graduateprogramofenglishlanguagestudies … · 2017-02-23 ·...

POTENTIAL DIFFICULTIES FOR NATAIA SPEAKERS INLEARNING ENGLISH PHONOLOGY

A THESIS

Presented as a Partial Fulfillment of the Requirementsto Obtain theMagister Humaniora (M.Hum.) Degree in

English Language Studies

by

Firmus Madhu Dhengi

146332003

GRADUATE PROGRAM OF ENGLISH LANGUAGE STUDIESSANATA DHARMA UNIVERSITY

YOGYAKARTA2017

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

i

POTENTIAL DIFFICULTIES FOR NATAIA SPEAKERS INLEARNING ENGLISH PHONOLOGY

A THESIS

Presented as a Partial Fulfillment of the Requirementsto Obtain theMagister Humaniora (M.Hum.) Degree in

English Language Studies

by

Firmus Madhu Dhengi

146332003

GRADUATE PROGRAM OF ENGLISH LANGUAGE STUDIESSANATA DHARMA UNIVERSITY

YOGYAKARTA2017


POTENTIAL DIFFICULTIES FOR NATAIA SPEAKERSIN LEARNING ENGLISH PHONOLOCN

Approved by

Dr. Fr. Borsias Alio. M.Pd.. MA..

Advisor

&?.ffi!; '""9#"'#"*-bs#agi fl^.*!.,:l *:,,.\\ Eeffitr\"Td@. I

b*"oKoc

Yogyakarta, August 5, 2016


poTENtup.,Drryr,b ronNArara srn *s. IN LEARNTNGENGLTSII?IIONOLOGY

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X'irmus Madhu Dhengi

Chair

Secretary

Member

Yogyakarta,, Sanuary' 2 7, 2A fi '

The Cnaduate Program Director


STAT..EITffNT Or OruGINALITY

This is to certiff that all ideas, phrasss, sentsnce.s, unless otherwise statdare the idecs, phrases, and seuterces o}'ths thesis lr.ritff. The writer uuOerstanAsthe full.consoquence, includiug dogreE caucellation, if he took somebody else.sideas, phrases, sentences without profr references.

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Yogyakarta, 2 Novdmber 2016

w-Firmus Madhu Dhengi

146332003

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LEMBAR PERNYATAAN PERSETUJUANPUBLIKASIKARYA ILMIAH UNTUK KEPENTINGAN AKADEMIS

Yang bbrtanda tangan di bawah ini, saya mahasiswa Universitas Sanata Dharma,

nama : Firmus Madhu DhenginomorMahasiswa :146332003

demi pengembangan ilmu pengetahuan, memberikan kepada Perpustakaan

Universitas Sanata Dharma karya ilmiah saya yang berjudul:

POTENTIAL DIFFICULTIES FOR NATAIA SPEAKERSIN LEARNING ENGLISH PHONOLOGY

beserta perangkat yang diperlukan. Dengan demikian, saya memberikan kepada

Perpustakaan Universitas Sanata Dharma hak untuk menyimpan. mengalihkandalam bentuk media lain, mengelolanya dalam bentuk pangkalan data,

mendistribusikannya di internet atau media lain untuk kepentingan akademistanpa perlu meminta izin maupun memberikan royalti kepada saya selama tetapmencantumkan nama saya sebagai penulis.

Demikian pemyataan ini saya buat del'rgan sebenarnya.

Dibuat di YogyakartaPada tanggal: 2 November 2016

/q44{"*'" a./

Firmus Madhu Dhengi


vi

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The writer would first of all like to express his deepest and sincerest gratitude to

Dr F. B Alip MPd, MA, academic advisor of this thesis, for his untiring and

meticulous guidance without which this work could not have been completed.

The writer also feels very much indebted to Prof Dr Soepomo

Poedjosoedarmo Ph.D, Dr B.B Dwijatmoko MA, Drs F.X Mukarto Ph.D, Drs

Barli Bram M.Ed. Ph.D, Dr Novita Dewi M.S, M.A, Dr J. Bismoko and Dr E.

Sunarto M.Hum, for their professional expertise and personal views which have in

one way or another contributed to the completion of this study.

The writer would also like to thank his friend Erik Christopher, who edited part

of this work and translated some Nataia proverbs and sayings into English.

The writer’s deepest and heartfelt thanks also go to Hendra Soenardi Law

Firm, which has granted him a scholarship for this graduate study. The writer

understands that the scholarship would not have been offered without the

benevolent heart of his younger brother and former student, Edi Hendra SH. MML.

The writer would also like to dedicate this thesis especially to his beloved

wife, Maria Arita Listyandari, who has been so loving and faithful all along. The last

but not the least, may God the Merciful bless anyone to whom the writer has reasons

to be grateful.

Firmus Madhu Dhengi


vii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

COVER PAGE................................................................................................ i

APPROVAL PAGE........................................................................................ ii

THESIS DEFENSE APPROVAL PAGE..................................................... iii

STATEMENT ON ORIGINALITY............................................................. iv

LEMBARAN PERNYATAAN PERSETUJUAN PUBLIKASI..................... v

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS........................................................................... vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS............................................................................... vii

LIST OF TABLES.......................................................................................... xi

LIST OF FIGURES........................................................................................ xii

LIST OF APPENDICES…………………………………………………... xiii

ABSTRACT..................................................................................................... xiv

ABSTRAK........................................................................................................ xvi

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION................................................................. 1

1.1 Background of the Study........................................................................... 1

1.2 Statements of the Problems......................................................................... 6

1.3 Purpose of the Study ................................................................................. 6

1.4 Significance of the Study......................................................................... 7

CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW..................................................... 8

2.1 Review of Related Theories...................................................................... 8

2.1.1 Nataia and Foreign Language Studies ............................................ 8

2.1.2 Nataia and Language Family ……................................................... 12

2.1.3 Nataia and Verbal Preservation ....................................................... 14

2.1.4 English Articulatory Phonetics......................................................... 17

2.1.4.1 English Vowels................................................................... 17

2.1.4.2 English Consonants............................................................ 1 9

2.1.4.2.1 Bilabial.............................................................. 19

2.1.4.2.2 Labiodental....................................................... 20

2.1.4.2.3 Interdental......................................................... 20

2.1.4.2.4 Alveolar............................................................ 20

2.1.4.2.5 Palato Alveolar................................................. 21


viii

2.1.4.2.6 Palatal............................................................... 21

2.1.4.2.7 Velar................................................................. 21

2.1.4.2.8 Glottal............................................................... 22

2.1.5 English Manner of Articulation................................................... 22

2.1.5.1 Voiced and Voiceless...................................................... 22

2.1.5.2 Oro nasals........................................................................ 22

2.1.5.3 Fricatives......................................................................... 23

2.1.5.4 Affricates ........................................................................ 24

2.1.6 English Phonological System...................................................... 24

2.1.7 English Phonological Processes.................................................. 25

2.1.7.1 Assimilation..................................................................... 25

2.1.7.2 Aspiration........................................................................ 27

2.1.7.3 Deletion........................................................................... 27

2.1.7.4 Insertion or Epenthesis.................................................... 27

2.1.7.5 Phonotatic Rules.............................................................. 27

2.1.7.6 English Stress.................................................................. 27

2.1.8 Contrastive Analysis.................................................................... 29

2.1.8.1 Historical Perspective...................................................... 29

2.1.8.2 Purpose of CA................................................................. 29

2.1.8.3 Movement Against Contrastive Analysis........................ 31

2.1.8.4 In Defense of Contrastive Analysis................................. 33

2.2 Review of Related Studies.......................................................................... 35

2.3 Theoretical Framework............................................................................... 38

CHAPTER 3: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY......................................... 41

3.1 Object of the Study.................................................................................... 41

3.2 Type of Research....................................................................................... 41

3.3 Procedure of Data Collection.................................................................... 42

3.4 Procedure of Data Analysis....................................................................... 44

CHAPTER 4: RESULTS ANDANALYSIS ............................................ 47

4.1 Nataia Segmental Phonemes..................................................................... 47


ix

4.1.1 Nataia Vowel Phonemes.............................................................. 47

4.1.2 Nataia Consonant Phonemes....................................................... 5 3

4.1.2.1 Places of Articulation...................................................... 54

4.1.2.1.1 Bilabial.............................................................. 55

4.1.2.1.2 Labiodental....................................................... 5 5

4.1.2.1.3 Dental................................................................ 55

4.1.2.1.4 Alveolar............................................................ 56

4.1.2.1.5 Alveo Palatal..................................................... 56

4.1.2.1.6 Retroflex........................................................... 56

4.1.2.1.7 Velar................................................................. 57

4.1.2.1.8 Glottal stop........................................................ 57

4.1.2.2 Manner of Articulation.................................................... 58

4.1.2.2.1Voiced and voiceless......................................... 58

4.1.2.2.2Nasals................................................................ 59

4.1.2.2.3 Stops.................................................................. 60

4.1.2.2.4 Fricatives........................................................... 60

4.1.2.2.5 Tap/ trill............................................................. 61

4.1.2.2.6 Laterals.............................................................. 61

4.1.2.2.7 Implosive........................................................... 62

4.1.3 Nataia Phonological Process......................................................... 63

4.1.3.1 Aspiration.......................................................................... 64

4.1.3.2 Vowel Reduction............................................................... 64

4.2 English Segmental Phonemes with Potential Difficulties..................… 66

4.3 English Suprasegmental Phoneme with Potential Difficulties................. 77

CHAPTER 5: CONCLUSIONS AND SUGGESTIONS............................. 85

5.1 Conclusions................................................................................................. 85

5.1.1 Difficulties Behind Nataia Segmental Phonemes ………………… 85

5.1.2 English Segmental Phonemes and Potential Hurdles...................... 87

5.1.3 Suprasegmental Phoneme with Potential Difficulties.…................. 89

5.2 Suggestions................................................................................................. 91

5.2.1 Further Research .............................................................................. 91

5.2.2 More Exposure ................................................................................ 9 2


x

5.2.3 Textbook Writers ………................................................................. 93

REFERENCES............................................................................................... 9 4

APPENDICES….........................................................................................… 97


xi

LIST OF TABLES

Table 2.1 English Consonant Chart ............................................................ 24

Table 4.1 Commutation Test of Nataia Vowels.......................................... 48

Table 4.2 Contrast of Vowel Length........................................................... 49

Table 4.3 Distribution of Nataia vowels...................................................... 50

Table 4.4 Commutation Tests of Consonant Phonemes.............................. 53

Table 4.5 Bilabial Sounds............................................................................ 55

Table 4.6 Labiodental Sounds..................................................................... 55

Table 4.7 Dental Sounds.............................................................................. 55

Table 4.8 Alveolar Sounds.......................................................................... 56

Table 4.9 Alveo-Palatal Sounds.................................................................. 56

Table 4.10 Retroflex Sounds......................................................................... 57

Table 4.11 Velar Sounds............................................................................... 57

Table 4.12 Glottal Sounds............................................................................. 58

Table 4.13 Nasal Sounds............................................................................... 59

Table 4.14 Stops Sounds............................................................................... 60

Table 4.15 Fricative Sounds.......................................................................... 61

Table 4.16 Tap / Trill..................................................................................... 61

Table 4.17 Lateral Sound............................................................................... 61

Table 4.18 Implosive Sounds........................................................................ 62

Table 4.19 Comparison of English and Nataia Phonemes............................ 67

Table 4.20 Sounds Unknown To Nataia Speakers........................................ 69


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LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 2.1 Nataia Speaking Area ................................................................. 13

Figure 2.2 English Vowel Chart .................................................................. 1 9

Figure 4.1 Nataia Vowel Chart ...................................................................... 52

Figure 4.2 Consonant Phonemes of Nataia & Consonant Orthography......... 63


xiii

LIST OF APPENDICES

Appendix 1 Oko Utu as a Research Instrument ...................................... 97

Appendix 2 Nataia Proverbs and Sayings Often Quoted .......................... 113


xiv

ABSTRACT

Firmus Madhu Dhengi, 2017, Potential Difficulties for Nataia Speakers in LearningEnglish Phonology, Yogyakarta, English language Studies Graduate Program,Sanata Dharma University.

Nataia, a small language in central Flores, is showing early signs of being endangered.Its native speakers, for instance, now tend to use Bahasa Indonesia as a lingua franca intheir communication with other ethnic groups around them, pushing their own language toa passive position. The present writer, therefore, considers it important to take necessarymeasures to prevent the language from further endangerment. The first step taken is toformally set its phonology down to formal writing. The phonology of the language is thencompared and contrasted with that of English in order to find their similarities anddifferences. Attention will be directed especially to the differences that contrastiveanalysts claim to be potential trouble spots. That is exactly what this thesis entitled‘Potential Difficulties for Nataia speakers in learning English phonology’ is attempting toreveal.

For a start, the present writer uncovered all the segmental phonemes of Nataia.Both the vowel and consonant phonemes of the local language were extracted bymeans of commutation tests and minimal set tests from Oko Utu and the lexicon of thepresent writer as a native speaker of the language. Oko Utu is a research text thatcontains an account of how an extended family of Nataia gets together to solve theircommon problems. The long tradition has it that the main speaker of the forum opens thegathering with a long introduction in which he shows off his ability to use traditionalproverbs and sayings. In addition to the moral values, the proverbs and sayings alsocontain all the segmental phonemes of the local language, five of which i.e., /ɗ/, /ř/, /ɣ/, /ğ/and / β/ turn out to be unique. The revelation of all the segmental phonemes of Nataia leadsto the answer to the first research question of this thesis “what are the vowel and consonantphonemes found in Nataia?”.

Secondly, the writer conducted a Constrastive Analysis (CA) of Nataia and Englishphonology. The result of the CA clearly indicates that English possesses /θ/, /ð/, /ʃ/, /ʒ/,/tʃ/, and /dʒ/, six characteristic consonant phonemes of the language which are absentfrom the inventory of Nataia. The problem begins when a Nataia speaker learningEnglish p h o n o l o g y tries to find the ‘ substitutes’ for these ‘unknown’ sounds fromthe inventory of his or her own language. As a result, the substitution gives rise to aproblem of ‘intelligibility’, at least of irritation or amusement. The revelation of theproblematic English phonemes leads to the answer to the second research question of thisthesis“What segmental English phonemes may cause difficulties for Nataia speakers inlearning English phonology?”.

To solve these segmental phonological problems, English teachers may begin withexercises in which one difficult sound is contrasted with another in minimal pairs. At thesame time, they can ask their students to find the native pronunciation of words containingthe difficult sounds in digital dictionaries. However, they should avoid over-dwelling onthe accurate production of these individual sounds. Thus, they should immediately assigntheir students to read aloud passages in which these problematic sounds appear inconnected speech.

Thirdly, a Nataia speaker learning English phonology may find it difficult to master‘stress and rhythm’, a vital part of the suprasegmental aspect of the language. Masteringthe suprasegmental aspect is essential because in a day-to-day speech people do not


xv

produce and recognize sounds in isolation, but in larger forms such as words, phrasesand sentences. In fact, a Nataia speaker learning English will have to exert extra effortsbecause Nataia is a syllable-timed language, whereas English is a stress-timed language.The revelation of the stress and rhythm problems leads to the answer to the third researchquestion of this thesis“What suprasegmental phonemes of English may cause difficultiesfor Nataia speakers in learning English phonology?”.

To alleviate the pinch of suprasegmental problems, English teachers may begin withdrills on ‘word stress’ from a particular word list. Then, they can ask their students to findin a digital dictionary where the primary stress of a certain word is assigned. Later, theyhave to provide higher units of utterance such as phrases and sentences in which rhythmicpatterns of English are extensively exhibited.

Keywords: Nataia language, segmental and suprasegmental errors.


xvi

ABSTRAK

Firmus Madhu Dhengi, 2017, Potential Difficulties for Nataia Speakers in LearningEnglish Phonology. Yogyakarta, English language Studies Graduate Program,Sanata Dharma University.

Nataia, sebuah bahasa kecil di Flores tengah, mulai menunjukkan tanda-tandaterancam. Para penutur aslinya, misalnya, sekarang cenderung memakai Bahasa Indonesiasebagai lingua franca dalam komunikasi kesehariannya dengan suku-suku lain di sekitarmereka. Akibatnya, bahasanya sendiri terdesak ke posisi pasif. Dengan alasan ini, penulismerasa perlu mengambil langkah guna melindungi bahasa itu dari ancaman lebih lanjut.Langkah pertama ke arah sana adalah menuliskan fonologinya secara formal. Lalu,fonologi Nataia diperbandingkan dengan fonologi Inggris untuk mencari persamaan danperbedaannya. Perhatian diarahkan secara khusus pada perbedaan yang menurut para analiskontrastif berpotensi menimbulkan masalah. Memang inilah yang akan dibeberkan lewattesis berjudul ‘Potential Difficulties for Nataia Speakers in Learning English Phonology’ini.

Sebagai langkah awal, penulis lebih dahulu menyingkapkan semua fonem Nataia.Fonem- fonem itu diperoleh melalui tes-tes komutasi dari Oko Utu dan leksikon penulissendiri sebagai penutur asli bahasa Nataia. Oko Utu adalah teks riset yang berisikan ceritatentang cara sebuah keluarga besar Nataia menyelesaikan persoalan mereka secarabersama. Menurut tradisi, pembicara utama dalam forum itu membuka pertemuantersebut dengan mengutip sejumlah peribahasa dan pepatah. Selain mengandung ajaranmoral, peribahasa dan pepatah itu juga berisikan fonem-fonem segmental bahasa Nataia,lima di antaranya yaitu /ɗ/, /ř/, /ɣ/, /ğ/ and /β/ terbilang unik. Penyingkapan semua fonemNataia itu menjawab pertanyaan pertama dalam formulasi masalah tesis ini “Apa sajafonem vokal dan konsonan yang terdapat dalam bahasa Nataia?”

Selanjutnya, penulis mengadakan Analisis Kontrastif antara fonologi bahasa Nataiadan Inggris. Hasilnya menunjukkan bahwa bahasa Inggris memiliki /θ/, /ð/, /ʃ/, /ʒ/, /tʃ/dan /dʒ/, enam fonem khas Inggris yang tidak terdapat dalam daftar fonem bahasaNataia. Muncul persoalan ketika seorang penutur Nataia yang mempelajari bahasa Inggrismencari pengganti bagi fonem-fonem asing itu dalam daftar fonem bahasa ibunya.Akibatnya, bisa muncul persoalan ‘kesalahpahaman’, setidaknya rasa risi atau rasa geli.Penyingkapan enam fonem khas Inggris yang menimbulkan kesulitan dalam pelafalan ituakan menjawab pertanyaan kedua dalam formulasi masalah tesis ini “Fonem segmentaldalam bahasa Inggris manakah yang bisa menimbulkan kesulitan bagi penutur bahasaNataia dalam mempelajari fonologi bahasa Inggris?”

Sebagai langkah awal guna membereskan persoalan fonologis segmental ini, gurubahasa Inggris bisa menggunakan latihan di mana suatu fonem dikontraskan denganfonem lain melalui pasangan minimal. Guru juga perlu meminta anak didiknya mengecekpelafalan asli kata-kata yang memuat fonem-fonem sulit itu di kamus digital. Akan tetapi,guru tidak perlu berlama-lama melatih pelafalan fonem-fonem segmental yang sulit itu.Mereka mesti segera menugaskan peserta didiknya ‘membaca lantang’ suatu bacaan dimana fonem-fonem itu berfungsi dalam suatu arus ujaran. Membaca lantang itu bisadilakukan secara perorangan maupun secara bersama.

Tambahan pula, seorang penutur bahasa Nataia yang mempelajari bahasa Inggrisakan berhadapan d e n g a n persoalan ‘tekanan dan ritme’. Ini adalah urusan‘suprasegmental’ yang perlu penanganan tersendiri. Soalnya, dalam kegiatan komunikasilisan sehari-hari, orang lebih banyak berurusan dengan kata, frasa dan kalimat daripadadengan bunyi-bunyi secara terpisah. Orang Nataia yang belajar bahasa Inggris memangakan kesulitan karena ‘tekanan dan ritme’ dalam bahasa Nataia tergantung pada jumlah


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suku kata dalam suatu ujaran. Lain halnya dengan b ahasa Inggris yang tekanan katanyasangat bervariasi dan berfungsi untuk mengatur irama dalam bertutur. Penyingkapanperbedaan dalam hal ‘tekanan dan ritme’ ini akan menjawab pertanyaan ketiga dalamformulasi masalah tesis ini “Fonem suprasegmental Inggris mana saja yang bisamenyulitkan penutur Nataia dalam mempelajari fonologi bahasa Inggris?”.

