his ma1es a distinction between long term persistent migratory flows and sudden large scale

mo#ements) !he latter, predominantly forced migrations are termed non migrations) .ne of

the distincti#e patterns of forced migration not only in ndonesia but elsewhere in the region

is pointed out elsewhere *Hugo, 9:?2%?:- = there ha#e been important instances of forced

rural4to4urban migration of refugees in Southeast Asian urbanisation n times of political

and military insecurity in rural areas, cities are often fortified ha#ens of safety which attract

flows of refugees) n his re#iew of the growth of ndonesia@s cities o#er the 9:6459 period,

Goantiang *9:53- stresses the importance of refugee mo#ements in swelling the population of

many of ndonesia@s cities o#er that period) For e/ample, he reports a field sur#ey underta1en

in 0a1arta in 9:37(33 thus ))) !he findings pro#e that the main reason why people mo#e to

D8a1arta is the pre#alence of lawless disturbances in the interior) !he casepar e!cellenceof

forced migration being a ma8or element in rapid urban and metropolitan growth in ndonesia,

howe#er, is that of andung in est 0a#a and we shall briefly e/amine its postwar population

change and the role of forced migrations in that growth)

andung was ndonesia@s fastest growing city between the census of 9:6 when its

population was 955,?93 and that of 9:59 when it had reached :B2,355) !he pattern during the

inter#ening period, howe#er, was one of massi#e fluctuations) As was the case in 0a1arta,

andung e/perienced mar1ed growth during the 0apanese occupation due to the push

e/erted by the social and economic disruption wrought by the 0apanese *Hugo, 9:B3%232-)

n 9:7345 the 0apanese surrender, the declaration of ndonesian independence and

arri#al of allied troops in andung, initiated much population mo#ement) First there was a

massi#e in4mo#ement from all o#er est 0a#a of Dutch persons freed from 0apanese

internment camps so that there were 56,666 $uropeans in the city in No#ember 9:73 *Smail,

9:57%::- 4 more than twice the pre4war pea1) For the following two years andung was

22


24/48


25/48


26/48


27/48

ebendung*dam up- the flow of people by declaring andung a closed city on 9st +arch

9:37) Although the regulation stayed in force until September 9:57, its ma8or effect li1e the

more recent attempt in 0a1arta, was to dissuade migrants from registering as permanent

residents)

Figure 3shows the impact of forced migration on andung@s growth) !he top graph

depicts net migration gains calculated by Abdurachim *9:B6- from registration statistics

maintained by authorities of the City of andung) !he lower graph presents results from a

Fgure 8: A. ?o(amad%;-

Source% City &egistration Statistics,


28/48

study underta1en in 9:5: of Population &egisters in the sub4districts of andung in which the

year of arri#al in andung of migrants still li#ing in those two sub4districts is 9:5:) oth

sources are incomplete but they indicate the ma8or patterns of forced migration to the city)

Pea1s of inmo#ement are e#ident at the time of the transfer of so#ereignty from the Dutch, the

onset of the D)) rebellion in the early 9:36s and the mid 9:36s decline in registration due to

the closing of the city) t will be noted also that there was an upswing in inmigration in

9:53) !his was again largely due to refugee mo#ements, on this occasion people displaced by

the #iolence and disruption caused during the attempted coup, although this dislocation was

not as great in est 0a#a as elsewhere in 0a#a and ali)

!he implications of the DP mo#ement to andung during the 9:36s are considerable)

Abo#e all they ga#e the city perhaps the most rapid rate of growth of any ma8or city in

Southeast Asia during the 9:36s) n fact population pro8ections of the world@s million cities

made in the early 9:B6s by the "nited Nations Population Di#ision *Fre8i1a, 9:B7%96499K

ose, 9:B7%76479- designated andung as the fastest growing city in the world)

t is clear that the refugee mo#ements were a ma8or catalyst in the growth of andung)

t was suggested that the impact of such influ/es of refugees is essentially temporary

*+cNicoll, 9:5?%73- but field in#estigation in andung would indicate that this is not the

case) Although it was clear that most rural4urban refugees mo#ed to andung with the

intention of returning to their home #illage when security is restored, there is e#idence that the

longer the period of insecurity in the home place, the more li1ely they are to settle

permanently in their urban refuge) Certainly many refugees to andung returned to their

#illages as soon as security was restored, but Figure 3shows no massi#e net migration loss

from andung when normalcy returned in its hinterland) !hus, at least among those refugees

who were sufficiently committed to andung to register as citi;ens of the city, it was #ery

common to remain in the city after security was restored in their home #illages) ndeed

fieldwor1 in andung during 9:B showed that many of the lin1ages between that city and