Sebagai langkah awal guna membereskan masalah suprasegmental ini, guru bisamengandalkan dril mengenai tekanan kata dari sebuah daftar kosa kata. Guru bisa jugameminta anak didiknya mengecek tekanan sebuah kata dalam kamus digital. Kemudianguru harus memperkenalkan satuan-satuan ujaran yang lebih besar semisal frase dankalimat. Soalnya, di sana akan tampak lebih jelas pola-pola ritmis yang khas Inggris.

Kata kunci: bahasa Nataia, kesalahan fonologis segmental dan suprasegmental.


1

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background of the Study

Nataia people, a small ethnic group living on the north central part of the

island of Flores, speak a language that is also known as Nataia language. The

area where t h e l a n g u a g e i s s p o k e n is part of Nagekeo, a newly

established regency that broke away from the Regency of Ngada in 2007. Both

Ngada and Nagekeo are parts of the Province of the Southeast Islands.

The figures indicating the precise number of speakers of Nataia are not

available. However, the educated guess is that they could be around four thousand.

This estimate is based on the recent local government data taken before the

regional election in 2008 in which the first regent of Nagekeo was elected. The

data show that the number of eligible voters from four villages (Watuwawi,

Boanio, Kotakisa, and Boaroja) where the language is spoken is approximately

three thousand people. According to the electoral law, eligible voters must be at

least 17 years of age. Thus, the government data imply that the reasonable

number of Nataia speakers may range from a little below to a little above four

thousand after those under 17 are counted and included.

Historically and politically, the area where Nataia is spoken today was

formerly part of Onderafdeling Nage. For almost four decades (1907-1945), the

onderafdeling was ruled by a local king appointed by the Dutch colonial

government. Below the puppet ruler whose royal palace was in the village of

Boawae, there were some gemente chiefs who had several villages under their


2

commands (Steffan Dietrich, 1942). One of them was the chief of Gemente Nataia

who lived in the village of Nataia, on the north-central slope of the Lambo (also

known as Amegelu) mountain. A few years after the Indonesian independence in

1945, all the inhabitants of the village of Nataia moved downwards to the level

land, close the meadow of Malawitu, and established new villages which are

Boanio, Watuwawi, Kotakisa and Boaroja of today.

From these four villages, the people of Nataia can now witness a new

development in the history of their language. The local language which has so far

been transmitted only verbally is beginning to be formally set down in writing and

described linguistically. Therefore, now the people of Nataia have a good reason

to be excited because their language is being introduced to the global linguistic

community. The logical implication is that Nataia will from now on be part of the

written linguistic wealth of the world. Though what is presently introduced is

limited to the phonetic and phonological systems of the language, it can still be

considered a humble contribution in the absence of any older texts of the language.

The present discussion and description of Nataia is based primarily on Oko

Utu, a research text that was read by four native speakers of the language in

October of 2015. Oko Utu, the literal meaning of which is ‘gathering to

contribute’, comprises 128 simple sentences that contain adequate information

about the phonetic and phonological system of the language.

A quick look at Oko Utu immediately reveals several eye-catching linguistic

features of Nataia. The most noticeable of all is that it is a vocalic language in

which every one of its words ends in a vowel phoneme. In fact, Nataia is just a

small member of a group of vocalic languages in central Flores which is known as


3

the Ngada-Lio language grouping (Verheijen, 1977). The bigger members of the

group which have a larger number of speakers include Ngadha, Nage, Keo, Ende,

and Lio.

Outside Flores, quoting Mansoer Pateda (1977) and Abdul Muthalib (1985),

Soepomo explains, there are a number of other vocalic languages all over

Sulawesi, from Gorontalo in the north all the way down to Kendari in the

Southeast. This explanation implies that very few out of more than seven

hundred languages in Indonesia are vocalic (Kompas, com, 03 February, 2011).

All these vocalic languages share one specific feature i.e., every one of their

words ends in a vowel phoneme. Interestingly, in the case of Nataia, even every

syllable ends in a vowel phoneme.

The vocalic nature of Nataia may theoretically become a stumbling block for

its speakers in learning English phonology. The reason is that a vocalic language

such as Nataia does not tolerate any consonant phoneme in the coda position of its

words. On the opposite side, English allows a huge number of its syllables and

words to end in a consonant phoneme.

Oko Utu text also reveals that most words of Nataia are bisyllabic i.e.,

consisting only of two syllables. A few monosyllabics do exist but they are mostly

function words which tend to reduce their vowels to schwa in a sentence (ne in 2

of the appendix). A few trisyllabics and foursyllabics also exist but they are

mostly loan words (sobaza ‘pray’ in 9 of the appendix) or frozen compounds

mosalaki ‘honorable people’ (in 1 of the appendix).

Regardless of the number of its syllables, every word of Nataia ends in a

vowel phoneme (open syllable). The word mona ‘negation’, for example, is


4

composed of two syllables. The first syllable mo- ends in [ɔ-], while the second

syllable -na ends in [-ɑ]. The same word mona also indicates that the main

syllable structure of Nataia is of the c onsonant v owel (CV) type. The first

syllable of mona is mo- which is composed of one consonant [m] and one

vowel [ᴐ]. The second syllable -na is also composed of one consonant [n] and one

vowel [ɑ]. In addition, a word of Nataia also allows a syllable to consist only of

one vowel (V) or V type. The word a’i ‘leg’( in 100 of the appendix), for instance,

a l s o consists of two syllables i.e., [ a-] as the first syllable and [ - ’ i ] as the

second syllable.

The syllable structures of Nataia which consist simply of one consonant and

one vowel (CV) or just one vowel (V) may also be another potential trouble spot

for a Nataia speaker in learning English phonology. This is because English allows

various patterns of consonants (C) and vowels (V) such as VC (in), V (a), CCV

(pre), CV (vi), VC (ǝs) CVC (kæp), CVC (ʃǝn), etc, in the formation of its

syllables (Finegan, 2004: 126).

Each word of Nataia consists of one or more syllables and each syllable

consists of one or t w o sounds. The speech sounds of Nataia comprise a

certain number of vowels and consonants. Both the vowels and consonants of the

local language possess certain characteristics that may i g n i t e the inquisitive

mind of a linguist. For example, each vowel of Nataia, except the schwa, has

its long counterpart. As for consonants, the local language is proud of its five

characteristic sounds i.e., alveolar implosive /ɗ/ as in dhora [ɗᴐrɑ] ‘throw

away’, ve la r implos ive /ğ/ as in ‘geo [ğeᴐ] ‘shine’ , alveola r fr i ca t ive /ř/

as in rhinga [řɪŋɑ] ‘ear’, bi labia l implosive /ß/ as in bhada [ßɑdɑ] ‘buffalo’,


5

and velar fricative /ɣ/ as in ghama [ɣɑmɑ] ‘grope’ which may lengthen the

inventory of unique global speech sounds.

It is to be regretted, however, that two out of the five characteristic sounds

of Nataia are being gradually pushed to the sidelines. The way Antonius Moti

(42) and Patrisius Seo (40), two out of the four respondents of this study,

pronounced the alveolar fricative /ř/ and the velar implosive /ğ/ indicate that

the younger speakers are beginning to avoid using the two characteristic sounds.

Now the younger speakers seem to prefer using the alveolar trill /r/ instead of the

alveolar fricative /ř/. Thus, the words such as rhasa [řɑsɑ] ‘fence’ and rhoba

[řᴐbɑ] ‘sarong’ are now pronounced simply as [rɑsɑ] and [rᴐbɑ], perhaps due to

regular contacts with Bahasa Indonesia and neighboring languages or just for

easier pronunciation. In addition, the younger speakers also tend to prefer oe [ᴐe]

to ‘goe [ğᴐe] for negation, pushing the velar implosive sound [ğ] to a cornered

position.

This shift in the phonological preference such as in the use of /r/ instead of /ř/

may be taken simply as an indication of a change or may also be a threat. It is to be

noted, however, that there is a bigger problem menacing the existence of Nataia

as a whole. Native speakers of the local language are now mingling with

transmigrants from different areas who speak different languages. Therefore, they

v e r y often have to speak Bahasa Indonesia as a lingua franca in their daily

communication, pushing their own language to a passive position.

As a native speaker, one who learned to speak and think for the first time in

Nataia, the present writer feels obliged to keep track of the language by formally

introducing its phonology to the global linguistic community. The phonology of


6

Nataia is then compared and contrasted with that of English to find their

similarities and differences. The comparison and contrast is also expected to

answer the research questions of this thesis entitled “Potential Difficulties for

Nataia Speakers in Learning English Phonology”.

1.2 Statements of the Problems

This is the very first time Nataia has been set down in formal writing.

Therefore, the writer takes advantage of this work to introduce all the phonemes of

the local language. At the same time, by way of this work, the writer also tries to

find out if there are characteristic phonemes of English that may pose problems for

Nataia speakers in learning English phonology. The following research questions

are the formulations of the problem statements.

1. What are the vowel and consonant phonemes found in Nataia?

2. What segmental phonemes of English may cause difficulties for Nataia

speakers in learning English phonology?

3.What suprasegmental phonemes of English may cause difficulties for Nataia

speakers in learning English phonology?

1.3 Purpose of the Study

In line with the problem statements above, the writer would in the first place

like to discover what vowel and consonant phonemes are found in Nataia. Then the

writer studies how these segmental phonemes of the local language are combined

to form syllables and words. It is right here that the problems for Nataia speakers

studying English phonology begin.

In the second place, these segmental phonemes of Nataia are compared and

contrasted with those of English. The comparison and contrast will eventually


7

show what specific consonants of English are absent from the inventory of the local

language. Contrastive analysists claim that these foreign phonemes are potential

trouble spots for Nataia speakers in learning English phonology.

Finally, the writer would like to reveal two suprasegmental phonemes of

English whose nature is quite different from those of Nataia. This difference in

nature turns out to be the reason why these two suprasegmental phonemes cause

difficulties for Nataia speakers in studying English phonology.

1.4 Significance of the Study

The present work seems to have the following three benefits:

1. By formally introducing the phonemes of Nataia, the present writer wants to

make sure that the local language is also preserved in its written form. Besides,

the revelation of the phonemes of the local language may help to lengthen the

list of unique global speech sounds.

2. Comparison and contrast of Nataia phonology with that of English may reveal

which characteristic English phonemes may pose problems for Nataia

speakers in learning English phonology. Then, CA can help English teachers

in central Flores as a whole, especially in the Nataia speaking area, to be

consciously aware of the problems and prepare necessary steps to help their

students surmount the hurdles.

3. Based on the predictions by a contrastive analyst, English textbook writers can

pinpoint which regional phonological problems in Central Flores, particularly

in the Nataia speaking area, should be given special treatment.


8

CHAPTER 2

LITERATURE REVIEW

This chapter presents a review of related theories, a review of related studies

and a theoretical framework. The review of related theories comprises some basic

ideas in support of this study; the review of related studies reveals contributions of

some language scholars to this study; the theoretical review shows how this study

was conducted and completed.

2.1 Review of Related Theories

The review of related theories comprises Nataia and Foreign Language

Studies, Nataia and Language Family, Nataia and Verbal Preservation, English

Articulatory Phonetics, English Manner of Articulations, English Phonological

System, English Phonological Processes, and Contrastive Analysis (CA).

2.1.1 Nataia and Foreign Language Studies

In the 1920-s, Nage and Keo were registered among tens of onderafdeling

under the larger Afdeling Flores that was ruled by G.A Bosselaar, the then Dutch

assistent resident. Bosselaar deserves a respectable place in the history of

secondary education in Flores because he was the first highest colonial official in

the Southeast Islands who allowed the Catholic Mission of Flores to establish the

first formal minor seminary of the island. His permission was considered

‘extraordinary’ because the Dutch government was then dominated and steered

by the Protestants, ‘political enemies’ of the Catholics in the Netherlands (Steffan

Dietrich, 1942). The establishment of the seminary in Mataloko, Onderafdeling

Ngadha, in 1929 was intended primarily to prepare the indigenous people to


9

have their own native priests. The local priests were expected to take over the

church leadership from the foreign missionaries in due time (De Katholieke

Missien en het Christelijk Huisgezin, Uden , 1929: 67)

The important fact is that eight decades after its birth, the seminary has

yielded a good number of indigenous priests. Of equal importance is that it has

produced thousands of graduates who have served as layman leaders of Flores. Of

no less importance is the silent agreement among the people of the island that the

graduates of the minor seminary were fairly good at foreign languages.

Early graduates of the seminary are reputed to be good at Latin and Dutch,

the main language courses in the curriculum of the institution. They are said to

have gone through difficult times learning the languages only during the first three

years (junior high school). Towards the end of the second three years (senior high

school), however, they are said to have begun tasting the “sweet fruits” of their

tireless efforts.

It is to be noted, however, that they were only good at speaking Dutch. They

did not speak Latin, ‘a dead language’ specifically set for church service and bible

studies. Their success in the foreign language learning is said to have been due to

several interrelated factors. The first is that Dutch was the language of instruction

in the classroom. The second is that Dutch was a single recommended means of

communication between the teachers, the students and their peers within the

compounds of the seminary. The third, the seminary was free to design a

curriculum of its own in which language received a very large portion of time.

The last but not the least, there were only a small number of selected participants,


10

seven in the first class of 1929, who wished to identify themselves with the white

ruling elite (Plechtige Opening van het nieuwe Seminarie, Uden, 1929: 67).

After Indonesia proclaimed her independence in 1945, Dutch was abolished

from the curriculum of the new independent state. Soon after, English replaced it

as the main foreign language to be learned at the minor seminary. From early

1950-s to the 1960-s, the English teachers in the institution were native speakers

from the United States, at least from countries such as the Netherlands and the

Philippines where practically everybody speaks English with some ease. This time

the participants who were from different local language backgrounds, mostly

from the Ngadha-Lio language grouping of which the Nataia is a member, also

turned out to be fairly good speakers of English.

Stephanus Djawanai, a former student of the seminary, recalls how the fourth

year students of his generation were often asked by their English teacher to make

a short speech or even a sermon in English. “Father Garger also asked us to make

daily notes on who we spoke to, what we talked about and how long we made a

conversation in English,” Djawanai wrote in “Learning a Language, Opening Up a

Horizon (2004: 99)”, an article in memory of his unforgettable years in the

seminary.

Djawanai, now a professor of linguistics, also recalls that his former English

teachers such as William Pop, a Catholic missionary from Chicago, the United

States, were very flexible and creative. Though grammar-translation was the

method in vogue at the time, he noted, hi s teachers did not hesitate to try out a

more communicative approach. He also noticed that his teachers applied an


11

integrated approach in which “listening and comprehension, speaking, reading

and comprehension, and writing” received a relatively balanced treatment.

Unfortunately, the glorious years of foreign language learning in the

seminary are now said to be history. In a way, the national policy of the

Indonesian government seems to have played a part in the sad story. In the early

1970-s, the Department of Religious Affairs (now Ministry of Religious Affairs)

issued a xenophobic decree that offered two difficult choices for every foreign

missionary: become a holder of an Indonesian passport or leave the country

immediately. Also xenophobic, F.M Parera (2004:15)) notes, was a regulation

that all the foreign aids for religious purposes should first be notified to the

department. In the aftermath, most white missionaries fled this country. Devoted

native speakers of English on duty in the seminary were gone. Also gone were

English textbooks and graded story-books that had regularly entered the

shelves of the library of the institution.

To sum up, the seminary has witnessed the ‘rise and fall’ of three foreign

languages. Initially, it was Dutch that was abolished from the curriculum for

reasons of nationalism. Then, Latin was relegated from the church service and the

curriculum of the seminary, owing to the decree of the Second Vatican Council in

the early 1960-s. The decree stipulated that Latin be no longer ‘the one and only’

language of service of the Catholic Church. Finally, English has been staggering

all along for a number of reasons. Rano Aoh, a student of the late 1990-s, for

instance, poured out his disappointment at the failure of the seminary to maintain

the old tradition of good foreign language performance. “We missed the English

speaking skill which had always been the pride of the previous generations.


12

Another clear proof of our language skill decline was that we were not even able

to conduct an English Night or English Day, a showcase in which everyone of the

former classes showed off their English speaking skill,” Rano wrote in “In

Aeternum Memorandum (2004:205)”.

All the three foreign languages have surely gone past their golden days in the

institution. Special notes, however, should be taken about the change of status of

Latin. The relegation of Latin by the Papal government proves to have had a

far-reaching repercussion. Since then, every national language or even a local

language such as Nataia has been permitted to be used during the religious

ceremony in the Catholic Church. This is presumably the background reason why

in the middle of 1960-s, the Catholic Mission of Flores published a ‘Prayer and

Hymn’ book entitled Sua Budju Ngadji which accentuated an amalgam of

Nage languages.

The Nataia people enjoyed praying and singing using the book because on

the whole they were familiar with a lot of words and expressions in it. However,

they wanted more i.e., a special ‘prayer and hymn’ book of their own in which the

characteristic sounds and expressions representing their ethnic, emotional and

cultural pride are prominent.

2.1.2 Nataiaand LanguageFamily

The decade of the 1960-s also marked the beginning of a new era in which all

the remaining symbols of the Dutch colonial rule were one by one removed. Nage

and Keo as the symbols of the puppet governments, for instance, were stripped of

their royal status. They were then split up into a number of districts under the

jurisdiction of the Ngada Regency. Only recently have Nage and Keo managed


13

to break away and form a separate regency which now claims to have a

population of a little over one hundred thousand people.

Figure 2.1 Nataia Speaking Area (Adapte From Djawanai, 1983)


14

Though Nagekeo has detached itself from Ngada administratively, the two

regencies remain closely affiliated in terms of language. Th e family of

Ngadha and Nagekeo languages of which Nataia is a member is generally

assumed to belong to the Austronesian family of languages. As for the

relationship of Nataia with the surrounding languages, Verheijen (1977)

ind i ca t e s that Nataia belongs to the Ngadha-Lio subgroup, which is part of the

larger Bima-Sumba group (in line with Jonker, 1898). This system of language

grouping has remained unchallenged for over a century and is still recognized by

well-reputed institutions such as the Indonesian National Language Institute.

Recently, therefore, Inyo Jos Fernandez (1996: 16) suggested that Jonker’s

finding be immediately r e v i s e d a n d updated in order to keep pace with the

other latest developments in the Austronesian group studies.

Unfortunately, not a single historical-comparative linguist has come up with

a fresh idea that challenges Jonker’s proposition. This fact clearly indicates that

Jonker’s way of grouping languages in Flores remains in the status quo. The only

new development in the Ngadha-Lio language grouping is that Nataia, one of its

members, has finally got its turn to be formally described and analyzed in its own

right. Indeed, the present work marks the beginning of a completely new era

for Nataia language in which it has started to be formally set down in writing and

analyzed linguistically for the very first time.

2.1.3 Nataia and Verbal Preservation

The way Antonius Moti (42) and Patrisius Seo (40), two out of the four

respondents for this study, pronounced the alveolar fricative sound /ř/ and the

implosive velar sound /ğ/ as is heard from Oko Utu text suggests that the younger


15

speakers of the language are beginning to avoid using the two characteristic

sounds of the Nataia. Though now already in their early forties, Moti and Seo are

here representing the younger speakers who show a shift in their phonological

preference. The younger speakers are beginning to prefer using the alveolar trill /r/

instead of the alveolar fricative /ř/, perhaps due to regular contacts with Bahasa

Indonesia and other neighboring languages or simply for the sake of easier

pronunciation. Thus, words such as rhasa [řɑsɑ] ‘fence’ and rhoba [řobɑ]

‘sarong’ are pronounced simply as [rɑsɑ] and [robɑ]. In addition, the younger

speakers also tend to use oe [ɔe ] instead of ‘goe [ğɔe] for negation, putting the

implosive velar sound [ğ] in a critical position. This is quite in contrast with

Tadeus Leu (72) and Anselmus Jogo (52), two elder respondents for this study,

who remain faithful to the traditional way of pronouncing the /ř/ and /ğ/.

This phenomenon is certainly an initial indication that Nataia is undergoing

change in which two of its unique phonemes are being gradually pushed out of

regular use. The present writer believes that such a change deserves to be set down

in formal writing for a historical reason i.e., to remind future generations that the

Nataia people have once pushed certain characteristic phonemes out of their

language inventory. Furthermore, the urgent need to put everything down in

formal writing emphasizes the fact that Nataia has been an entirely oral tradition

all along. To put it more aptly, all forms of customs in the language have so far

been transmitted simply by direct verbal interactions.

The traditional people of Nataia seem to have consistently treated language as

part of a social institution where everybody has a role to play. A bigger role,

however, is given to an eloquent speaker. The reason is that an eloquent speaker


16

performs much better in public and is well-versed in the use of traditional proverbs

and sayings. Additionally, an e l o q u e n t speaker (usually a n e l d e r l y

m a n f rom a high caste referred to as mosalaki) is very familiar with the

traditions and customary laws of the ethnic group.

The special position of an eloquent speaker clearly indicates that traditional

proverbs and sayings also play a decisive role in the preservation of the language

and the culture of Nataia people. An eloquent speaker usually takes advantage of

Oko Utu, a forum in which all the members of an extended family of Nataia

get together, to remind the p a r t i c i p a n t s to remain faithful to the value

system of their community. The powerful instrument of an eloquent speaker i n

t h e f am i l y f o r um is the traditional proverbs and sayings which contain

highly appreciated values such as “trust and listen to God, respect for parents,

monogamy, cooperation, friendship, hard work, the need for a precautionary

measure, etc”. All these values are neatly hidden within the traditional proverbs

and sayings which have been handed down only orally for generations. Oral

communication needs to be given a special emphasis here because an eloquent

speaker puts all these values across by way of ‘the sounds and sound patterns’

of the local language. To put it in another way, he makes wise use of the power

of the phonetic and phonological systems of the Nataia to preserve the

language and perpetuate the value system of the small local community.

It is certainly a relief for an eloquent speaker of Nataia to realize now that the

responsibility for preserving the local language is beginning to be shared with the

global linguistic community. Indeed, the present work is expected to pave the way

towards more serious efforts by various interested parties to preserve the unique


17

local language in its written form, starting now with the preliminary study of

Nataia phonology.

2.1.4 English Articulatory Phonetics

A comparison and contrast of English and Nataia phonology needs

appropriate theories that describe the speech sounds in the two languages: how

they are produced and articulated; how they fall into patterns and change in

different circumstances; and most importantly, what aspects of the sounds are

necessary for conveying the meaning. (Ladefoged, 2005: 1)

Anybody who wants to answer the above questions has no other choice but

to go to the phonetic and phonological theories. Phonetics is concerned with

descriptions of speech sounds that occur in languages, of course, including

English and Nataia. Actually, the first step one should take is to find out what

English and Nataia people are doing when they are talking and listening to speech.

Fortunately, in the case of English phonology, a large number of phoneticians -

Daniel Jones (1938), Ladefoged (1993), Giegerich (1992), Poole (1999), Aitchison

(2003) and Collins and Mees (2003) just to mention a few - have agreed to divide

the segmental sounds of the language into two types i.e., vowels and consonants.

2.1.4.1 English Vowels

According to noted phoneticians such as Aitchison (2010), English vowels

comprise pure vowels as in bit, bet, bat, but and diphthongs in which the voice

glides from one vowel to another, as in boat, buy, and bay. However, the language

scholar also explains, both a pure vowel and a diphthong share one common

feature i.e., their articulations do not involve any audible obstruction of the

air-stream. Differences between these vowels, he argues, are simply due to the


18

raising of different parts of the tongue as well as the extent of the raising. As an

example, [i] and [u] are different because [u] is a back vowel, one which is

produced with the back of the tongue raised, whereas [i] is a front vowel which is

produced with the front of the tongue raised.

There is another important criterion in the classification of vowels i.e., how

wide is the mouth open. The vowels [a] and [ɑ] , for instance, have one common

feature i.e., they are produced with the mouth wide open. In other words, there is a

maximum distance between the tongue and the roof of the mouth. This is a

difference in height. Thus, [i] and [u] are high vowels and [a] and [ɑ] are low

vowels.

The four vowel sounds, Giegerich (1992) explains, represent the extreme

points of the principal dimensions of vowel articulation: height and backness.

Thus, [i] is a high front vowel, [u] a high back vowel, [a] a low front vowel and [ɑ]

a low back vowel. If the the height of [i]-[a] scale is divided into four points that

are of equal distance, Giegerich argues, there will be four vowels that can be

symbolized as [i] - [e] - [ɛ] -[a] in the vowel diagram.

For the back series, Giegerich (1992) maintains, one may fill in the

corresponding intermediate vowels as [o] and [ɔ], so that [u]-[o]-[ɔ]-[a] represent

the set of back reference vowels. This system of reference vowels is known as the

Cardinal Vowels Scale (CV Scale) devised by the English phonetician

Daniel Jones. In addition, Stuart Poole (1999) explains, vowels made with an

open mouth cavity, with the tongue far away from the roof of the mouth, such

as /æ/ in trap and /ɑ:/ in palm are termed open vowels. If the upper tongue


19

surface is close to the roof of the mouth such as /i:/ in fleece, the sounds are close

vowels.

Figure 2.2 English Vowel Chart (Finegan, 2004: 95)

2.1.4.2 English Consonants

Linguists have also agreed on the general descriptions of consonants. In

order to form consonants, Collins and Mees (2003) explain, the air-stream through

the vocal tract must be obstructed in some way. In addition, the two phonologists

ascertain, consonants can be classified according to the place and manner of

articulation. Places of articulation indicate what articulators are involved in the

production of speech sounds.

2.1.4.2.1 Bilabial

According to Giegerich (1992), English bilabial sounds i.e., [b], [p], [m] are

produced by bringing the lips together as in pie, buy, and my. Though all the three

of them are bilabials, they are discrete sounds which are composed of different


20

features. [p] has the features of [- voice, + stop]. [b] has the features of [+voice, +

stop] and [m] has the features of [+voice, +stop, + nasal].

2.1.4.2.2 Labiodental

Giegerich (1992) explains that English labiodental sounds i.e., [f],[v]] are

produced by raising the lower lip against the upper incisors as in fat and vat.

Though both are labiodentals, they are different sounds which are composed of

different features. [f] has the features of [+labial, -voice, +fricative] and [v] has

the features of [+labial, +voice, + fricative].

2.1.4.2.3 Interdental

According to Giegerich (1992), interdental sounds [θ], [ð] are produced by

raising the tip of the tongue against the upper incisors, or inserting it between the

upper and lower incisors as in thigh and thy. The two of them, however, are

discrete sounds which are composed of different features. [θ] has the features of [-

voice, + stop, + fricative]. Whereas [ð] has the features of [+ voice, + stop,

+fricative].

2.1.4.2.4 Alveolar

English alveolar sounds [d],[n],[s],[z],[l],[t], Giegerich explains, are

produced by raising the tip of the tongue against the alveolar ridge. Examples are

nigh, lie, tie, sue, and zoo. All the six are, however, discrete sounds which are

composed of different features. [d] has the features of [+voice, +stop]. [n] is

composed of features such as [+voice, +nasal]. [s] is composed of features such as

[- voice, + fricative, +sibilant]. [z] is composed of features such as [+voice,


21

+fricative, + sibilant]. [l] is composed of features such as [+lateral, approximant,

+voice]. [t] is composed of features such as [+stop, - voice].

2.1.4.2.5 Palato-Alveolar

English palatal sounds [ʃ], [Ʒ,] [tʃ], [dƷ], according to Giegerich (1992), are

produced by raising the front of the tongue towards the back of the alveolar ridge

and the front of the palate as in she and leisure. However, each of them is a

discrete sound which is composed of different features. [ʃ] is composed of

features such as [+fricative, +sibilant, - voice]. [Ʒ] has the features of [+sibilant,

+fricative, +voice]. [tʃ] is composed of features such as [+sibilant, + fricative, -

voice].

2.1.4.2.6 Palatal

In the production of a palatal sound [y], Giegerich maintains, the front of the

tongue is raised towards the palate, slightly further back than in a palato-alveolar

sound. Example: you.

2.1.4.2.7 Velar

English velar sounds [k],[g],[ŋ], according to Giegerich (1992), are produced

by raising the back of the tongue towards the the soft palate or velum. Examples:

back, bag and bang. However, each of them has different features. [k] has the

features of [+stop, -voice, +back]. [g] has the features of [+voice, + dorsal, + back,

+ stop]. [ŋ] is composed of features such as [ +nasal, +voice].


22

2.1.4.2.8 Glottal

Glottal sound [h], according to Collins and Mees (2003), is produced when

the glottis is open and there is no air stream in the mouth, while [ˀ ] is produced

when the air is stopped completely at the glottis by tightly closed vocal cords.

2.1.5 English Manner of Articulation

According to Mees a n d Collins (2003), manner of articulation indicates

the how of sound production. All articulations involve a stricture i.e., a narrowing

of the vocal tract which affects the air-stream. Collins and Mees explain further

that there are three possible types of stricture: complete stricture, close

approximation, and open approximation.

2.1.5.1 Voiced and Voiceless

Collins and Mees (2003) explain that the vocal folds vibrate rapidly when the

air-stream is allowed to pass between them, producing what is termed voice - that

is, a sort of ‘buzz’ which one can hear and feel in vowels and some consonant

sounds. Examples of vowels are [a],[ɪ] as in aim and ink and voiced consonants

are [b], [d] as in bind and dine. For voiceless sounds, the two phonologists assert,

the vocal cords and the arytenoid cartilage are held wide apart which allows the

air stream to escape freely. Examples of voiceless consonants are [t],[ f] as in time

and fine.

Apart from the how of sound productions, manner of articulation also

presents the distinctive features between sounds. Sounds [p] and [b] which are

both bilabials, for instance, are different in terms of their manner of articulation.

Sound [b] belongs to a voiced bilabial consonant while [p] a voiceless bilabial

consonant. In other words, they are composed of different features.


23

2.1.5.2 Oro-nasals

In addition to the articulatory closure in the mouth, Collins and Mees (2003)

explain, the soft palate is raised so that the nasal tract is blocked off, then the air

stream will be completely obstructed. Pressure in the mouth will build up and an

oral stop will be formed. Oral stops include [p],[b],[t],[k] and [g]. When

the articulators come apart, the two phonologists explain, the air-stream will be

released in a small burst of sound. This kind of sound occurs in the consonants in

the words “pie, buy” (bilabial closure), “tie, dye” (alveolar closure) and “kye,

guy” (velar closure).

If the air is stopped in the oral cavity but the soft palate is down so that it can

go out through the nose, Collins and Mees (2003) explain, the sound produced is a

nasal stop. Sounds of this kind, the two phonologists say, occur at the beginning

of the words “my” (bilabial closure) and “nigh” (alveolar closure) and at the end

of “sang” (velar closure). Though both the nasal sounds and the oral sounds can

be classified as stops, Ladefoged (2005) argues, the term stop by itself is almost

always used to indicate an oral stop and the term nasal to indicate a nasal stop.

Thus, the consonants at the ends of the words “bad” and “ban” would be called

an alveolar stop and an alveolar nasal respectively.

2.1.5.3 Fricatives

In the production of fricative sounds, Collins and Mees (2003) explain, the

articulators are close to each other but do not make a complete closure. The air

stream passes through a narrowing, producing audible hiss-like friction as in

English [f,] [v],[θ], [ð],[s], [z], [ʃ], [Ʒ],[ h].


24

2.1.5.4. Affricates

Some sounds are produced by a stop closure followed immediately by a

gradual release of the closure that produces an effect characteristic of a fricative.

Therefore, Ladefoged (2005) explains, affricates such as [tʃ and [dƷ] are known as

a sequence of a stop plus a fricative.

Table 2.1. English Consonant Chart (Fromkin, 2003: 54)

2.1.6 English Phonological System

Phonology, according to Ladefoged (2005), is the description of the systems

and patterns of sounds that occur in a language. It involves studying a language

to determine its distinctive sounds and to establish rules that describe the set of

changes that take place in these sounds when they occur in different relations

with other sounds. Therefore, the first task in a phonological description,

the phonologist argues, is to determine which sounds can convey a

difference in meaning. When two sounds can be used to differentiate words, he

asserts, they belong to different phonemes.

Ladefoged explains further that a phoneme is an abstract, psychological unit,

the basic unit of phonology. Every language has a number of phonemes, the


25

notation of which is between slashes, for example, /p/. Variants of a phoneme, as

are pronounced in real speech are allophones. Their notation is between brackets,

for example, [p]. There is a crucial difference between sounds that are

allophonic variants of the same phoneme and two sounds that are different

phonemes. If one substitutes a sound by an allophonic variant, Ladefoged asserts,

he or she still gets the same word. However, if one substitutes a sound by another

belonging to a different phoneme, he or she gets a different word. Thus, a

phoneme is a distinctive unit. Phonemes in a normal speech are fused

together and influence each other. There are some rules that try to predict how a

phoneme will vary in a given context. These are called allophonic rules which

facilitate articulation.

2.1.7 English Phonological Processes

A phonological process, Finegan (2004) explains, is a term used to cover the

way in which segments are influenced by adjacent segments, causing phonemes to

vary in their realization according to a phonological context. There are some types

of English phonological processes which include the following:

2.1.7.1 Assimilation

According to Ladefoged (1993), a sound is coloured or adapted to the sound

before or after it. In other words, one sound changes into another sound because

of the influence of the neighbouring sounds as in the change of underlying /n/ to

/m/ in “input” [ɪmput] or of underlying /z/ to /Ʒ/ in “does she” [dʌƷʃi]. A change is

also noticed in the compound ‘sun burnt’ of the sentence ‘my skin is sun burnt’

where the alveolar sound [n] in sun changes to bilabial [m] to adapt to the

following sound [b] which is also bilabial. Thus, the phrase becomes


26

[mʌɪskɪnɪzsʌmbə:nt]. Another example, the sound [k] in speak which is voiceless

is followed by [s] which is also voiceless in a phrase such as “The man speaks

slowly” [ ðə mæn spi:ks slowlɪ], whereas the sound [g] in beg which is voiced is

followed by [z] which is also voiced in the sentence such as “He begs her to

forgive him” [hɪ begz ər tə fɔrgɪv əm].

Another case of assimilation is detected in the pronunciation of the following

pairs of words. According to Finegan (2004: 116), the vowels of the words on the

left column are shorter in duration than those on the right. If one looks past

the spelling, one will notice that each word on the left column ends in a voiceless

consonant,whereas each word on the right column ends in a voiced consonant.

Thus, English lengthens vowels which precede voiced consonants.

Examples:cap cabcat cadback bagcot cod

2.1.7.2 Aspiration

Aspiration is articulation of a sound that is accompanied by a small emission

of air, in a small explosion (Finegan, 2004: 112). A little differently, Ladefoged

(1993) formulates aspiration as “a period of voicelessness after the release of an

articulation as in “pie” [phaɪ]. Voiceless stops /t, p, k/ are aspirated when they are

in the initial syllable, in words such as (time, pot, cat), but /p, t, k/ are unaspirated

in medial position after an /s/ in words like (spew, stew, skip).

2.1.7.3 Deletion

According to Reima Al-Jarf (1989), a sound might be eliminated to facilitate

articulation. For example, friendship becomes [frenʃɪp]. This is also applicable in


27

other words such as “aspects [æspeks], he must be [hɪmʌsbɪ], grandpa [græmpa],

postman [pousman], west cliff [wesklif], and handsome [hænsəm].

2.1.7.4 Insertion or Epenthesis

Insertion or epenthesis, Reima (1989) explains, is a phonological process in

which a certain sound is inserted in order to facilitate pronunciation. The

phonologist points to the sentence “I am (e) tired” as an example. In practice, the

sentence is pronounced as [ʌɪməthɑɪəd]. A sudden transition from [m] which is

bilabial to [t] which is alveolar seems rather difficult. Thus, the [ə] is inserted for

easier pronunciation.

2.1.7.5 Phonotactic Rules

Speakers of a language have an implicit knowledge of which are the

combination of sounds that are allowed or are frequent in their language. In

English, Finegan (2004) explains, having several consonant sounds together is

fairly normal. For example: r + k + t as in worked. This pattern will have a very

direct influence on an L2 student learning English.

In English, the linguist argues, consonant +consonant (CC) combinations in

initial position are very normal. To these possibilities, one has to add the fact of

having an [s] as the first consonant and a plosive as the second (only voiceless -p,

t, k-, not voiced b, d , g). For examples, St + vocal as in stress, stand. Sk + vocal as

in squint, skull.

2.1.7.6 English Stress

According to Reima (1989), English has the following stress rules:

1. The great majority of two-syllable words are stressed on the first syllable,

e.g.,‘never, ‘breakfast, ‘Monday.


28

2. A number of words have two different stress patterns according to whether

they are verbs or nouns, e.g., absent, accent, conduct, convict, digest,

separate, perfect, permit, present, suspect, transport.

3. When a suffix is added to a word, the new form is stressed on the syllable as

was the basic word, e.g.,

a’bandon a’bandonment‘happy ‘happiness‘reason ‘reasonable

4. Words ending in {-tion, -sion, -ic, -ical, -ity,} almost always have primary

stress on the syllable preceding the ending, e.g.,

‘public pu’blicitybi’ology bio’logicalcon’tribute contri’butione’conomy eco’nomical

5. If a word ending in -ate or -ment has only two syllables, the stress falls on the

last syllable if the word is a verb, but on the first syllable if the word is a noun

or an adjective. When stressed, the ending is pronounced [eyt], [m] [nt]; when

unstressed, it is pronounced [t],[m][n], e.g.,:

cre’ate de’batein’flate lo’cate‘climate ‘senate‘private ‘cognate

However, Giegerich (1992: 181) notes that stress in English is phonemic

only to a limited extent. The main function of stress in English, he explains, is not

of differentiating words. Its main function is to maintain rhythm in connected

speech. For this reason, he argues, English is a stress-timed-language in which

stresses occur at roughly equal timing intervals.


29

2.1.8 Contrastive Analysis

Contrastive Analysis (CA), Finegan (2004: 574) explains, is a method of

analyzing languages for instructional purposes whereby a native language and a

target language are compared with a view to establishing points of difference

likely to cause difficulties for learners. CA can be portrayed from different

aspects such as the following:

2.1.8.1. Historical Perspective

Sir William Jones is a linguist widely considered as the pioneer of a

systematic language comparison. Declaring his research finding in a formal

speech in 1786, he said:

“Sanskrit bears a resemblance to Greek and Latin which is too close to bedue to chance, shows rather, that all the three,’have sprung from somecommon source which, perhaps, no longer exists and Gothic (that is,Germanic) and Celtic probably had the same origin” (Alatis, 1968).

Following the historic speech, linguists all over Europe began to be involved in an

open competition for researches in comparative linguistics. They wanted to find

out if some languages were so similar that they could be put together under one

language family. However, they started to compare and contrast languages for

pedagogical purposes only much later. This new comparison and contrast for the

betterment of teaching and learning a foreign language would be known as

Contrastive Analysis (henceforth referred to as CA).

CA was born when descriptive-synchronic linguistics began to make a name

for itself. Advancement in descriptive-synchronic linguistics is marked by the

publication of Language (Sapir, 1921) and Sound Patterns in Language (Sapir,

1925) in which Sapir says:


30

“I found that it was difficult or impossible to teach an Indian to makephonetic distinctions that did not correspond to ‘points in the pattern ofhis language’ however these differences might strike our objective ear,but that subtle, barely audible, phonetic differences, if only they hit the‘points in the pattern’ were easily and voluntarily expressed in writing.”(p. 62)

In Sound Patterns in Language (1925), Sapir explains that the habits of a

native speaker are part of a system which is orderly organized. He also underlines

the importance of phonemes (points in the pattern) which are different from

phones (phonetic entities). Sapir’s view paved the way for the introduction of

structural linguistics.

Fries brought Sapir’s views into his classroom activities, paying special

attention to his students’ mistakes, both in pronunciation and in writing. After a

series of observations, he came to a conclusion that a certain group of students had

a tendency to make similar mistakes. He noticed that the students who spoke

Spanish, for example, could not pronounce certain English words correctly. They

pronounced speak as [espik], study as [estadi] and school as [eskul]. Students

from the Philippines also made mistakes, but they showed different patterns. They

pronounced the three words above by inserting [e] between the consonant

sequence. Thus, speak became [sepik], study became [setadi] and school became

[sekul]. Then, Fries related ‘the patterns of mistakes of his students’ to the ‘points

in the pattern’ of Sapir. The result is an idea which gave birth to the so-called

contrastive analysis.