2B


29/48

particular parts of rural est 0a#a which are ma8or areas of origin for contemporary

permanent and temporary migrants to the City, were originally established by refugee mo#es

made during the 9:36s) !hese consisted firstly of lin1s with andung4based family members

who had mo#ed in as refugees, settled and remained but still maintain strong contacts with

their natal #illage) Secondly, e#en among refugees who returned to their home #illage it was

common for them to do so with a greatly enhanced 1nowledge of the City, the opportunities

located there and some contacts with urban4based people) !his fre


30/48

Fgure -: Sula7e': Sho7)g Area' I)*lue)5ed $< Re$el' %;8->8

Source% Har#ey, 9:B7, 253

2:


31/48


32/48


33/48

rebellion had been crushed, but the ma8ority appears to ha#e settled at their destinations and

attracted family and friends from South Sulawesi to 8oin them)

Se#eral other conflict4induced refugee migrations in ndonesia ha#e been referred to in

!able 2 and Figure ) !hese include se#eral mo#es which were associated with the struggle

for ndependence against the Dutch) n 0a#a much mo#ement focused on the capital of the

guerillas, Oogya1arta) $lsewhere the typical pattern was for people to flee to the interior

away from the Dutch controlled coastal areas as Naim *9:B%93- has described for est

Sumatra) !here were se#eral short li#ed rebellions in#ol#ing former members of the colonial

army immediately following the granting of independence which initiated refugee flows)

!hese were located in the pro#inces of est 0a#a, South Sulawesi and +alu1u *+cNicoll,

9:5?%7-) !his initiated the refugee flow of some 7,666 Ambonese *South +oluccans-

soldiers and their families *totaling 92,366 persons- to the Netherlands, along with a larger

number of ndonesians of mi/ed Dutch4ndonesian parentage) y the early 9:?6s the South

+oluccans in the Netherlands had grown to number 3,666 *oldring, 9:?6%33-) Another

group of refugee flows are those associated with the P&& and Permesta rebellions in Central

Sumatra and North(Central Sulawesi respecti#ely *Figure 9-) !hese were separatist rebellions

inspired by the belief that the 0a#a4focused central go#ernment neglected the interests of

smaller numerical groups located in the periphery ;one of the .ther slands) +cNicoll

*9:5?%7?- and Naim *9:B%9:- ha#e shown that although these conflicts were fairly short4

li#ed they initiated some significant refugee flows) +cNicoll *9:5?%7:- points out that these

flows tended to be dominated by the educated sections of the population, while those forced

to mo#e by the Darul slam rebellions tended to be generally representati#e of the total

resident population in the areas of conflict) Acti#ities of separatist mo#ements such as the

Free Papua +o#ement *.P+- ha#e also initiated refugee flows from rian 0aya) !hese

ha#e not only occurred within that pro#ince but a substantial flow occurred into neighbouring

New Guinea *Garnaut and +anning, 9:B7K &oosman, 9:?6-)

2


34/48

For many conflict4induced mo#ements there is little or no information a#ailable) n

9:53, for e/ample, there was an attempted coup by elements of the Communist Party of

ndonesia and it was


35/48

of the pro#ince) $ast !imor, an area of acute depri#ation at the best of times, fell

#ictim not only to ar but to star#ation and disease as well@ *0en1ins, 9:B:b%27-)

A final group that needs to be considered in any comprehensi#e discussion of forced

migration in ndonesia is the Chinese) hile some Chinese settlement and so8ourning in

ndonesia predated $uropean contact, it wasnIt until the full de#elopment of colonialism that

the Chinese were encouraged to mo#e in large numbers to the $ast ndies) n colonial times

there were #arious restrictions on where they could settle) !hey were concentrated

particularly in urban areas but also were spread through rural areas as well) !hey tended to be

employed in commercial acti#ity medium and small4scale trade, foremen and white collar

occupations) n the post4ndependence period there were pressures on the Chinese

population, which in some cases produced migration) t is apparent that the growth of 0a1arta

and andung in the 9:36s was assisted by the displacement of Chinese from est 0a#a)

Chinese were sub8ect to great pressure in se#eral rural parts of est 0a#a and indeed at the

end of the decade legislation was passed which forbade Chinese and other foreigners to

operate a business or own land in rural parts of the Pro#ince) Hence, all remaining Chinese

were forced to migrate into the cities *Hugo, 9:B?%3-) n 9:56 also Chinese residents in

ndonesia were forced to choose between Chinese and ndonesian citi;enship and as a result

many Chinese returned to China) !here was a net emigration of 972,53 Chinese nationals

between 9:32 and 9:59, 962,2:B in 9:56 *Hugo et al), 9:?2-)

t is clear that the mo#ement of Chinese was one of the elements of forced migration

which contributed substantially to urbanisation in ndonesia in the first post ndependence