2.1.8.2 Purposes of CA

Comparative Linguistics and Contrastive Analysis have one thing in common:

both attempts to compare languages. However, there is a basic difference between

the two. Comparative Linguistics tries to group languages into language families,


31

whereas Contrastive Analysis endeavors to discover similarities and differences

between the first language (L1) and the second language (L2) for the

improvement of teaching and learning of a foreign language.

In 1945, Fries, who is recognized as the father of CA, in his book Teaching

and Learning English as a Foreign Language emphasized :

The most efficient materials grow out of a scientific descriptive analysisof the language to be learned carefully compared with a paralleldescriptive analysis of the native languages of the learner. Only acomparison of this kind will reveal the fundamental trouble spots thatdemand special exercises and will separate the basically importantfeatures from a bewildering mass of linguistic details (p.2).

Almost twelve years later, Robert Lado, one of Fries’ prominent followers,

proposed a similar view in his book, Linguistics Across Cultures (1957), saying:

“The most important new thing in the preparation of teaching materials isthe comparison of native and foreign language and culture in order tofind the hurdles that really have to be surmounted in the teaching ( p. 3)

Fries and Lado made CA very popular in the 1950-s and 1960-s. The

popularity tempted CA proponents to put forth several claims, some of which are

considered overambitious such as the following:

1. mistakes of a learner are primarily due to interference from L1.

2. similar points in L1 and L2 do not cause problems for a learner.

3. different points in L1 and L2 cause serious problems for a learner.

4. different points in L1 and L2 are detected from a comparison of L1 and L2.

5. results of the comparison form the basis on which difficulties are predicted.

6. materials designed on the basis of the comparison of L1 and L2 are useful.

2.1.8.3 Movement Against Contrastive Analysis

A movement against CA emerged in the closing year of the 1950-s. Some

scholars from the Great Britain began to cast their skepticism on CA.


32

Linguists such as Richards, Selinker, and W. R. Lee question the usefulness,

necessity, and relevance of CA. Lee, later editor of English Language Teaching

(1970), writes:

“Now it is often said that by means of a thorough comparison of thenative language and the foreign language we can predict the learningerrors. But is it true? And if it is true, is such a prediction necessary?And can the comparison be thorough?” ( p.4)

Furthermore, Lee argues:

“Prediction is by no means wholly reliable. Although there are commonfaults, not all speakers of the same first language cope with thedifficulties of learning of a particular foreign language in the same way,making exactly the same mistakes”. (p. 5)

L. A. Hill, a British language scholar who was popular with English teachers

in South East Asia in the 1970-s, also discredits the value of CA when he said,

“Most of the students’ errors in learning English are caused by the conflict

between the patterns within the English language itself.”

On the whole, those critics agree with CA proponents that there is

interference from L1. However, they refuse the idea that L1 is the primary source.

They explain that there are some other important factors behind the difficulties of

a foreign language learner. W. R. Lee states “but it is not only the learner’s native

language which exercises this influence. There is interference both from L1

and at every stage from what has already been taught and absorbed.” (Alatis:

186)

Another distinct voice against CA comes from Catford, author of Contrastive

Analysis and Language Teaching (1968). He refuses the idea that CA is able to

predict all the hurdles in the teaching and learning process. The role of CA, he says,

is merely explanatory, not predictive.


33

“...it seems to me that in relation to L2 teaching, the most important role ofcontrastive analysis - or rather, of the data obtained by contrastiveanalysis - is explanatory rather than predictive (p. 159).

Catford is certainly pleased to see CA practitioners design a lot of

theories on language teaching and learning. However, he deems it more important

for them to go into the field and collect data about students’ mistakes and arrange

them into types, exactly like what practitioners of Error Analysis (EA) do. By

combining CA and EA, he argues, a language analyst can explain more clearly

why certain students make certain mistakes.

2.1.8.4 In Defence of Contrastive Analysis

The controversy above indicates that contrastive analysts and their critics

differ mostly about two basic claims of Contrastive Analysis (CA). The first is the

claim of CA that the native language interference is the major cause of difficulty in

a second language learning. The second is that CA can predict difficulties in the

learning of a second language.

In an effort to tackle the first issue, it is well to consider what CA was really

like in the early stage of its development in the 1950-s. Back then, Fries and Lado,

the two founders of CA, directed their searching light mostly to the phonological

errors of their students. They turned out to be fairly successful and quickly made a

name for themselves. However, problems appeared as soon as their ambitious

followers began to include syntactic and semantic errors in their analysis. In other

words, every language scholar seemed to agree in the early days of CA that the

native language interference in learning the phonology (also popularly known as

pronunciation) of a foreign language was undeniable. Regarding the first language

interference in phonology, Lado comments:


34

“The learner transfers the sound system of his native language and uses it instead ofthat of the foreign language without fully realizing it. This transfer occurs evenwhen the learner consciously attempts to avoid it. Force of habit influences hishearing as well as his speaking. He does not hear through the sound system of thetarget language but filters what reaches his ears through his own sound system.”(Language Teaching, 1965: 72).

Present-day language scholars also see clear signs of the first language

interference in learning the phonology of a second language. M.F Baradja, a staunch

advocate of CA, argues that “unless the learner is very young, nobody can deny that

there is interference of the mother tongue in the acquisition of the phonology of a

foreign language. The fact that an Indian speaks English with an Indian accent, a

Japanese speaks English with a Japanese accent, etc., is a definite proof of the

existence of the native language interference” (1971: 4). Jack Richards (2002)

agrees when he asser ts “ tha t ve ry few lea rners are able to speak a

second language wi thout showing evidence of the transfer of

pronuncia t ion fea tures of the ir na t ive tongue” .

In fact, even those scholars who are critical of CA generally agree that there is

interference from the mother tongue (L1). What they refuse is the claim that L1 is

the primary source of interference. W. R. Lee states… “but it is not only the

learner’s native language which exercises the influence. There is interference

both from L1 and at every stage from what has already been taught and

absorbed.” (Alatis, 1970: 186)

In response to the opposing view, strong proponents of CA such as Baradja have

to admit that it is difficult to prove whether or not the major cause of difficulty is

interference from the mother tongue of the learner. However, they maintain, it is also

hard to prove that the major cause of errors come from the target language. Only one


35

thing is certain, they have finally admitted, that both L1 and L2 are important

potential sources of difficulty (1971: 5).

Now comes the issue of prediction. Proponents of CA generally complain that

critics of CA misunderstand the meaning of ‘ to predict’ in contrastive analysis.

Therefore, staunch advocates of CA such as Baradja consider it necessary to explain

that ‘to predict’ means no more than ‘to show with some explanation what, where,

and why certain areas in the target language are likely to be potential trouble spots for

a learner. To predict, Baradja ascertains, is not intended to mean ‘to show with

certainty’. Thus, in making a prediction, it is always possible that an analyst can

anytime make a mistake. Fortunately, the Indonesian linguist and English teacher

adds, a linguistic science has made so much progress that it can nowadays help a

contrastive analyst to attend to the phonological problems more effectively.

The brief discussion above may have made it clear that CA is still useful and

relevant in a foreign language teaching. This is precisely the reason why the present

writer insists on conducting a CA of English and Nataia phonology in spite of the

controversy.

2.2 Review of Related Studies

The present study marks the beginning of a completely new era for

Nataia because this is the very first time the local language has been formally

discussed and set down in writing. It is futile, therefore, for anyone to search for

previous researches, theses or dissertations that are related to the study of the

local language. However, since the present work touches on the “potential

difficulties for Nataia speakers in learning English phonology”, it seems


36

worthwhile to refer to preceding studies that compare and contrast English with

some other languages.

One of the previous studies worth mentioning is the Contrastive Analysis of

Selected Patterns of the Noun Phrases and Verb Phrases of English and

Indonesian. This is the title of a dissertation written in 1971 by M . F.

Baradja, a well-seasoned Indonesian linguist and an English teacher. In the

introduction to his scientific work which deals mainly with syntax, Baradja

provides an example of a problem in the phonological contrast between English

and Bahasa Indonesia. How to pronounce correctly the final consonant [b] in

such words as sob, grab, and rib, Baradja argues, is generally a problem for an

Indonesian learning English. An Indonesian, he notices, also finds it hard to

pronounce correctly the consonant sound [d] in words such as bed, rid, and read.

Another difficulty, he notes, is for an Indonesian to pronounce correctly the sound

[g] in such words as bag, hug, and dig.

One might be tempted to make Baradja object of ridicule for the above

statement which at first glance sounds rather simplistic. Somehow, the

temptation seems well-grounded: Bahasa Indonesia also has the three

consonants in its inventory in such words as babu, lebaran, derita, sedia, gejala

and jelaga. However, upon closer observation, one finally has to acknowledge

that Baradja is completely right. The sounds [b], [d] and [g] of Bahasa Indonesia,

as the three pairs of words in the examples above show, occupy the initial

positions in the words babu, derita, and gejala. They occupy the medial positions

in the words lebaran, sedia and jelaga. However, they never occupy the final

positions of words of Bahasa Indonesia. This simple fact, the linguist asserts, is


37

the reason why the final voiced stops of English are potentially troublesome

for an Indonesian learning English phonology.

Baradja’s assertion that the position of a phoneme in a word makes a

difference is certainly very relevant to the present study of English and Nataia

phonology. As Oko Utu text emphatically reveals, Nataia is a specific vocalic

language in which every one of its syllables always ends in a vowel phoneme.

Theoretically, therefore, Nataia speakers learning English phonology may find

it difficult to pronounce English consonant sounds which occupy the final position

of a word.

It is to be noted that there are contributions from two other linguists, P.

Moore (1980) and S. Djawanai (1983), that should also be highly appreciated.

Moore wrote Ngadh’a Phonology, a paper that he submitted to the Second

Eastern Conference on Austronesian Languages. Djawanai wrote A Ngadha Text

Tradition: The Collective Mind of the Ngadha People, Flores in which Ngadha

phonology receives ample discussion. The descriptions by the two

language scholars, especially by Djawanai who is a native speaker of Ngadha,

have certainly shed illuminating light on the present study. The reason is

that Nataia is a member of the Ngadha-Lio language grouping. Thus, a

good phonetic and phonological description on one select sample of the group

such as Ngadha practically amounts to a revelation of the whole group. This

statement is in no way an exaggeration. The present writer has to openly admit

that the findings of this work are in many ways s imilar to those of

Djawanai’s. Perhaps, the main difference lies only in the number of

consonant phonemes of Ngadha and that of Nataia. To the list of phonemes


38

of Ngadha provided by Djawanai, the present writer adds two unique consonant

phonemes of Nataia, namely t h e alveolar fricative /ř/ and t h e v elar

implosive /ğ/. Additionally, unlike Djawanai who writes Ngadha phonology

as an end in itself, the present writer provides Nataia phonology in contrast

with that of English in an effor t to help Nataia speakers improve their English

pronunciations.

2.3 Theoretical Framework

In an effort to answer the first research question i.e., “What are the vowel

and consonant phonemes found in Nataia?”, firstly the writer went to the

theory of phonetics. Phonetics is concerned with describing speech sounds that

occur in the languages of the world, naturally including Nataia. According to

Jean Aitchinson, a noted phonetician (2003: 46), one way to identify the

phonemes of a language is to look for minimal pairs and minimal sets. A pair of

words of Nataia such as weta /wətha/ ‘sister’ and beta /bətha/ ‘buy’ which differs

by only one phoneme is a minimal pair. A set of words of Nataia such as weta

/wəth ɑ/ ‘sister’, beta /bəth ɑ/ ‘buy’ and keta /khəthɑ/ ‘cold’ is a minimal set. In

this way, the writer can identify the phonemes /w/, /b/, and /k/ of Nataia.

In order to obtain a complete list of the phonemes of Nataia, the

p r e s e n t writer looked for minimal pairs and minimal sets for each vowel and

consonant phoneme both from Oko Utu text as the primary source of data and

from his own lexicon as a native speaker of the language. Then, the writer studied

how the vowels and consonants of Nataia are organized into syllables and words.

The writer found out that the first problem for a Nataia speaker in learning English

phonology may arise from the vocalic nature of the language itself. A


39

vocalic language does not allow any consonant phoneme to occupy the final

position of its words. In Nataia, even a syllable is not allowed to have a

consonant phoneme in the final position. Theoretically, therefore, a Nataia

speaker will find it difficult to study English, a language which allows a huge

number of its syllables and words to have consonants in the final position. The

second problem may appear from the fact that the syllable structures of Nataia

have only CV and V types. Thus, Nataia speakers will find it difficult to learn

English, a language which has richer combinations of vowels and consonants such

as CC and CCC in the initial and final positions of its words.

In an attempt to answer the second research ques t ion i.e., “What

segmental phonemes of English may cause difficulties for Nataia speakers in

learning English phonology?”, the writer went to the theory of CA on language

interference. According to Kersten (2002:3), there are at least two possible sets of

L2 (target language) phonemes. The sets include sounds identical to those of L1

(first language) and sounds unknown to L1. When both L1 and L2 have the same

phonemes, they are said to be identical. This type of sounds do not cause problems

or errors in pronunciation. Unknown sounds, Flege (1987: 48) explains, are “L2

phones which have no counterparts in the L1”. The English consonant sounds

that are unknown to Nataia speakers include / ʃ/, /θ/, /Ʒ/, /ð/, dƷ, and /tʃ/.

Since the Nataia system does not have these characteristic English phonemes, a

Nataia speaker tends to look for their substitutes from the inventory of the

local language, resulting in phonological errors.

Finally, in order to answer the third research question i.e., “What

suprasegmental phonemes of English may cause difficulties for Nataia


40

speakers in learning English phonology?”, the writer relied on a CA theory

about language interference. In this case, the present writer directed his attention

specifically to problems stemming from the difference in ‘stress and rhythm’

between Nataia and English. A Nataia speaker may find it difficult to learn

English phonology because ‘stress’ in the local language is not phonemic i.e., it

does not differentiate words, whereas in English, it is to a limited extent

phonemic (Giegerich, 1992: 181). Besides, stress in the Nataia is not systematic.

Stress in the local language is generally assigned to the next to the last syllable of a

word (penultimate). In actual practice, however, speakers may assign stress on any

syllable, depending on the communication effect they want to create. On the

opposite side, English stress can be phonemic i.e., it can differentiate words and

systematic i.e., every English word has a single possible stress pattern.

More importantly, Giegerich asserts, the main function of stress in English is

to maintain rhythm in connected speech. Rhythm is also problematic because in the

Nataia, the length of an utterance depends on the number of its syllables. On the

opposite end, the length of an utterance in English depends entirely on the number

of its stressed syllables. This is the reason why Nataia is referred to as a

syllable-timed language and English is a stress-timed language. The logical

consequence is that a Nataia speaker cannot easily get used to the rhythmic patterns

of English and finally speaks the foreign language with a syllable-timed rhythm.


41

CHAPTER 3

RESEARCHMETHODOLOGY

This chapter elaborates the research methodology that the present writer

applied in order to achieve the objectives of the study. It comprises explanations

about ‘object of the study, type of research and procedures of data analysis’.

3.1 Object of the Study

The object of this study is to find “potential difficulties for Nataia

speakers in learning English phonology”. In order to achieve the objective, the

present writer made a comparison and contrast of Nataia and English phonology.

Fortunately, quite a few well-known phonologists have written books, papers

and journals on the English phonology. The task of the present writer, therefore,

is simply to pick and choose from the various existing sources and then presents

all the necessary segmental and suprasegmental phonemes of English to be

contrasted with those of Nataia. As to the phonology of Nataia, the writer

consulted Oko Utu, a research text that contains eye-catching linguistic features of

the language, especially its segmental and suprasegmental phonemes. Behind

an ordinary account of how an extended family of Nataia solves their common

problems, lies a phonological wealth of the small ethnic group.

3.2. Type of Research

This is a phonological study. The writer collected data based on the

pronunciations of four native speakers of Nataia to find out if there were unique

sounds of the local language. In addition, the writer also tried to find out if there

were similarities and differences in the pronunciations of the participants or


42

informants owing, for example, to age difference. The specific sounds of the

language along with the similarities and differences of pronunciations were then

described phonologically. John W Creswell (2012: 16) explains that the literature

may yield very little information about the phenomenon of the study, so the writer

needed to learn more from the participants or informants through observation.

According to Erickson in Schunk (1986: 12), observation is a method of viewing

and recording the participants. In this work, the present writer observed and

recorded four Nataia native speakers as they were reading Oko Utu text. In

addition, the writer also observed and recorded two Nataia girls as they were

pronouncing 18 English words that contain six characteristic English phonemes

i.e., . /ð/, /θ/, /ʃ/, /ʒ/ , /ʧ/ and /ʤ/ .

3.3. Procedures of Data Collection

The present writer picked and chose data about English phonology from

various sources, especially from the works of noted phonologists such as Daniel

Jones (1938), Ladefoged (1993), Collins and Mees (2003), Stewart C Pool (1999),

Aitchison (2003) and Giegerich (1992) just to mention a few. As for the

phonology of Nataia, the writer designed a narrative text of Oko Utu which

contains a long monologue in the meeting of an extended family of Nataia. The

text ensures that all the phonemes of Nataia, both segmental and suprasegmental,

are represented there. Then, the writer sent the text to four villages (Watuwawi,

Boanio, Kotakisa and Boaroja) in the north central Flores where four native

speakers of the local language were asked to read it.

The pronunciations of the four native speakers were recorded separately and

then sent back to Yogyakarta by voice mail. Finally, the present writer made a


43

phonetic transcription of the text and identified words containing vowels and

consonants of Nataia which occupy different positions (initial, medial and final) in

a word. To identify a vowel sound such as [ɑ], for example, the writer used a

minimal set. [ɑ] in ‘ani ‘honey’ was contrasted with [ɑ] in katu ‘wrap’ and [ɑ]

in tena ‘let’. In the word ‘ani ‘honey’, [ɑ] occupies the initial position, in the

word katu ‘wrap’ [ɑ] occupies the medial position, while in tena ‘let’, [ɑ] occupies

the final position. Any other vowel sounds of Nataia such as [ɪ], [e], [u], [ɔ]

along with their long counterparts such as [ɪ:], [e:], [u:], and [ᴐ:] can

occupy all the three positions. Only the schwa [ə] cannot occupy the coda

position.

In order to identify consonant sounds such as [s] and [t], the writer a l s o

relied on a minimal pair. The sound [s] as in sogo ‘borrow’ was contrasted

with [t] as in togo [ t hɔgɔ ] ’ fo rge ’ . A consonant sound of Nataia cannot

occupy the final position of a word, because the local language is vocalic. In order

to identify other consonant sounds, the writer also relied on a minimal pair and a

minimal set. A consonant sound such as [b] in bo’a ‘village’ was contrasted with

[t] as in to’a ‘generous’ and [k] as in ko’a ‘perch on’ (of birds). The writer

used a minimal pair as well as a minimal set to identify all the other consonant

sounds of the local language.

Additionally, the present writer also tried to find out what English consonant

sounds may be difficult for Nataia speakers learning English phonology by

observing and recording two Nataia girls as they were pronouncing 18 English

words. These 18 words contain six specific English sounds i.e., / ʃ/, /θ/, /Ʒ/, /ð/,


44

/dƷ/, and /tʃ/ which occupy the initial, medial, and final positions of English

words.

3.4. Procedures of Data Analysis

Robert Lado (1981: 12) proposes a three-stage procedure in handling

contrastive phonological data. The procedure involves:

1. Analysis of sound systems

A contrastive analyst, Lado proposes, should first of all prepare a linguistic

analysis of the sound system of the language to be learned and a similar

description of the language of the learner. He also recommends that the

descriptions include both segmental and non-segmental phonemes along with

relevant data on the phonetic features of the phonemes, their variants and

distributions.

All that Lado recommends for a good description of the sound system of

English (the language to be learned) was already supplied in Chapter 2. On the

opposite side, all that he demands for a good description of the sound system of

Nataia ( language of the learner) is supplied in Chapter 4. At the moment, the

present writer would just like to briefly attend to each of the issues mentioned

above. The issue of phonemes along with their variants (allophones), for instance,

is exemplified in the following illustrative example. Both in English and Nataia,

the voiceless oral stops [p], [t], and [k] are aspirated such as in the first [p] of

paper in English and the first [p] of pare ‘rice’ in Nataia. However, unlike

English which has variants such as unaspirated [p] in split and unreleased [p] in

flap , Nataia does not have any variants (allophones) of the phoneme /p/. This is

because the main syllable structure of Nataia is of the CV type. Accordingly,


45

every /p/ in the Nataia is always the onset of a syllable and thus always aspirated.

The same rule applies to the phonemes /t/, and /k/ of Nataia.

Next, comes the issue of distribution. English and Nataia are very different in

the distribution of their phonemes. The difference is detected most clearly in the

formation of their syllables. A syllable of Nataia is composed simply of one

consonant and one vowel (CV type) or just one vowel (V type). Take the word

mona ‘negation’ as an example. The first syllable of mona is mo- (CV) and the

second syllable is -na which is also of CV type. On the opposite side, English

allows various types of combinations of consonants and vowels. Edward Finegan

(2004: 127), provides examples of the rich combinations in such words as past

(CVCC), turned (CVCCC), queen (CCVC), and squirts (CCCVCCC).

As to the suprasegmental phonemes, the two languages are also very

different. Stress in English, for instance, is to a limited extent phonemic. Stannard

Allen (1954: 182)) provides a long list of English words in which stress can be on

the first or on the second syllable. Examples: This article is for export only (noun).

We try to export as much as possible (verb). In the Nataia, stress which is not

phonemic can practically be assigned on just any syllable, although the general

rule is that the stress is assigned on the syllable before the last (penultimate stress).

2. Comparison of units

Lado advises a contrastive analyst to take up each similar phoneme of

the two languages and put them side by side.Byway of juxtaposition, an analyst can

detect how many phonemes of the two languages are phonetically similar. The present

writer found out that theconsonant phonemesof English and Nataia are generally similar.

What is specific of Nataia is that the local language has three implosive sounds, i.e.,


46

bilabial implosive /β/, alveolar implosive /ɗ/, and velar implosive /ğ/, plus one alveolar

fricative/ř/ and one velar fricative/ɣ/.On the oppositeside, English has six characteristic

sounds: two interdentals i.e., [ð] and [θ], two fricatives i.e., [ʃ] and [ʒ], and two

affricates i.e., [ʤ] and [ʧ] in its inventory.

3. Location of segmental and suprasegmental problems

The six characteristic English sounds: interdentals [ð] and [θ], fricatives [ʃ]

and [ʒ], and affricates [ʤ] and [ʧ] prove to pose great pronunciation problems for

a Nataia speaker learning English phonology. The problem gets even worse

because stress and rhythm turn out to be another potential hurdle. The reason is that

stress in Nataia is not phonemic, while in English it is to a limited extent phonemic,

i.e it can differentiate words. Rhythm poses a bigger problem because Nataia is a

syllabe-timed language and English is a stress-timed language. The length of an

utterance in Nataia depends on the number of syllables, whereas the length of an

utterance in English depends entirely on the number of its stressed-syllables. The

logical consequence is that a Nataia speaker finds it difficult to adapt to the

rhythmic patterns of English and tend to speak the foreign language with a

syllable-timed rhythm.


47

CHAPTER 4

RESULTS AND ANALYSIS

Results and Analysis are divided into three sections. Section One is

concerned mainly with N a t a i a segmental phonemes: how each vowel and

consonant phoneme of the language is identified, how the vowel and consonant

phonemes are distributed, how the vowel and consonant phonemes are organized,

and what phonemes of the language are considered unique. A careful and

detailed identification the Nataia segmental phonemes is expected to lead to the

answer to the first research question of this thesis: What are the vowel and

consonant phonemes found in Nataia?

4.1 Nataia Segmental Phonemes

Segmental phonemes comprise vowels and consonants, which for the sake of

convenience, are here treated separately as follows:

4.1.1 Nataia Vowel Phonemes

The core business of a phonetician is to describe global speech sounds,

including, of course, those of a small local language such as Nataia. An

inquisitive phonetician may want to know what the speech sounds of Nataia are,

how they form patterns and how they adapt to changing circumstances.

Additionally, a phonetician is eager to reveal which aspects of the sounds express

the meaning of what is being said. In order to get to those purposes, a phonetician

should first observe what the Nataia people are doing as they are talking and

listening to speech.


48

As a matter of fact, the task of a curious phonetician in this case has already

been made easier. This is partly due to the presence of Oko Utu, a research text

that contains interesting pieces of linguistic information about Nataia. In terms of

phonology, the text clearly echoes the pronunciations of four native speakers of

Nataia from which the vowels and consonants of the local language are brought

out into the open.

Out of the recording, the present writer succeeded in tracking down all the

vowel and consonant phonemes of Nataia. The tracking down was done by way of

a commutation test ( a minimal pair test) and a minimal set test.

Table 4.1 Commutation Test of Nataia Vowels

Position Phoneme Words Meaning

High FrontVowels

i bire no (negation)e bere floodi mia massagee mea ashamedi kia dirty (of head)e kea declarei nia facee nea no(prohibition)

High BackVowels

u mua greaseᴐ moa thirstyu ku’a break to piecesᴐ ko’a perch on (of birds)u sua open upᴐ soa lightenu pua poak at (of fruit)ᴐ poa morning

CentralVowels

ɑ ana son/daughterə èna thereɑ aka pretendə èka thinkɑ asu dark (of skin)ə èsu removeɑ ata strangerə èta fishy


49

The commutation tests above show very clearly that the two words in each

pair are different by only one sound. If the sound /i/ in the word bire ‘negation’

is replaced by the sound /e/, for instance, one will get bere ‘flood’ which is a

new word with a totally different meaning. This indicates that /i/ and /e/ are

different vowel phonemes. One can follow exactly the same procedure with other

pairs which contain contrastive sounds such as /ɑ/ and /ə/, /u/ and /ᴐ/ to prove that

they are different vowel phonemes. At the end of a l o n g range of

commutation tests, one will realize that Nataia has in its inventory five vowels

[ɑ], [ɪ], [u] ,[e], [ᴐ], each having its long counterpart, plus a schwa [ə]. It is also

interesting to reveal that the contrast of vowel length in the Nataia proves to be

phonemic. The following commutation tests may explain the case.

Table 4.2 Contrast of Vowel Length

The long and short contrasts turn out to be unevenly distributed. The

phonemes /u/, /i/, and /e/ can have a long and short contrast, both in the initial and

the final position. Thus, in the initial position, one can find a contrast of /u/ as in

‘ula ‘repeat’ and /u:/ as in ula ‘push’. In the final position, one can find a contrast

of /u/ as in pa’u ‘grass’ (for animal feed) and /u:/ as in pau ‘mango’; In the initial

Vowel Word Meaningi: ika drive awayɪ ‘ika fishi: imu mumbleɪ ‘imu he/shee: esa pulle ‘esa oneu: ula pushu ‘ula repeatᴐ: kao sprinkle (with water)ᴐ ka’o rock (a child)ɑ: mea ashamedɑ me’a alone


50

position, there is a contrast of /i/ as in ika ‘drive away’ and /ɪ/ as in ‘ika ‘fish’. In

the final position, there is a contrast of /ɪ/ as in ‘pa’i ‘stay up’ and pai ‘ask for’. In

the initial position, there is a contrast of /e/ as in ‘esa ‘one’ and /e:/ as in esa ‘pull’.

In the final position, there is a contrast of /e/ as in pa’e ‘hit’ (with a sword) and

pae ‘beckon’. However, in the cases of /ɑ/ and /ᴐ/, the contrast of a long and a

short phoneme is found only in the final position. E xamples: /ɑ/ as in bu’a

‘broken’ is in contrast with bua ‘pubic hair’, and ku’a ‘break’ is in contrast with

kua ‘a small tree’ (with joints like a bamboo). The phoneme /ᴐ/ as in ka’o ‘rock’ (a

child) is in contrast with kao ‘sprinkle water on’.

Additionally, one may be interested in the distribution of each vowel in the

Nataia words. Since it is a vocalic language, every one of its vowels may occupy

the initial, medial, and final position of a word. Only schwa [ə] is not allowed to

be in the final position. The following distribution table can explain the case.

Table 4.3 Distribution of Nataia vowels

Vowel Distribution Example Meaning

/ɑ/

initial ‘azi/’ɑzɪ/ younger brother/sistermedial mae/mae/ soul/spiritfinal me’a/me’a/ alone

/i/initial ‘imu /’ɪmu/ he/shemedial sia /siya/ capablefinal sai /sayɪ/ who

/u/initial uza /uza/ rainmedial wua/wua/ loadfinal wau /wau/ smelly

/e/initial ‘enga /’eŋa/ callmedial pea /phea/ arrivefinal mue /mue/ burnt

/ə/initialmedial--

ebu/əbu/ grandpa/mabeta/bəta/ buy

-- --

/ᴐ/initial ‘one /ɔne/ insidemedial poke /ph ɔke/ throwfinal pako /phakhɔ/ big spoon


51

What all the above vowels have in common is that their articulations do not

involve any audible obstruction of the air-stream. According to Giegerich (1992:

13), differences between the vowels are brought about by the raising of different

parts of the tongue as well as by the differences in the extent of the raising. The

difference between [i] and [u], for instance, is one of backness: [i] is a front vowel,

[u] is a back vowel. Front vowels are produced with the front of the tongue raised,

back vowels with the back of the tongue raised.

What the vowels [ɑ] and [ɑ:] have in common is that they are produced with

a maximally open mouth, therefore with a maximal distance between the

tongue and the roof of the mouth. This is a difference in height. Thus, [i] and [u]

are high vowels and [ɑ] and [ɑ:] are low vowels. The four vowel sounds represent

the extreme points of the principal dimensions of vowel articulation: height and

backness. Thus, [i] is a high front vowel, [u] is a high back vowel, [ɑ] is a low

front vowel and [ɑ:] is a low back vowel (Giegerich, 1992: 14). Within the [i]-[ɑ]

scale, there is [e] along with its counterpart. In the back series, there is [ɔ] along

with its counterpart within the [u]-[ɑ] scale. In the middle of the vowel chart,

within the [e]-[ɔ] scale, there is the schwa [ə]. In addition, vowels made with an

open mouth cavity, with the tongue far away from the roof of the mouth as in the

word ka /khɑ/ ‘eat’ are termed open vowels. If the upper tongue surface is close to

the roof of the mouth such as [i] in mi [mi:] ‘sweet’, the sounds are close vowels.

To show differences among vowels, apart from ‘tongue height and tongue

backness’, Nataia also depends on other possibilities such as ‘lip-rounding,

lengthening, and lax/tense’. Lip rounding in the Nataia, for instance, is clearly

detected in the pronunciation of a vowel sequence. The sound [w] can be inserted


52

between the sequence when the first vowel is rounded [ᴐ,u] and the second vowel

is [ɑ,i,u,e,o]. In the pronunciations of the words koa ‘howl’ (of a dog) and the

word bhua ‘show up’, for instance, [w] is inserted . Thus, each of the words is

pronounced as /khᴐwa/ and /ßuwa/ respectively. On the other hand, [y] is inserted

when the first vowel is unrounded [a,i,e]. In the pronunciation of the words bhia

‘disagree’ and bao ‘shadow’ (of a tree), for instance, [y] is inserted. Thus, each

word is pronounced as /ßiya/ and /bayo/ respectively. Additionally, the Nataia

seems to make a distinction between vowels that are characterized as tense/lax. As

a general rule, lax vowels tend to be shorter. Thus, the contrast between [i:] as in

pai ‘ask for’ and [ɪ] as in pa’i ‘stay up’ seems to be that of tense/ lax. From the

descriptions above, one may rightly infer that altogether the Nataia has 11 vowels

in its inventory. Five of them are short vowels, each having its long counterpart,

plus schwa [ə]. The whole configuration of the Nataia vowels is tentatively

displayed in the following chart.

Figure 4.1 Nataia Vowel Chart(Adapted from Djawanai, 1983)


53

4.1.2 Nataia Consonant Phonemes

Cooperation between the Oko Utu text and the present writer’s lexicon as a

native speaker of Nataia has resulted in a complete identification of the consonant

phonemes of the local language. The complete inventory of Nataia consonant

phonemes includes: /z/, /s/, /t/, /d/, /b/, /p/, f/, /v/, /k/, /g/, /ğ/ ,/m/,/n/, /ŋ/, /l/, /r/, /ř/,

/ß/, /ɗ/, /ɣ/, /h/, and /j/. The present writer succeeded in tracking down every

one of the consonant phonemes by way of a commutation test ( a minimal pair test)

and a minimal set test. However, several phonemes such as /h/, /ğ/, /ɣ/, /ɗ/, /ß/

which do not have pairs for a commutation test are treated individually.

Table 4.4 Commutation Tests of Consonant Phonemes

Consonants Word Meaning/z/ zio bathe/s/ sio urinate/z/ zua two/s/ sua open to cool down/t/ toa cut down branches/d/ doa twin/friend/t/ tua a kind of palm tree/d/ dua go down/go back home/b/ bua pubic hair/p/ pua prod at (of fruit)/b/ bia a kind of air root/p/ pia massage/f/ fua wasp/v/ vua load/f/ fai wife/v/ vai made of/k/ kuza shrimp/g/ guza light brown/k/ koe dig/g/ goe caress/m/ meka old man/n/ neka fine/ŋ/ ngeka lane/m/ moka young female animal/n/ noka ‘unwillingly give away’/ŋ/ ngoka catch fish/shrimp by hands/l/ leza sun/r/ reza creep/l/ loza live in the wild world


54

I t is i m p o r t a n t to note that t h e phonetic symbols used to

represent the consonant sounds of Nataia are taken from two reliable sources,

namely the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA) and Djawanai’s ‘Ngadha Text

Tradition: The Collective Mind of the Ngadha People, Flores, which may have

also taken from IPA. The symbols from IPA include: [p], [b], [t], [d], [k], [g], [f],

[v], [m], [n], [ŋ], [h], [j], [r], [l] and from Djawanai’s include: [ß],[ɗ], [ɣ], [ř], [ğ].

Though once in a while they differ in the use of phonetic symbols,

phoneticians have generally agreed on how to make a description of consonants.

In order to form consonants, Collins and Mees ( 2003: 40) explain, the air-stream

through the vocal tract must be obstructed in some way. Consonants can,

therefore, be classified according to their place and manner of articulation. Places

of articulation indicate what articulators are involved in the productions of speech

sounds .

4.1.2.1 Places of Articulation

According to Giegerich (2003: 9), places of articulation refer to what

articulators are involved in the production of speech sounds i.e., lips, tongue,

palate, velum, glottis, nose, etc.

/r/ roza extravagant/ß/ bhoi remove by force/ɗ/ dhoi Shoulder/ß/ bheo deny/ɗ/ dheo bring/ɣ/ ghewa quick/h/ heo hoarse/ř/ rhui meat/j/ joa

’alet up (of rain)

/ğ/ ‘geo shine


55

4.1.2.1.1 Bilabial

Bilabial sounds of Nataia which include /b/,/p/,/m/,/ß/ are produced by putting

the upper and lower lips together. These sounds are heard in words such as:

Table 4.5 Bilabial Sounds

4.1.2.1.2 Labiodental

Labiodental sounds of Nataia i.e., /f/, /v/ are produced by touching the lower

lip to the upper teeth or incisors. In the Nataia, these two sounds are heard in

words such as:

Table 4.6 Labiodental Sounds

4.1.2.1.3 Dental

Dental sound of Nataia i.e., /d/ is produced by the tip or blade of the tongue

touching the front teeth. The sound is heard in words such as:

Table 4.7 Dental Sounds

Bilabial Sounds Distribution Examples Meaning/b/ initial bana/bana/ walk

medial kuba/khuba/ mouth/p/ initial pu’u/phu’u/ since/from

medial zapa/zapha/ try/m/ initial mesu/məsu/ mercy

medial demu/demu/ they/ß/ initial bhada/ßada/ buffalo

medial tebha /təßa/ spank

LabiodentalSounds

Distribution Examples Meaning

/f/ initial fai/fayi/ wifemedial tefa /thəfa/ spit

/v/ initial vua/vua/ loadmedial keva/kh eva/ a kind of tuber

Dental Sounds Distribution Examples Meaning

/d/

initial demu/demu/ theymedial tadu/thadu/ horninitial date /dathe/ heavymedial node /nɔde/ play


56

4.1.2.1.4 Alveolar

Alveolar sounds /n/, /t/, /z/, /s/, /ř/, /l/ are produced by the tip of the tongue or

the blade touching the alveolar ridge. Such sounds are heard in words such as:

Table 4.8 Alveolar Sounds

4.1.2.1.5 Alveo-palatal

The sound [ǰ] is produced by the tongue blade touching the back of the

alveolar ridge. In the Nataia, the sound [ǰ] is heard in words such as:

Table 4.9 Alveo-palatal Sounds

4.1.2.1.6 Retroflex

The retroflex sound /ɗ/ is produced by the tip of the tongue touching the back

of the alveolar ridge (Djawanai, 1983: 113). The sound /ɗ/ in the Nataia is heard in

words such as:

Alveolar Sounds Distribution Examples Meaning/n/ initial negha /neɣa/ already

medial tena /thena/ let/t/ initial tei /theyi/ see

medial ate /athe/ liver/z/ initial zili /zili/ down there

medial azi /azi/ younger brother /sister

/s/ initial sama /sama/ similarmedial esa /əsa/ one

/ř/ initial only rhoba /řoba/ sarongmedial -- --

/l/ initial leza /leza/ sun / noonmedial zale /zale/ down/ below

Alveo-palatalconsonant

Distribution Examples Meaning

/j/ initial jo’a /ǰo’a/ let up (of rain)medial kajo /khaǰo/ ancestorinitial jodho /jɔɗɔ/ praisemedial eja /eǰa/ brother- in- law


57

Table 4.10 Retroflex Sounds

4.1.2.1.7 Velar

Velar sounds [ŋ], [g], [ğ], [k], [ɣ] are produced by raising the back of the

tongue to touch the velum or the soft palate (Djawanai, 1983: 114). In the Nataia,

such sounds are heard in words such as:

Table 4.11 Velar Sounds

4.1.2.1.8 Glottal Stop

Glottal sound (‘) is produced when the vocal cords and the arytenoids are

close together so that the airstream coming from the lungs is momentarily stopped.

On the release of the glottal closure, the blocked air rushes out with an effect

rather like a cough, or the noise one makes when lifting a heavy weight (Collins

and Mees, 2003: 29) In the Nataia, such sounds are heard in words such as:

Retroflex Sounds Distribution Examples Meaning/ɗ/ initial dheo /ɗeyo/ bring

medial modhe /moɗe/ fat

initial dhoko /ɗɔkho/ take awaymedial gedho /gəɗɔ/ go out

Velar Sounds Distribution Examples Meaning/ŋ/ initial ngao /ŋao/ I

medial enga/eŋa/ call/g/ initial goa /goa/ just

medial rege /rəge/ many / much/k/ initial kai /khayi/ leave

medial uku /ukhu/ like/ɣ/ initial ghewo /ɣevo/ forget

medial negha /neɣa/ already/ğ/ only initial ‘geo /ğeo/ shine

‘goe/ğoe/ negation‘goa ‘gele/ğoa ğəle/ sing


58

Table 4.12 Glottal Sound

4.1.2.2 Manner of Articulation

Consonants of Nataia can be classified according to their manner of

articulation. At most places of articulation, Ladefoged (1993: 8) explains,

there are several basic ways in which articulation can be accomplished. The

articulators may close off the oral tract for an instant or a relatively long period;

they may narrow the space considerably; or they may simply modify the shape of

the tract by approaching each other.

4.1.2.2.1 Voiced and Voiceless

According to Collins a n d M ees (2003: 27), when the air stream is

passing between them, vocal folds vibrate rapidly, producing what is termed voice

- that is, a sort of ‘buzz’ one can hear and feel in vowels and some consonant

sounds. Examples of vowels in the Nataia include [ɑ, i] as in a’i ‘leg’ and ine [ɪne]

‘mother’. Examples of voiced consonants in the Nataia include [b, d] as in be’o

‘know’ and demu ‘they’. For voiceless sounds, the two phonologists explain, the

vocal cords and the arytenoid cartilage are held wide apart which allows the air

stream to escape freely. Examples of voiceless consonants in the Nataia include [t,

f] as in telo ‘egg’ and funu ‘coconut fiber’etc.