36/48

of Chinese occurred in 9:3: after the promulgation of new regulations prohibiting aliens from

engaging in retail trade in rural areas and a special army ordinance forced aliens outside the

towns to relocate *S1inner, 9:5%993-) !hus, in contemporary est 0a#a it is an e/tremely

rare occurrence to encounter Chinese in #illages) !his mo#ement to the cities

counterbalanced to some e/tent an outflow of repatriated Chinese city dwellers to China)

Another ma8or mo#ement of Chinese refugees is referred to in !able 2, namely that in

est Ealimantan where Dya1 insurrections against Chinese traders in the interior of the

pro#ince forced most of the Chinese li#ing there to flee to Pontiana1, 0a1arta or to emigrate)

At the end of 9:5B, it was estimated that there were 23,55: refugees in Pontiana1 City and

22,522 in the neighbouring regency of Sambas *ard and ard, 9:B%79-) t is estimated that

a third of the total refugee population were forced to mo#e *around B3,666- with about half

settling in the ma8or towns, and most of the rest were established on land close to the towns)

Jery few Chinese now remain in the Dya1 areas) ard and ard *9:B%7:436- suggest that

the abandonment of the interior by the Chinese has resulted in much wet rice land going out

of production and production of cash crops li1e pepper and rubber has also declined due to the

absence of their capital and s1ill) t is clear too that the rapid growth of Pontiana1 between

the 9:59 and 9:B9 censuses *)? percent per annum, or nearly twice the pro#incial growth

rate- is largely due to this forced refugee migration from the city@s hinterland)

!he focus here has been on conflict induced migration but other forms of forced

migration ha#e also occurred in post independence ndonesia) !here ha#e been many

e/amples of people being forced to migrate because of the fear or onset of a natural or

physical disaster) ndonesia has more than B6 acti#e #olcanoes which ha#e caused calamities

at an a#erage of around once e#ery three years causing 976,666 recorded deaths *Awanohara,

9:?2%72-) !he number of people displaced by #olcanic eruptions, howe#er, has been many

times greater) !he 9:5 eruption of +t) Agung in ali displaced ?3,666 people, while that of

+t) Galunggung in est 0a#a during 9:?2 has forced some 6,666 people to migrate to

3


37/48

ndonesia@s .uter slands and placed some 66,666 more residents at ris1 of e#acuation

*Awanohara, 9:?2%724-) 'ucardie@s *9:B:- study of the people of +a1ian in +alu1u

pro#ince of ndonesia has documented the repeated abandonment of settlements after #olcanic

eruptions and for fear of new eruptions o#er the last 66 years) His study focuses especially

upon a go#ernment scheme to gradually e#acuate the entire 95,666 resident population of the

island because #ulcanologists ha#e predicted the e#entual eruption of +a1ian@s #olcano which

would lead to a disaster comparable to that of the e#isceration of Era1atoa in 9??) 'ucardie

*9:B:- documents the opposition of residents of +a1ian to the go#ernment program to

resettle them on another island to escape from the ris1 of the eruption of the island #olcano)

.ther more or less forced migrations initiated by go#ernment policy decisions are also of

rele#ance here) !he construction of large scale de#elopments li1e dams usually in#ol#es

substantial forced displacements of the residents) !he building of large dams li1e 0atiluhur

near 0a1arta ha#e resulted in substantial forced migration)

LIN?S !ET2EEN HISTORICAL AND CONTEMPORAR# MIGRATION

t is apparent that forced migration played a significant role in ndonesiaIs history)

ndeed for substantial periods of its history it has been more significant than #oluntary

mo#ement although, as was e/plained at the outset, separation of #oluntary and forced

mobility is often difficult) +oreo#er, it is clear that forced migration is influential in shaping

subse


38/48

the massi#e refugee flows to the city of andung initiated by the Darul slam rebellion in the

9:36s were important in encouraging the growth and e/pansion of that city) Howe#er, this

impact should not 8ust be measured in terms of the large number of refugees which remained

behind in the city since it is clear that once security returned =chain migration> of permanent

and temporary mo#ers continued to andung from the former Darul slam areas and that the

pioneers of these chains were refugees) Another e/ample in ndonesia is that of migration

from ali to the .uter slands of ndonesia, especially Sulawesi and Southern Sumatra) !he

first ma8or transmigration from ali occurred due to the forced e#acuation of people displaced

by the eruption of +t) Agung #olcano in 9:5) Howe#er, the success of these transmigrants

has greatly encouraged family and friends to follow them) !he information flow, money

remittances, #isits etc), which ha#e followed the forced migration, ha#e led to the

establishment of a much larger spontaneous flow) 'inetonIs *9:B3a and b- study of ugis

migration from South Sulawesi to the east coast of Sumatra produced similar findings)

n addition, the role of forced migrations in lifting the le#el of urbani;ation in ndonesia

should also be stressed) !his is especially true in that much of this impetus was gi#en during

the early postwar period when the le#els of urbani;ation were #ery low in most countries of

the region) n ndonesia, flows of internally displaced persons played a ma8or part in the

massi#e growth during the 9:36s of cities li1e 0a1arta, andung, +a1assar and a host of

smaller fast growing cities) !his ma1es it all the more surprising that such mobility gets little

if any attention in research relating to rural urban migration and urbani;ation not only in

ndonesia but Southeast Asia more generally) As Goodman and Fran1s *9:B3%9::- point out,