Apart from the how of sound productions, manner of articulation also

presents the distinctive features between sounds. Sounds [p] and [b], for instance,

Glottal SoundsDistribution Examples Meaning

Ɂ initial ‘ala /Ɂala/ takesyllable initial bha’a /ßaɁa/ lie downinitial ‘eka /ɂekha/ thinksyllable initial ka’e /khaɁe elder brother


59

are both bilabials, but [b] has the features of [+voice, + stop] and [p] has the

features of [-voice, +stop]. [d] has the features of [+ voice, + stop] while [t] has

[-voice, + stop]. [s] and [z] are both alveolar sounds but [z] is composed of [+

voice, +fricative] while [s] is composed of [- voice, +fricative]. It is to be noted,

however, that classes of sounds can also be described in terms of the features of

which they are composed. [m], [n], [ŋ], where there is no opposition between

voiced and voiceless, are simply referred to as [+nasals]. The class of stops /p, t ,

k, b, d, g/ can be specified simply as [+stop]. However, the voiceless stops / p, t ,

k/ as a class may have features such as [- voiced, + stop]. On the opposite end, /b,

d, g/ have the features of [+voiced, + stop], etc (Ladefoged, 1993: 89).

4.1.2.2.2 Nasals

Nasal sounds /ŋ/,/m/,/n/ are produced when the air is stopped in the oral

cavity but the soft palate is down so that air can go out through the nose

(Ladefoged, 1993: 89). Such sounds are heard in the Nataia words such as:

Table 4.13 Nasal Sounds

Nasal Sounds Distribution Examples Meaning/m/ initial muzi /muzi/ life, alive

medial kumu /kh umu/ already/n/ initial negha /neɣa/ say, admonish

medial mona /mona/ no (negation)/ŋ/ initial ngasi /ŋasi)/ say

medial nenga /nəŋa/ remember / care


60

4.1.2.2.3 Stops

According to Ladefoged (1993:8), stops sounds /b/, /d/, /g/, /p/, /t/, /k/, /ß/,

/ɗ,/ /Ɂ/ are produced if in addition to the articulatory closure in the mouth, the soft

palate is raised so that the nasal tract is blocked off, then the air stream will be

completely obstructed. Pressure in the mouth will build up and an oral stop will be

formed. In the Nataia, the stops sounds are heard in words such as:

Table 4.14 Stops Sounds

4.1.2.2.4 Fricatives

The way fricative sounds /z/, /ɣ/, /f/, /s/,/h/ are produced involves close

approximation of two articulators so that the airs-tream is partially obstructed and

turbulent airflow is produced (Ladefoged, 2003: 10). In the Nataia, fricative

sounds are heard in words such as:

Stops Sounds Distribution Examples Meaning/b/ initial bana /bana/ walk

medial sabu /sabu/ meet/d/ initial duki /dukhi/ push down

medial teda /thəda/ chasm/g/ initial geta /gətha/ mention

medial mege / mege/ put (on the waist)/p/ initial pema /phema/ fat

medial sepa /səpha/ eat (vegetables)/t/ initial tepa /th əpha/ shoulders

medial kate /khathe/ itching/k/ initial ka’u /kha’u/ sew

medial aku /’akhu/ hold in one’s grasp/ß/ initial bhada /ßɑdɑ/ buffalo

medial tebha /təßɑ/ spank/ɗ/ initial dhedhu /ɗeɗu/ boil

medial sedho /səɗɔ/ pound (of maize)


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Table 4.15 Fricative Sounds

4.1.2.2.5 Tap/Trill

A tap or a trill /r/ occurs when touching the alveolar ridge the tongue trills or

makes a single tap. Such a sound in Nataia is heard in words such as:

Table 4.16 Tap / Trill

4.1.2.2.6 Laterals

Obstruction of the air-stream at a point along the center of the oral tract, with

incomplete closure between one or both sides of the tongue and the roof of the

mouth, produces a lateral sound /l/ (Ladefoged, 1993: 10). In the Nataia, the

sound is heard in words such as:

Table 4.17 Lateral Sound

Fricative Sounds Distribution Examples Meaning/z/ initial zapa /zapha/ try

medial leza /ləza/ sun / noon/ɣ/ initial ghabho /ɣaßo/ sick

medial bhagho /ßaɣo/ bag/f/ initial fai /fayi/ wife

medial tefa /thəfa/ spit/s/ initial sore /sore/ talk

medial kesa /khəsa/ add/h/ initial hoa /hoa/ snap/ř/ initial rhasa /řasa/ fence

Tap / Trill Distribution Examples Meaning/r/ initial rimo /rimo/ all

medial tara /thara/ branch (of tree)

Lateral Distribution Examples Meaning/l/ Initial lau /lau/ there

Medial molo /molo/ fine


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4.1.2.2.7 Implosive

An implosive sound is a stop made with an ingressive glottalic airstream.

Such a sound is produced by way of a coarticulation of glottal and oral closure

involving implosion (Djawanai, 1983: 117). In the Nataia, the implosive sounds

are heard in words such as:

Table 4.18 Implosive Sounds

One may rightly infer from the descriptions above that Nataia has in its

inventory exactly 22 consonant phonemes. The consonant phonemes of Nataia

include: /p/, /b/, /t/, /d/, /k/ /g/, /f/, /v/, /m/, /n/, /ŋ/, /h/, /j/, /r/, /l/, /ß/,/ɗ/, /ɣ/, /ř/,

and /ğ/. The Nataia shares three characteristic phonemes i.e., /ß/, /ɗ/ and /ɣ/ with

the other members of the Ngadha-Lio language grouping. In other words, /ß/, /ɗ/,

and /ɣ/ are found both in the inventory of the Nataia and in that of the other

members of the Ngada-Lio language grouping. In the Nataia, /ß/ is found in

words such as /ßɑdɑ/ ‘buffalo’, /ßuɑ/ ‘show up’, /ßᴐɪ/ ‘pry up’, /ßeᴐ/ ‘deny’ etc.

/ɗ/ is found in words such as /ɗᴐɪ/ ‘shoulder’, /ɗᴐrɑ/ ‘throw away, /ɗeᴐ/ ‘bring’

etc. /ɣ/ is found in /ɣɑmɑ/ ‘grope’, /ɣᴐma/ ‘difficult’, /ɣemᴐ/ ‘tired’ etc. In

addition, the Nataia possesses two unique phonemes of its own, namely the

velar implosive /ğ/ as in /ğᴐe/ ‘negation’, /ğeᴐ/ ‘shine’, /ğᴐa ğele/ ‘sing’ and the

alveolar fricative /ř/ as in rhui /řui/ ‘meat’, rho’i ‘taro’, rhora ‘diarrhea’, rhea ‘a

Implosive Distribution Example Meaning/ß/ initial bhada /ßada/ buffalo

medial rabha /raßa/ container (from palmleaves)

/ɗ/ initial dhora /ɗora/ discardmedial radha /raɗa/ release

/ğ/ initial only ‘geo /ğeo/ shine‘goe /ğoe/ no (negation)


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kind of gourd’, rha ‘blackbird’, etc. The three characteristic phonemes of the

Ngada-Lio language grouping plus two unique phonemes of the Nataia are

certainly absent from the list of English phonemes.

Based on the descriptions above, all the consonant phonemes of Nataia can

be put together in the following chart, showing both their place and manner of

articulations.

Figure 4.2 Nataia Consonant Chart & Orthography (Adapted fromDjawanai, 1983: 114)

4.1.3 Nataia Phonological Processes

A phonological process is a term used to cover the way in which segments

are influenced by adjacent segments, causing phonemes to vary in their

Consonant Sounds of Nataia : Consonant Orthography

bilabial

labio-dental

dental

alveolar

alveo-palatal

retroflex

velar

glottal

Nasals m n ŋ m n ngvoicedstops b d g b d g

voicelessstops p t k p t k

voicedimplosive ß ɗ ğ bh dh ‘g

glottalstop ˀ

voicedfricatives z j ɣ z j gh

Voicelessfricatives f s

ř h f srh h

tap/trill r r

Lateral l l


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realizations according to their phonological context. In the Nataia, there are at

least two types of phonological processes such as the following:

4.1.3.1 Aspiration

Voiceless oral stops are aspirated both in the initial position and in the medial

position. The aspiration is clearly noticed with velar consonant sound [k],

alveolar consonant sound[t] and bilabial consonant sound [p]. Examp les : [t]

as in tepa /thəph a/ ‘shoulder’, [p] as in pea /phea/ ‘arrive’, and [k] as in ku’a

/khu’ɑ/ ‘break down’ are aspirated. Also aspirated are the [t] as in ‘ate [athe]

‘liver’, [k] as in eka [əkh a] ‘think’ and [p] as in sepa [səpha] ‘eat’ (vegetables).

Aspiration occurs both in the initial position and in the medial position

because each of the three voiceless stops always becomes the onzet of the

following nucleus.

4.1.3.2 Vowel Reduction

The vowel of a structural word which usually consists of one syllable tends

to be reduced to schwa [ə] (Djawanai, 1983: 119). In the Nataia, ne ‘already’, for

example, is reduced to nə and da ‘ th a t ’ is reduced to də in phrases such as

/demu nə mai/ (they already come), and /ata də mai/ (people who come). The

schwa [ə] which is usually very short never occurs in the last syllable of a

morpheme.

After talking at great length about the individual vowel and consonant

phonemes of Nataia, it is time to discuss how these sounds are organized to form

patterns. It is a matter of common knowledge, though, that sounds are organized

into syllables and syllables are organized into words.


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The possible sequences of sounds in a syllable, Finegan asserts (2004: 126),

differ from language to language and are limited within each language. As

illustrative examples, Finegan points to some Polynesian languages such as

Samoan, Tahitian, and Hawaiian which have only CV and V syllables. Japanese,

the linguist ascertains, also allows syllables basically of the forms CV and V.

What a pleasant surprise for the present writer to know that such simple

syllable structures are similar to those of Nataia, which also has only CV and V

syllables. It is also worth noting that all the five languages have another unique

linguistic feature in common i.e., all their words always end in a vowel phoneme.

This feature clearly indicates that they are vocalic languages, which do not tolerate

any consonant phonemes in the final position of their words.

Learning a foreign language whose syllable structure differs from one’s native

tongue, Finegan asserts, speakers tend to impose the sequence constrains of their

native syllables onto the foreign words. English words such as baseball and strike,

Finegan explains, have been borrowed by Japanese speakers as beesubooru and

sutoraiku, forms that obey the sequence contraints of Japanese (2004: 128). In the

present writer’s observation, an English word such as royal ‘belonging to a king or

queen’ (Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary of Current English, 1974: 741)

has been borrowed by Nataia speakers as roza ‘extravagant’, the form of which

obeys the sequence constraints of Nataia. This simple illustrative example clearly

indicates that the vocalic nature of Nataia may become the first potential difficulty

for a Nataia speaker in learning English phonology. Furthermore, the syllable

structure of Nataia which is mostly of CV type may become the second potential

difficulty for a Nataia speaker in learning English phonology. The reason is that


66

English has a wide variety of syllable types such as CCV, CCCV, etc (Finegan,

2004: 127).

4.2 English Segmental Phonemes with Potential Difficulties

This is Section Two in which the list of consonant phonemes of Nataia is

juxtaposed with that of English. In this way, the writer can pinpoint which

segmental consonant phonemes of English are potentially difficult for a Nataia

speaker in learning English phonology. The result of the juxtaposition will lead to

the answer to the second research question of this thesis: What segmental

phonemes of English may cause difficulties for Nataia speakers in learning

English phonology?.

A careful and detailed phonological analysis of English and Nataia in the

preceding pages has opened the way for the present writer to make a comparison

and contrast of the consonant phonemes of the two languages. The comparison

and contrast below is done class by class.

Table 4.19 Comparison of English and Nataia Consonant Phonemes

consonant English NataiaStops p √ √

t √ √k √ √b √ √d √ √g √ √

ß - √

ɗ - √ğ - √

Nasals m √ √n √ √ŋ √ √

Fricatives f √ √

v √ √θ √ -ð √ -s √ √


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The comparison and contrast above clearly indicates that English has six

characteristic consonant sounds which are absent from the inventory of Nataia.

The characteristic sounds of English include /θ/, /ð/, /ʃ/,/ʒ/, /tʃ/ and /dʒ/, each of

which occupying three different positions in a word. In the initial position, for

example, the sound /θ/ is found in words such as thin /θɪn/. In the medial

position, it is found in words such as author /ᴐ:θər/. In the final position, it is

found in words such as breath /bre:θ/. In the initial position, the sound /ð/ is found

in words such as then /ðen/, in the medial position in words such as leather /leðər/,

in the final position in words such as breathe /bri:ð/. In the initial position, the

sound /ʃ/ is found in words such as shin /ʃɪn/, in the medial position in words

such as rashes /rʌʃɪz/, in the final in words such as rush /rɑ:ʃ/. In the initial

position, the sound /ʒ/ is found in words such as genre /ʒʌŋre/, in the medial

position in words such as measure /mɛʒɛ/ and in the final in words such as rouge

/ru:ʒ/. In the initial position, the sound /tʃ/ is found in words such as church /tʃə:c/,

in the medial in words such as kitchen /kh itʃən/, in the final in words such as pitch

/pɪtʃ/. In the initial, the sound /dʒ/ is found in words such as jelly /dʒɛli/, in the

medial in words such as bludgeon /blʌdʒən/, and in the final in words such as

fudge /fʌdʒ/.

z √ √ʃ √ -ʒ √ -h √ √

ɣ - √ř - √

Affricates tʃ √ -ʤ √ -


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The six characteristic sounds of English (L2) above prove to be ‘unknown’ to

the speakers of Nataia (L1)). Unknown sounds, Flege (1987) argues, are new

phones in L2 which have no counterparts in L1. The presence of these

‘unknown’ sounds, Flege asserts, is a big challenge for native speakers of L1

who are learning English phonology. Firstly, native speakers of L1 (speakers of

Nataia) will find it difficult to pronounce these sounds correctly. Secondly, in an

effort to surmount the difficulty, native speakers of Nataia tend to apply their

native phonetic system to compensate for the ‘unknown’ sounds, resulting in

‘pronunciation errors’. CA proponents refer to these pronunciation errors as clear

indications of the first language (L1) interference.

In order to get a clearer pic ture of L1 (Nata ia ) phonologica l

interference, recently the writer asked Junita Ia (20) and Maria Lali (19) to

pronounce 18 English words containing the six L2 (English)‘unknown sounds’.

The pronunciations of the two Nataia girls who are now taking up non-English

programs in two different universities in Yogyakarta, were recorded and

subsequently analyzed. The data indicator words used for the recording are thin,

author, breath, then, leather, breathe, shin, rashes, rush, genre, measure, rouge,

church, kitchen, pitch, jelly, bludgeon, and fudge. These words contain [θ], [ð],

[ʃ],[ʒ], [tʃ] and [dʒ] in three different positions. Following is the table of

distribution of the six English sounds that are ‘unknown’ to Nataia speakers.


69

Table 4.20 Sounds Unknown To Nataia Speakers (Finegan, 2004 : 85).

It turned out that the two young Nataia informants failed to pronounce

correctly all the six ‘unknown’ sounds in three different positions. They

substituted /θ/ in the initial, medial and final positions with [t], thus, /θɪn/ > /tɪn/,

/ᴐ:θər/ > /ᴐ:tər/ and /brɛθ/ > /brɛt/. They pronounced /ð/ in the initial and medial

position as [d], thus /ðɛn/ > /dɛn/, /lɛðɛr/ > /lɛdɛr/. In the final position, [ð]

turned into [s], thus /bri:ð/ > /bri:s/. They pronounced [ʃ] in all the three

positions as [s], thus /ʃɪn/ > /sɪn/, /ræʃɪs/ > /ræsis/ and /rʌʃ/ > /rʌs/. In all the

three positions, [ʒ] was pronounced as [z], thus /ʒʌŋrə/>/zʌŋrə/, /mɛʒə/ > /mɛzɛ/

and /ru:ʒ/ > /ru:z/. In all the three positions, [tʃ] was pronounced as [c], thus

/tʃə:tʃ/ > /cə:c/, /kɪtʃən/ > /kɪcən/, and /pɪtʃ/ > /pɪc/. Finally, [dʒ] was pronounced

as [j], thus /dʒɛlɪ/ > /jɛlɪ/, /blɑdʒən/ > /blajən/, and /fʌdʒ/ > /fʌj/.

The present writer considers it necessary to make an analysis of the phonetic

representations of each incorrect pronunciation. The phonetic representations

refer to the results of transferring abstract sounds in the speakers’ minds into

real sounds in the pronunciations.

1. Voiceless Dental Fricative Consonant /θ/

The two informants did not produce the sound /θ/ correctly. The description

of the change of consonant /θ/ is as follows:

Sounds Initial Position Medial Position Final Position/θ//ð//ʃ//ʒ//tʃ//dʒ/

thin (θɪn)then (ðen)shin /ʃɪn/genre /ʒʌŋre/church/tʃə:tʃ/jelly (dʒelɪ)

author (ᴐ:θər)leather(leðer)rashes (ræʃɪz)measure(meʒə)kitchen(kitʃən)bludgeon (blɑdʒən)

breath (breθ)breathe (bri:ð)rush (rʌʃ)rouge(ru:ʒ)pitch (pɪtʃ)fudge(fʌdʒ)


70

a. /θ/ >[t] / V , as is seen in the word thin /θɪn/ which is pronounced as /tɪn/.

Consonant /θ/ becomes [t] in the environment before a vowel in the word thin.

In other words, /θ/ changes into /t/ in the initial position before a vowel.

b. /θ/ >[t] /V V, as is seen in the word author/ᴐ:θər/ which is pronounced as

/ᴐ:tər/. Consonant /θ/ becomes [t] in the environment between vowels in the

word author. In other words, /θ/ becomes [t] between vowels in the medial

position.

c. /θ/ > [t]/ V as is seen in the word breath /breθ/ which is pronounced as /bret/.

Consonant /θ/ becomes [t] in the environment after a vowel in the word breath.

In other words, /θ/ becomes [t] after a vowel in the final position.

2. Voiced Dental Fricative Consonant /ð/

The two informants failed to produce the sound /ð/ correctly. The description

of how the consonant /ð/ changes is as follows:

a. /ð/> [d] / V, as is seen in the word then /ðɛn/ which is pronounced as /den/.

/ð/ becomes /d/ in the environment before a vowel in the word then. In other

words, /ð/ becomes /d/ when /ð/ occupies the initial position, preceding a

vowel.

b. /ð/ >[d] /V V , as is seen in the word leather /lɛðɛr/ which is pronounced

as /leder/. /ð/ becomes [d] in the environment between vowels such as in

the word ‘leather’. In this case, /ð/ also changes into [d] when it occupies

the medial position.

c. /ð/>/s/ V __ as is seen in the word breethe /bri:ð/ which is pronounced as

/bri:s/. /ð/ becomes /s/ in the environment after a vowel in the final position as in

the word breethe.


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3. Voiceless Palato Alveolar Fricative Consonant /ʃ/

The two informants did not pronounce the sound /ʃ/ correctly.

a. /ʃ/ > [s]/ V, as is seen in the word shin /ʃɪn/ which is pronounced as /sɪn/. /ʃ/

becomes [s] in the environment before a vowel in the word shin. In other

words, /ʃ/ changes into [s] before a vowel in the initial position.

b. /ʃ/ >[s] / V V , as is seen in the word rashes /ræʃɪz/ which is pronounced as

/ræsis/. /ʃ/ becomes [s] in the environment between vowels in the word

rashes. In other words, /ʃ/ becomes [s] between vowels in the medial

position.

c. /ʃ/ >[s]/V , as is seen in the word rush/ rʌʃ/ which is pronounced as /rʌs/. /ʃ/

becomes [s] in the environment after a vowel in the word rush. In other words,

/ʃ/ becomes [s] before a vowel in the final position of a word.

4. Voiced Palato-alveolar Fricative Consonant /ʒ/

The two informants did not pronounce the sound /ʒ/ correctly.

a. /ʒ/ > [z]/ V, as is seen in the word genre /ʒʌŋre/ which is pronounced as

/zʌŋre/. /ʒ/ becomes [z] in the environment before a vowel in the word genre. In

other words, /ʒ/ becomes [z] in the environment before a vowel in the initial

position.

b. /ʒ/ >[z]/ V V, as is seen in the word measure /mɛʒɛ/ which is pronounced as

/mɛzɛ/. Consonant /ʒ/ becomes [z] in the environment between vowels in the

word measure. In other words, /ʒ/ becomes [z] in the environment between

vowels in the medial position.


72

c. /ʒ/ >[z]/ V __ as is seen in the word rouge /ru:ʒ/ which is pronounced as

/ru:z/. /ʒ/ becomes [z] in the environment after a vowel in the word rouge. In

other words, /ʒ/ becomes [z] after a vowel in the final position.

5. Voiceless Palato-alveolar Affricate Consonant /tʃ/

The two informants did not pronounce the sound /tʃ/ correctly.

a. /tʃ/ >[c] V, as is seen in the word church /tʃə:tʃ/ which is pronounced as

/cə:c/. /tʃ/ becomes [c] in the environment before a vowel in the word church.

In other words, /tʃ/ becomes [c] in the environment before a vowel in the

initial position.

b. /tʃ/ > [c]/V V , as is seen in the word kitchen /khɪtʃən/ which is pronounced

as /khitcən/. /tʃ/ >[c] in the environment between vowels in the word kitchen.

In other words, /tʃ/ becomes [c] between vowels in the medial position of a

word.

c. /tʃ/ >[c]/V as is seen in the word pitch /ph itʃ/ which is pronounced as

/ph ic/. /tʃ/ >[c] in the environment after a vowel in the word pitch. In other

words, /tʃ/ becomes [c] after a vowel in the final position.

6. Voiced Palato-alveolarAffricate Consonant /dʒ/.

The two girls did not pronounce the sound /dʒ/ correctly.

a. /dʒ/ >[j]/ V, as is seen in the word jelly /dʒelɪ/ which is pronounced as /jeli/.

/dʒ/ becomes [j] in the environment before a vowel in the word jelly. In other

words, /dʒ/ becomes [j] in the initial position of a word.

b. /dʒ/> [j]/V V as is seen in the word bludgeon /blʌdʒən/ which is pronounced

as /blʌjən/. /dʒ/ becomes [j] in the environment between vowels in the word


73

bludgeon. In other words, /dʒ/ becomes [j] between vowels in the medial

position.

c. /dʒ/ >[j]/V as is seen in the word fudge /fʌdʒ/ which is pronounced simply

as /fʌj/. /dʒ/ becomes [j] in the environment after a vowel in the word fudge

in the final position.

It is interesting to notice that the substitution of an English sound with a Nataia

sound by the two young female speakers of Nataia above occurs systematically.

Both girls, for instance, substituted the English voiceless dental fricative /θ/ with

the Nataia voiceless alveolar stop /t/ in the initial, medial, and final position of

a word. They also substituted the English voiced d e n t a l fricative /ð/ with

the Nataia voiced dental stop /d/ in the initial and medial positions, and they

substituted English voiced dental fricative /ð/ in the final position with Nataia /s/

which is a voiceless alveolar fricative.

The two girls substituted the English voiceless palato-alveolar fricative /ʃ/

with the Nataia voiceless alveolar fricative /s/ and English voiced palato-alveolar

fricative /ʒ/ with the Nataia voiced alveolar fricative /z/ in all the three positions.

They substituted the English voiceless palato-alveolar affricate /tʃ/ with the Nataia

voiceless alveolar fricative /c/. Finally, they substituted the English voiced

palato-alveolar fricative /dʒ/ with the Nataia voiced palato-aveolar /j/.

Alip (2016: 159) notices at least two reasons behind such systematic

phonological alterations. Firstly, the well-versed English teacher asserts,

phonological deviations are detected not only in the individual speakers but

also in the speech of speakers of a certain language. This so happens, he explains,


74

because the local people share similar features of language competence and

performance which influence their English competence and performance.

In addition, the deviant forms of phonological phenomena, Alip argues, can

occur both in the segmental and suprasegmental aspects of the language. The

segmental deviations cover different realizations of speech sounds. A sound can

substitute another, only if they share certain phonetic features. Phonologically

speaking, Alip explains, they must belong to a certain natural class where they

share at least one common feature. Therefore, the most potential candidates are

those which share the most features. It is understandable, he ascertains, that the

more potential substitute for /ʃ/, for instance, is /s/, not /z/ because the former

shares not only the manner feature (+ fricative) but also the voicing feature

(-voiced). Similarly, the English phoneme /ð/ which is a voiced dental fricative is

substituted in Nataia by /d/ which is a voiced dental stop.

It is important to note, however, that deviant phonological forms or

phonological errors normally occur in a communicative setting. In fact, they are

spoken errors that an L1 speaker makes in an effort to produce L2 ‘unknown’

sounds. In language acquisition, language teachers usually categorize errors into

two types: global and local. Global phonological errors are deviant spoken forms

which lead to a breakdown of intelligibility i.e., a listener fails to understand what a

speaker puts forward in a face-to-face communication. Local errors do not cause a

breakdown of intelligibility but only disturb communications. Regarding local

errors, Collins and Mees (2003:186) assert that some “give rise to irritation and

amusements’ while some others ‘may even pass unnoticed”.


75

Special notes need to be taken about the pronunciations of the two Nataia

female speakers who became informants in the research above. It is true that the

two girls mispronounced all the 18 data indicator words, but they did not produce

the errors within a communicative context. In fact, the errors appeared when the

two girls were asked merely to repeat the pronunciations of the present writer. No

wonder, therefore, their pronunciation errors did not result in any communication

effects. Their errors merely pointed to one thing: the six specific English sounds

are really difficult for the two Nataia speakers to pronounce.

From the perspective of a contrastive analysist, the two girls’ failure to

produce the six specific sounds of English is a clear proof that ‘unknown’ sounds

of L2 may cause difficulties. In the light of foreign language acquisition, however,

the errors may also be attributed to a different cause i.e., Nataia learners are not yet

adequately exposed to spoken English. Without sufficient exposure to spoken

English, Nataia native speakers can never properly produce and recognize the

specific English sounds in their right communicative contexts.

However, it is very difficult for Nataia speakers to meet the need for sufficient

exposure . The reason is that English is a foreign language for them, just like for

other Indonesians in general. In such a position, English is almost never used in

personal domains, such as family life or friendship. To regularly use English in

personal domains, people need an English speech community, which is rarely

found in Indonesia. Of course, there are some but they are confined within the four

walls of foreign institutions, English educational institutions, and bilingual schools.

Outside the dividing walls, Alip argues (2016: 13), English remains a subject of


76

intellectual study which never assumes its practical functions as a language of

social interactions.

In the face of such a situation, Alip advises English teachers to be realistic in

their expectations of their students’ mastery of spoken English. A perfect

command of English phonology for Indonesians in general, the English teacher

explains, is just beyond reach. However, English teachers in this country should

not be discouraged if they still find some foreign accent in their students’

pronunciation. It is enough if the students can produce “intelligible English sounds

without distracting or irritating effects for the listeners’ (Collins and Mees, 2003:

186).

It is generally believed that extensive exposure to good pronunciation is the

key to solving segmental phonological problems such as above. Based on such a

belief, intending English teachers should first equip themselves with good

pronunciation because they are to become models for their students to emulate.

This is an important requirement because only competent teachers can help their

students to improve their active pronunciation. In the exercises that use minimal

pair drills, for instance, only teachers with good pronunciation can be in charge.

Fortunately, in the present-day world, digital dictionaries can take over the role of

a teacher as model. Indeed, present-day learners can hear the native pronunciation

of words in their citation forms in the digital dictionaries. However, as words are

never spoken in isolation, Alip (2016: 16) recommends that English teachers also

assign their students to read particular passages such as news items to improve

active pronunciations in connected speech.


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4.3 English Suprasegmental Phonemes with Potential Difficulties

This is Section Three in which the present writer explains why Nataia native

speakers may find it difficult to deal with English ‘stress and rhythm’. This

explanation is expected to lead to the answer to the third research question of

this thesis: What suprasegmental phonemes of English may cause difficulties

for Nataia speakers in learning English phonology?

Fromkin, Blair and Collins (1996:2) state that part of knowing a language is

‘knowing what sounds…are in that language and what sounds are not’. This

statement proves to be true whenever the present writer listens to the way

Tadeus Leu (72), one of the four respondents of this work, pronouncing the word

Stanis (32 of the appendix). Leu fa i l e d to pronounce the word Stanis correctly

because as a Nataia native speaker, he is not familiar with a sequence of

consonant sounds. A Nataia native speaker has to turn a complex syllable onset

such as [st] into a separate syllable in order to suit the phonotactic rule of the

local language. Therefore, the Christian name Stanis i s r e analyzed into a

trisyllabic word and finally pronounced as [sətɑni]. Additional phonological

problems appear when Leu inserted [ə] between the consonant sequence [st] and

dropped the sound [s] from the coda position.

Based on the illustrative example above, a contrastive analyst can easily predict

that a Nataia speaker learning English phonology will often be confronted with a

problem of consonant cluster. Of course, a consonant cluster may pose a big

problem for Nataia speakers because Nataia is a vocalic language which has only CV

and V syllables. On the opposite end, English allows a huge number of its words to

have consonant clusters in the initial as well as in the final positions of its words. In


78

other words, a Nataia speaker will often be made busy reanalyzing English

consonant clusters into separate syllables in order to suit the phonotactic rules of the

local language. Speak, which is a mono-syllabic word, for instance, will have to be

reanalyzed into a bisyllabic word, the result of which is a deviant form [sǝpi:k].

It is important to note, however, that pronunciation is not merely a mastery of

individual sounds and sound sequences. Language as a system requires various

combinations of linguistic units, where not only sounds matter (Alip, 2016: 16).

The units which operate above individual sounds and sound clusters are generally

referred to as suprasegmentals. In English, the most relevant suprasegmental

features are stress and rhythm (Collins & Mees, 2003: 109).

Stress is basically the relative prominence of syllables because what receives

stress (either primary or secondary) are syllables, not individual sounds (Alip,

2016: 17). For a Nataia native speaker, English stress is certainly

challenging because in the local language, stress is not phonemic and

unsystematic. Stress in Nataia is generally assigned on the syllable before

the last (penultimate stress). In actual practice, however, Nataia native

speakers sometimes assign stress on any syllable, depending on the

communication effect they wish to create. On the opposite end, English stress is to

a limited extent phonemic (Giegerich, 1992: 180). There are some pairs of English

words which are segmentally identical but distinct in meaning, owing to a

difference in stress placement such as ‘differ vs de’fer. In addition, Giegerich

ascertains, there are a number of noun-verb pairs such as ‘pervert and per’vert

where stress placement signals a different syntactic category.


79

When speaking English, Nataia speakers may not realize that different

positions of stress may lead to different meanings. So they may assign the wrong

stress in words such as differ and defer etc, resulting in global errors which cause

a problem of intelligibility. Assignment of wrong stress on words such as import

and export, however, only results in a minor problem of ‘irritation or amusement’,

which accentuates a foreign accent of a non-native speaker.

Fortunately, on the whole, Giegerich explains (1992: 180), the phonemic

function of stress in English is not very significant. In a vast majority of English

words, the noted phonetician asserts, stress does not give rise to phonemic

distinctions. Still, Giegerich further ascertains, speakers cannot assign stress on

whichever syllable they like because each English word has a single possible stress

pattern. Thus, word stress i.e., the stress position in an English word can become a

huge problem for Nataia speakers. A three syllable word such as diligent should

have an antepenultimate stress i.e., the stress is on the third syllable from behind.

However, in Nataia where most words consist only of two syllables, word stress is

generally on the penultimate syllable (the syllable before the last one). As a

result, the E n g l i s h word is m o r e l ikely to be pronounced as [dɪ’lɪdʒənt],

rather than [‘dɪlɪdʒənt], the standard British English (BE) pronunciation as shown

in Hornby’s Oxtord Advanced Learner’s Dictionary of Current English (1974). It

is also likely that every one of the three syllables receives equal stress and the word

is then pronounced as [‘dɪ’lɪ’dʒənt] because Nataia speakers sometimes assign

stress on any syllable,.

Given a limited number of minimal pairs in which stress is phonemic,

Giegerich concludes, the main function of stress in English cannot be to


80

differentiate words, but to maintain rhythm in connected speech (1992: 181).

Rhythm is “the patterns of the timing of syllables in speech” (Collins and Mees,

2003: 248). Syllables in English are pronounced in different timing or length of

utterance based on their significance in the utterance (Alip, 2016: 20). Certain

words or syllables, are more significant than others, so they receive more

prominence and accordingly, they require more time. Syllables which are not so

significant, the well-versed English teacher asserts, are made less prominent by

assigning less time in their pronunciation. As a result, time reduction in syllables

might end up with a weak form, a contracted form or even a syllable omission.

As a general rule, the English words that are most likely to receive stress are

those termed content words, namely nouns, adjectives, adverbs and main verbs.

These are words that normally carry a high information load (Collins and Mees,

2003”: 16). On the opposite side are function words that carry relatively little

information load; their role is holding the sentence together. Unlike content

words, the two phonologists argue, function words for the most part carry little

or no stress. Only two types of functions words, they further explain, are

regularly stressed: the demonstratives (e.g this, that, those) and

wh-interrogatives (e.g. where, which, who, how). When wh-words are used as

relatives, however, they are unstressed. Now, look at the following example:

‘Eli has de’cided to ‘fetch him from the ‘station / ‘eli ǝz dǝ’saɪdɪd tǝ ‘fɛʧ ǝm

frǝm ðǝ ‘steiʃǝn/. Here the words ‘has, to, him, from, the’ are all unstressed and

reduced to / ǝz tǝ ǝr frǝm ðǝ/. Out of the nine words in the utterance, only

four‘Eli, decided, fetch, station’ are stressed.


81

As in English stress isochrony (equality in time) is preferred, stressed

syllables must occur at roughly equal time intervals (Alip, 2016: 20). Thus, the

pronunciations of ‘Eli has de should be roughly equivalent to ‘cided to, ‘fetch

him from the and ‘station’, respectively although syllable-wise they are different

in number.

Phonologists have introduced the term foot to indicate the timing units in an

utterance. Foot is “ a stretch of phonetic material that begins at the onset of a

stressed syllable and ends at the onset of the next syllable (Giegerich, 1992: 181).

Thus, a foot starts with a stressed syllable and continues up to, but not including,

the next stressed syllable (McMahon, 2002: 124). In the above example, there

are four feet : ‘Eli has de, ‘cided to, ‘fetch him from the, and ‘station. The first

foot consists of four syllables, the second three, the third four and the last two.

This simple example clearly reflects the concept of rhythm and foot, where the

timing of an utterance depends on the number of feet rather than on the number

of syllables. This simple example also represents the concept of English as a

stress-timed language, in which the length of an utterance depends particularly

on the number of stressed syllables. Above all, this simple example clearly

shows how spoken English relies very much on the marked contrast between its

stressed (strong) and unstressed (weak) syllables to exhibit its characteristic

rhythmic patterns.

A lot of languages make very little difference between syllables in the

matter of stress. As a consequence, native speakers of such languages usually

find it difficult to achieve a natural speech-flow in English (Stannard Allen,

1960:1). This is also true for native speakers of Nataia, a syllable-timed


82

language, in which the length of an utterance depends on the number of

syllables. The sentences in Nataia such as ngao pai miu ne mai takes less time

than ngao enga zuna miu ne pea because there are fewer syllables in the former.

In their equivalent English sentences, I’ve asked you’ve come and I’ve called

now you’ve come, such timing difference does not seem significant.

In conclusion, stress in Nataia is not phonemic i.e., it does not differentiate

words. On the opposite end, stress in English is to a limited extent phonemic

i.e., it can differentiate words. Additionally, stress in Nataia is not systematic

i.e., it is mainly determined by the speaker’s choice and preference. On the

opposite side, stress in English is systematic and unpredictable i.e., every

English word has a single possible stress pattern. It is understandable if Nataia

learners of English find it difficult to deal with stress assignment in English

utterances.

It is also important to note that Nataia is a syllable-timed language in which

the length of an utterance depends entirely on the number of syllables in an

utterance. On the opposite side, English is a stress-timed language in which the

length of an utterance depends specifically on the number feet in an utterance.

The fluent flow of its stressed (strong) and unstressed (weak) syllables creates

rhythmic patterns which are characteristic of English. It is understandable,

therefore, that Nataia native speakers learning English phonology may find it

especially difficult to deal with rhythm of English. The logical consequence is

that Nataia speakers might end up speaking English with a syllable timing.

Fortunately, Collins and Mess (2003: 187) do not categorize a different

rhythm of pronunciation as belonging to the factor which leads to a


83

breakdown of intelligibility. They simply categorize it as an error which

gives rise to irritation or amusement. Still, native speakers of Nataia are

encouraged to keep improving their pronunciation so that their English will

facilitate good communication beyond local communities.

Now that English is a world language, various local varieties have

emerged which often deviate from the English spoken in its traditional

countries. In the past, local varieties were considered as“deficient models of

language acquisition “(Kachru, 1992: 59). Nowadays, such a view is not

widely accepted any longer. Now a large number of people do not mind

accepting deviant forms as long as they do not interfere with communication.

Deviant forms are even appreciated as part of local characteristics and

culture. Therefore, English teachers in any part of Indonesia, including in

the Nataia speaking area, do not need be down-hearted if their own English

and the English of their students show local phonological characteristics.

They may keep on aiming for a native-like pronunciation, and at the same

time they should not be down-hearted if syllable-timing often shows up in

their performance.

Now comes the question of how to deal with suprasegmental difficulties.

When the target is the mastery of word stress, an English teacher can start

with pronunciation drills on selected words from a word list. Later, a learner

is advised to listen and repeat the pronunciation of the same selected words

in a digital dictionary. This practice is to ensure that a learner gets

increasingly used to the correct native pronunciations as well as assigning

the correct word stress . However, when the target is the mastery of stress


84

timing, an English teacher needs to introduce drills which contain higher

units of utterances such as phrases and sentences. Of course, a teacher may

use ordinary reading passages for this purpose. However, Alip (2016: 22)

recommends using a text such as Living English Speech by Stannard Allen

that contains systematically graded exposure of rhythmic patterns of English

phrases and sentences. Finally, learners are advised to regularly listen to

English news programs on the radio. Certain radio stations such as

Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC) offer language programs

designed particularly for English learners. Finally, learners may regularly

watch television programs where they are exposed to extensive visual

contexts of utterances.


85

CHAPTER 5

CONCLUSIONS AND SUGGESTIONS

5.1 Conclusions

The conclusions of this study are specified into three parts as follows:

5.1.1 Difficulties Behind Nataia Segmental Phonemes

Commutation tests along with minimal set tests that the writer conducted to

find the complete inventory of the vowel and consonant phonemes of the Nataia

have ended successfully. The tests, the data of which were taken both from

Oko Utu resea rch text and the lexicon of the presen t writer as a native

speaker of the language, have finally pointed out that Nataia possesses 11 vowel

and 22 consonant phonemes.

Though it is already clear that the Nataia has 11 vowels, the present writer

considers it necessary to provide a fresh description of the vowel phonemes of

the local language. The Nataia turns out to possess five short vowels, namely /ɑ/

as in ame ‘father’, /ɪ/ as in imu ‘he/she’, /u/ as in uku ‘like’, /e/ as in esa ‘one’, /ᴐ/ as

in one ‘inside’ and the schwa /ə/ as in ne ‘already’. In addition, the local

language also has five long vowels which include /a:/ as in rea ‘a kind of gourd’,

in contrast with its short counterpart /ɑ/ as in re’a ‘coconut shell’, /u:/ as in wau

‘smell’, in contrast with wa’u ‘get down’, /i/ as in sai ‘who’, in contrast with sa’i

‘catch’, /e:/ as in rae ‘a kind of tree’, as in contrast with ra’e ‘harvest’ (of corn).

In brief, Nataia has 11 vowels, consisting of five short vowels /ɑ/, /ɪ/, /u/, /e/, /ᴐ/

and their long counterparts /ɑ:/, /i:/, /u:/, /e:/, /ᴐ:/, plus the schwa /ə/.


86

Side by side the 11 vowels are 22 consonant phonemes of Nataia. The

complete list of the consonant phonemes includes /b/ as in bo’a ‘village’, /p/ as in

pea ‘come’, /d/ as in dia ‘here’, /t/ as in ti’i ‘give’, /m/ as in mosa ‘male’, /n/ as in

nuji ‘tell’, /ŋ/ as in ngala ‘able’, /f/ as in fonga ‘likel’, /v/ as in vali ‘again’, /s/ as in

sara ‘way’, /z/ as in zili ‘down there’, /k/ as in kai ‘go away’, /g/ as in gila ‘look’,

/ɗ/ as in dheo ‘bring’, /ß/ as in bholo ‘but’, /ɣ/ as in ghewo ‘forget’, /ğ/ as in

‘geo‘ shine’, /r/ as in rimo ‘all’, /l/ as in latu ‘exist’, /j/ as in jo’a ‘let up’ (of rain),

/h/ as in hoa ‘shout at’, /ř/ as in rhui ‘meat’. In brief, the consonant phonemes of

the Nataia include: /b/, /p/, /d/, /t/, /f/, /v/, /s/,/z/, /m/, /n/,/ŋ/, /k/,/g/, /l/, /r/, /ř/, /ɗ/,

/ß/, /ɣ/, /ğ/, /h/, and /j/.