Despite the fact that internal wars ha#e occurred in e#ery country in Southeast

Asia, most research on urbani;ation does not assess either the relati#e importance

of internal warfare for o#erall rates of migration or the impact such warfare has on

the pattern of urban growth)

B


39/48

t is apparent therefore that an historical understanding is important in see1ing to

understand contemporary migration patterns) !his is not howe#er restricted to ta1ing into

account past patterns of forced migration) Historical forces, which ha#e influenced patterns

of ine


40/48

Although the numbers of people in#ol#ed in this type of migration were by no means as

large as, for e/ample, the contract coolie mo#ements, they had a significant impact in the

homelands of the groups in#ol#ed) n 9:6, for e/ample, only ?B)3 percent of ethnic

+inahassans from north Sulawesi were li#ing in the +inahassan heartland *0ones, 9:BB%3-) )

Some 3)3 percent of them were li#ing in 0a#a, where they formed a significant minority group

in colonial cities such as ata#ia, Surabaya and andung) Goos;en *9::B%54B- points out

= those who entered the colonial ser#ice as soldiers, officials or household ser#ants were

integrated into the estern culture which tended to alle#iate them from their countrymen)>

!here ha#e been =echo> effects of these policies in contemporary migrations) Firstly,

there was a significant number of +oluccans from Ambon who remained loyal to the Dutch

and upon independence went to the Netherlands and their children remain a significant

minority group there) t could be too that antipathies between these groups and some other

ndonesian groups could ha#e been influenced by their different colonial histories) Similarly,

the pri#ileged position gi#en to the Chinese in the colonial political4economic structure

undoubtedly has been an element in shaping anti4Chinese conflict in independent ndonesia)

+oreo#er, it is argued elsewhere *Hugo, 2662- that understanding historical migrations

in ndonesia are an important influence upon contemporary conflict4induced migrations) !he

causes of these mo#ements are comple/ but often in#ol#e perceptions that one group has

greater access to resources than others) !hese ine


41/48

!he most discussed group among the @newcomers@ who ha#e been made DPs are former

transmigrants from 0a#a and their descendants that ha#e been forced to lea#e and enter local

refugee camps or return to the area that they or their ancestors had left se#eral decades ago)

!he areas where transmigrants ha#e come into conflict with local populations ha#e been in

est and Central Ealimantan, Central Sulawesi and est Papua) !hese are areas where a

predominantly +uslim transmigrant population from 0a#a has come into contact with a local

Christian or animist local population) Howe#er, in all cases it is far too simplistic to portray

the conflict as a +uslim4Christian confrontation) !here ha#e been elements of the

newcomers being seen as intruders and gi#en pri#ileges denied longstanding residents, coastal

dwellers #ersus inlanders, ethnolinguistic differences mi/ed with long simmering local

resentments released with the national political transformations and the acti#ities of criminal

groups) !he transmigrant%local clashes ha#e perhaps been greatest in Ealimantan where the

predominantly +adurese newcomers ha#e been settling in est and Central Ealimantan, both

under the auspices of the transmigration program and spontaneously, for a century)

Hence, while the conflict induced DPs are often depicted as an e/ample of the effects

of clashes between slam and Christianity, this is greatly o#ersimplifying a comple/ and

deeply concerning situation) !he lin1ages between past migrations leading to a confrontation

of groups with #astly different economies, cultures, modes of li#elihood, ethnicities,

languages as well as religions and the contemporary DP mo#ements, howe#er, are strong)

CONCL"SION

ndonesia has been a region of conflict during the colonial and post colonial periods

under the influence of processes of nation building, internal and international power struggles,

colonial and neo4colonial forces, changing class, cultural, ethnic and religious relationships)

!hese conflicts and ndonesiaIs proneness to physical disasters ha#e meant that forced

migrations ha#e been significant throughout its history) Howe#er, this mobility has not

76


42/48

attracted the attention of researchers and this has been a significant o#ersight) As .lson

*9:B:- has argued, persuasi#ely, the e/amination of internal displacement of population in a

de#eloping country conte/t can ha#e significant implications for economic de#elopment and

social change within those nations) A comprehensi#e understanding of these mo#ements can

inform the de#elopment and elaboration of population redistribution strategies which see1 to

redistribute population to achie#e more e


43/48

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7B

graeme hugo-forced migration in indonesia-historical perspectives

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