It is easy to see from the list that Nataia has five characteristic consonant

phonemes i.e., alveolar implosive /ɗ/, bilabial implosive /ß/, velar implosive /ğ/,

velar fricative /ɣ/, and alveolar fricative /ř/. These five characteristic consonant

phonemes of Nataia are expected to increase the number of unique global

speech sounds.

After talking at great length about the individual speech sounds of Nataia, it is

now time to discuss how these sounds are organized. It is common knowledge,

though, that sounds are organized into syllables and syllables are organized into

words. The possible sequences of sounds in a syllable differ from language to

language and are limited within each language (Finegan, 2004, 126). Nataia allows

every one of its syllables to consist only of one consonant and one vowel CV) or just

one vowel (V). In other words, every syllable and word of Nataia should end in a

vowel. Indeed, Nataia as a vocalic language does not permit its syllables and words to

end in a consonant phoneme. Unfortunately, this very vocalic nature turns out to be


87

the first potential stumbling block for a Nataia native speaker in learning English

phonology. The reason is that English allows a huge number of its words to end a

in consonant phoneme. Thus, the English word royal, for example, has been

borrowed by Nataia native speakers as roza ‘extravagant’, a form that obeys the

phonological rule of Nataia as a vocalic language.

Additionally, the syllable structure of Nataia which has only CV and V turns

out to be the second potential trouble spot for Nataia native speakers in learning

English phonology. The reason is that Nataia does not permit any consonant cluster

in the onset position of its words, whereas English allows various patterns of

consonants (C) and vowels (V) such as CCVC (speak) and CCCVCCC (squirts) in

the initial position of its words (Finegan, 2004: 127). Consequently, Nataia native

speakers tend to reanalyze the onset consonant clusters such as [sp] in speak into

two separate syllables and pronounce the word as [sǝpi:k] instead of [spi:k], the

standard British English (BE) pronunciation as shown in Hornby’s Oxford

Advanced Learner’s Dictionary of Current English (1974).

5.1.2 English Segmental Phonemes with Potential Difficulties

Robert Lado (1981: 11) states “that there is an unbelievably strong force

binding the phonemes of any language. Therefore, an adult speaker of one language

cannot easily pronounce language sounds of another, even though he or she has no

speech defect. What is even more startling, he or she cannot easily hear language

sounds other than those of his or her native language even though he suffers no

hearing defect”.

The convincing statement of Lado, a co-founder of CA, above may help one to

understand why adult native speakers of Nataia find it difficult to pronounce and


88

hear specific English sounds. Nataia native speakers tend to transfer the entire

system of their language to the system of English. To put it more specifically,

Nataia native speakers tend to transfer to English their phonemes and their variants,

their stress and rhythm patterns, etc. Even Nataia speakers who listen to English

do not actually hear the English phonemes but they hear the phonemes of their own

language.

Fortunately, however, Nataia and English have a good number of similar

segmental phonemes. Such similar phonemes do not really pose pronunciation

problems. However, a few English sounds that are not part of the sound system of

Nataia prove to cause difficulties for Nataia native speakers learning English

phonology. After conducting a comparison and contrast of English and Nataia

consonant segmental phonemes, the present writer found out that there are six

characteristic sounds of English which are absent from the inventory of Nataia.

The six sounds i n c l u d e two interdentals i.e.,/θ/, ð/, two fricatives i.e., /ʃ/, / ʒ/

and two affricates i.e., /tʃ/, and /dʒ/. These ‘unknown’ L2 sounds prove to be very

difficult for L1 speakers to pronounce.

A small research on the pronunciations of two Nataia girls recently confirmed

that the six specific sounds of English are really difficult for them to pronounce.

In an effort to get over the difficulty, they substituted the six sounds with the

nearest sounds from their na t i v e language inventory. The result is that they

pronounced /θ/ in the initial, medial, and final positions of a word as [t]. They

pronounced /ð/ in the initial and medial position of a word as /d/, and /ð/ in the

final position as /s/. They pronounced /ʃ/ in the initial, medial, and final

positions of a word as /s/and /ʒ/ in all the three positions as /z/. In all the three


89

positions, /tʃ/ is pronounced as /c/ and /dʒ/ as /j/. Th e Nataia (L1) sounds

which appear instead of the English sounds (L2) are clear signs of the first

language interference.

In conclusion, all the six specific segmental sounds of English as a group turn

out to be the third potential difficulties for Nataia speakers in learning English

phonology.

5.1.3 Suprasegmental Phonemes with Potential Difficulties

Finally, big challenges for Nataia speakers in learning English phonology

come from ‘stress and rhythm’ which are vi t a l aspec t s of the

suprasegmental phonemes. St ress poses a big problem because in Nataia it is not

phonemic i.e, it does not differentiate words. This is just to say that the meaning

of a word is not affected in any way by a stress assignment. On the opposite end,

stress in English is to a limited extent phonemic i.e, it can differentiate words

(Giegerich, 1992: 180). There are some pairs of English words such as differ and

deferwhich are segmentally identical but distinct in meaning, owing to a difference

in stress placement. There are also a number of other words such as pervert and

import where stress placement signals a different syntactic category.

When speaking English, Nataia speakers may not realize that different

positions of stress may lead to different meanings. So they may assign the wrong

stress in words such as differ and defer, resulting in global errors which cause a

problem of intelligibility. They may also assign the wrong stress on words such

as import which may cause a minor problem of ‘irritation or amusement’ and at

the same time emphasize the foreign accent of non-native speakers.


90

Fortunately, Giegerich maintains 1992: 180), the phonemic function of stress in

English is not very significant. In a vast majority of English words, stress does

not give rise to phonemic distinctions. However, the phonetician argues, speakers

cannot assign stress on whichever syllable they like because each English word has

a single possible stress pattern. This is just to say that stress in English is systematic.

On the opposite side, stress in Nataia is unsystematic i.e the stress assignment can

depend on the personal preference of a speaker, although as a general rule, stress is

assigned on the second syllable before the last (penultimate stress). The logical

consequence is that a three syllable English word such as diligent which should

have an antepenultimate stress is more likely to be pronounced as [dɪ’lɪdʒənt],

rather than [‘dɪlɪdʒənt], the standard British English (BE) pronunciation as shown

in Hornby’s Oxtord Advanced Learner’s Dictionary of Current English (1974).

Furthermore, given a limited number of minimal pairs in which stress is

phonemic, Giegerich concludes, the main function of stress in English cannot be to

differentiate words, but to maintain rhythm in connected speech (1992: 181).

Rhythm is the “patterns of the timing of syllables in speech” (Collins and Mees,

2003: 248). Syllables in English are pronounced in different timing or length of

utterance based on their significance in the utterance (Alip, 2016: 20). Certain

words or syllables are more significant than others, so they receive more

prominence and accordingly, they require more time. Syllables which are not so

significant, are made less prominent by assigning less time in their

pronunciation. As a result, spoken English exhibits a marked contrast between

its stressed (strong) and unstressed (weak) syllables, a fact which largely

accounts for its characteristic rhythmic patterns. Perhaps, this is the reason why


91

English is referred to as a stress-timed language in which the length of an

utterance depends entirely on the number of stresses.

A lot of languages make very little difference between syllables in the

matter of stress. Native speakers of such languages usually find it difficult to

achieve a natural speech-flow in English (Stannard Allen, 1960:1). This seems

to be also true for native speakers of Nataia, a syllable-timed language, in which

the length of an utterance depends on the number of syllables. The logical

consequence is that Nataia speakers might end up speaking English with

syllable timing.

In conclusion, stress and rhythm turn out to be the fourth potential

difficulty for Nataia speakers in learning English phonology.

5.2 Suggestions

Suggestions are specified into three different parts as follows:

5.2.1 Further Research

This is the very first time a phonological study of Nataia has been conducted.

Therefore, it is perfectly understandable if the skeptical eyes of linguistic

scholars may readily detect serious mistakes somewhere in this work. In

addition to providing corrections, those linguistic scholar are expected to conduct

further research so as to obtain a more accurate description of Nataia phonology.

The results of the present study along with those of later researches are expected

to ensure that all the Nataia vowel and consonant phonemes are preserved both in

the oral and written forms. Additionally, anyone responsible for the teaching

and learning of English in Central Flores, where Nataia is just a small member of

the Ngada-Lio grouping, should keep in mind that all the members of the group


92

are vocalic languages. The vocalic nature of the local languages proves to contain

potential difficulties for their speakers in learning English phonology. Therefore,

English teachers should devise ways out of those difficulties.

5.2.2 More Exposure

After comparing and contrasting English and Nataia consonant phonemes, the

writer found out that the six characteristic English consonant phonemes i.e. /θ/,

/ð/, /ʃ/, /ʒ/, /tʃ/, and /dʒ/ are absent from the inventory of the Nataia. According to

CA, these six English sounds that are ‘unknown’ in the inventory of the Nataia

wil l become great problems for Nataia speakers in learning English phonology.

Following a small survey on two Nataia female native speakers, the present writer

found out that the six sounds are indeed difficult for the two Nataia speakers to

pronounce. It is suggested, therefore, that anyone responsible for the teaching and

learning of English in Central Flores, where Nataia is just a small member of the

so-called Ngada-Lio grouping, should pay close attention to these problematic

sounds. English teachers shou l d , for instance, provide systematic drills in

which the individual problematic sounds are taken care of. In addition, English

teachers are advised to expose their students to extensive native pronunciations, for

instance, by utilizing modern learning facilities such as digital dictionaries.

Above all, English teachers themselves should show off good pronunciation for

their students to emulate.


93

5.2.3 Textbook Writers

The nature of Nataia as a vocalic language which does not allow any consonant

phoneme in the coda position turns out to be one potential problem for a Nataia

speaker in learning English phonology. In addition, the Nataia syllable structure,

which is mainly of CV type, proves to provide another potential difficulty for a

Nataia speaker in learning English phonology. Then, six specific English consonant

phonemes prove to be a serious stumbling block for Nataia speakers in learning

English phonology. Finally, stress and rhythm prove to be great challenges for

Nataia speakers in learning English phonology. Accordingly, English textbook

writers are advised to design special exercises in which all the above

phonological problems are adequately attended to. Such exercises are believed to

be the antidotes of all the phonological problems above. Such exercises are

certainly needed by Nataia speakers as well speakers of the other vocalic

languages in Central Flores in their efforts to improve their pronunciation.


94

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Sapir, E. (1925). Sound Patterns in Language, Language No.2, Vol. 1, republishedby Language Learning No.3 and 4, Vol. VI, 1956, page 62-67.

Verheijen, J.A.J. (1977). The Lack of Formative in Affixes in Manggarai Language,Nusa : Linguistics Studies of Indonesia and Languages in Indonesia 5: pp35-37.


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Weinreich, U. (1953). Language in Contact. Mouton and Company. Weinreich,Uriel (1957). On the Description of Phonic Interference. Mouton andCompany.


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Appendix 1. Oko Utu as a Research Instrument

1. ana weta, ebu ta’u, ka’e azi, mosa laki ulu eko, keka bo’a.

ana wətha əbu thau kha’e azi mosa lakhi ulu ekho khekha bo’a

sisters, uncles, brothers, and honorable people of the village

2. da mai, ne nabu rege.

də mai nə nabu rəge

there are quite a few of us present now

3. kobe ne mo’o lema.

khobe nə mo’o ləma

it is getting late in the evening

4. laka kita ne ngala nuji nama ,go?

lakha khitha nə ŋala nuǰɪ nama go?

So, we can start our talks, can’t we?

5. molo molo

fine

6. kita mema da muzi one wawo ada

khɪtha mema də muzi one wawo ada

we live within the confines of our traditional laws and customs

7. ada da ine ame ebu kajo na’a

ada də ine ‘ame əbu khaǰo na’athe laws and customs which our ancestors have handed down

8. bholo, nea ghewo, kita latu da ana serani

ßolo nea ɣewo khɪtha lathu də ana səranɪ

but, don’t forget, we are also christians

9. jadi, ugeba, ngaza kita buka nuji nama da dia nee buju ngaji, sobaza“Ema Kami” da kita ala pu’u Sua Buju Ngaji.

ǰadi, ugəba ŋaza kitha bukha nuǰi nama də dia ne’e buǰu ŋaǰi

sobaza əma khami də kh itha ‘ala pu’u sua buǰu ŋaǰi


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so, how if we open up our talks by saying “Our Father”, the prayers

that we take from sua buju ngaji

10. ema kami da latu one suruga

ə ma khami də lathu one suruga

our father who is in heaven

11. pai-pai rimo sa riwu tau milo ngaza Kau

phaɪ -phaɪ rimo sə riwu thau milo ŋaza khau

hallowed be thy name

12. wali pareta Kau dhu dia kami.

wali pharetha khau ɗu dia khami

thy kingdom come.

13. ne’e ola fonga Kau bale dia wawo tana bhila ena suruga

ne’e ola foŋa khau bale dia wawo thana ßila əna suruga

thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven.

14. ka inu kami leza-leza, ti’i kami de leza nge’e.

kha ‘inu khami ləza ləza, thi’i khami de ləza ŋe’e

give us today our daily bread

15. ne’e ti’i ampo sala kami

ne’e thi’i ampho sala khami

and forgive us our trespasses

16. bhila kami ti’i ampo one ata da tau sala one kami.

ßila khami thi’i ampo one atha də thau sala one khami

as we forgive those who trespass against us

17. ne’e ma’e tu kami one da tau zapa ate kami.

ne’e ma’e thu khami one də thau zapha athe khamiand lead us not into temptation.


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18. bholo tau zeu sa’i kami pu’u da re’e

ßolo thau zeu sa’i khami phu’u da re’e

but deliver us from evil

19. molo, zapa nga’o sa mega miu wali sa deka

molo zapha ŋa’o sa məga miu wali sə dəkha

fine, let me address you once again

20. kobe, ana weta, ebu ta’u, ine ame, ka’e azi. mosalaki ulueko, keka

bo’a

khobe ana wətha əbu tha’u ine ‘ame kha’e ‘azi mosalakhi ‘uluekho

khekha boa

good evening sisters, uncles, brothers, gentlemen of the village.

21. nga’o enga miu ne pea

ŋa’o eŋa miu nə pheaI have called and you have come

22. Nga’o pai, miu ne mai.

ŋa’o phai miu nə maiI have asked and you have complied

23. zuna kobe, kita a’i ne papa padhi wali

zuna khobe khitha ‘a’i nə phapha phaɗi wali

tonight, our legs are forming a straight line again.

24. pa’a ne papa ladha sama

pha’a nə phapha laɗa samaour thighs are very close together

25. mona ghesi, pata da ame na’a.

mona ɣesi phatha də ‘ame na’ajust like the words that our ancestors have imparted


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26. mona ghesi pata pele da ine pese

mona ɣesi phatha phele də ‘ine pəsejust like the words that our mothers have whispered

27. uku da riwu tau negha nebu zua dia

‘ukhu də riwu thau neɣa nəbu zua diajust like what other people did yesterday and the day before

28. kita mo’o tau wali go kita zuna ma dia.

khitha mo’o wali go khitha zuna mə diawe want to do what we are supposed to do for ourselves right now

29. nga’o rasa, miu ne be’o negha

ŋa’o rasa miu nə be’o neɣaI feel you already know

30. bholo mo kita ngala kolo satoko, tali satebu

ßolo mᴐ khitha ŋala kholo sə thokho thali sə təbubut in order that we can form one line, cling to one rope

31. nga’o zapa bhuga pata wali sadeka

ŋa’o zapha ßuga phatha wali sə dəkha

I wish to speak out the words once again

32. gila, one aze kita dia ne’e Stanis Paso

gila on’e ‘aze khitha dia ne’e Sthanis Phasolook, right in front of us now there is Stanis Paso

33. imu ana miu, nara miu. ebu miu, ta’u miu. ka’e miu, azi miu

‘imu ‘ana miu nara miu ebu miu kha’e miu ‘azi miu

he is your son, your brother, your grandson, your nephew, your elderbrother, your younger brother

34. imu mo’o bana zeu

‘imu mo’o bana zeuhe will be going to a far away land


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35. bana, mona tolo bana

bana mona tholo banahe will not be going for nothing

36. kai mona tolo kai

khai mona tholo khaihe will not be leaving for nothing

37. ne’e ola gae kedhi imu

ne’e ‘ola gae khəɗi imuhe will be departing to look for something, small it may be though

38. uku da riwu ne tau negha

‘uku də riwu thau neɣajust like what other people have done

39. sai be’o, imu ngala raka da imu fonga one sa’o sakola zili goa one

sai be’o ‘imu ŋala rakha də ‘imu fonga one sa’o sakhola zili

goa one

who knows he can find what he wants at school in a far away land

40. sara pata so imu dia bhila jara mosa da mo’o tama one loke papauji

sara phatha so ‘imu dia ßila ǰara mosa də mo’o thama one lokhaphapha uǰiwords of the ancestors say, he is like a stallion ready for a horse race

41. Sai be’o, imu ngala tedhe so’o wu

sayi be’o ‘imu ŋala theɗe so’o wu

who knows he can run faster

42. ata siba beo ngaza imu

‘ata siba be’o ŋaza ‘imu

then people will know his name.


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43. negha ata siba ngale, dia ana ebu go sai

neɣa ‘atha siba ŋale dia ‘ana əbu gᴐ sayi

then people will ask whose son he is

44. imu dia pu’u boa ma’u da eba.

‘imu dia phu’u bo’a ma’u də əbawhere is the village of this young man

45. jadi, poa zua mai, sai beo, imu tau mega ngaza go ine ame ebu kajo

ǰadi phoa zua mai sai be’o imu thau məga ŋaza go ‘ine ‘ame əbukhaǰoso, later on who knows his prestige will help to make the name of our

ancestors famous again

46. sara pata so, imu tau ria pau, tau ngada naka

sara phatha so ‘imu thau ria phau thau ŋada nakha

the words of the ancestors say, he will be keeping an eye on our

mangoes, and taking care of our jackfruits

47. bholo kena re, imu we’e ngala bana, ngaza lili ne’e bhagho

ßolo khena re ‘imu we’e ŋala bana ŋaza lili ne’e ßaɣo

but, don‟t forget, he can only leave if he brings a bag along

48. mege ne’e fadhi ngopo

mege ne’e faɗi ŋopho

he brings along a sword, broken it may be

49. kita ti’i ne’e ana bhebhu, tau pusi bhagho imu

khitha thi’i ne’e ana ßəßu thau pusi ßaɣo ‘imuwe give him a small change which he can fill his bag with

50. tii ne’e watu zaba, tau zaba fadhi ngopo imu

thi’i ne’e watu zaba thau zaba faɗi ŋopho ‘imu


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give a stone for him to sharpen his sword

51. mo’o imu ngala tau bati zala

mo’o imu ŋala thau bathi zalaso that he can clear his way forward

52. zuna, nga’o zapa be one ana weta

zuna ŋa’o zapha be one ana wəthanow I‟d like to ask the group of sisters for consideration

53. be one ebu ta’u ka’e azi, be one mosa laki keka bo’a

be ‘one əbu tha’u kha’e ‘azi, be ‘one mosalakhɪ khekha bo’a

I‟d also like to ask the group of uncles, the group of brothers, gentlemenof the village

54. nea ngasi, zuna kobe kita oko utu, modo ramo

nea ŋasi zuna khobe khitha ‘okho ‘uthu modo ramoforgive me, but tonight we are gathering for contributions

55. bi bai rege, liki miu foko fene

bi bai rege likhi miu fokho fənenot too much, for you may feel burdened

56. bholo ma’e bai sa kedhi latu, re ana da mo’o bana zeu

ßolo nea bai sə kəɗi lathu re ‘ana də mo’o bana zeubut not too little, for this young man will be going to a far away land

57. ma uku kena ada ae kita pu’u mema nebu.

mə ‘ukhu khena ‘ada ‘ae kitha phu’u nəbu

exactly like our customs from long ago

58. ugeba, miu da ana weta, tu’a eja, sa ga’e bhada sa eko ,go?

ugəba miu də ana wətha thu’a ‘eǰa sə ga’e ßada sə ‘ekho, go?

how about you, the group of sisters and brother- in-laws, can each ofyou contribute one water-buffalo?


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59. tadu nabu tama rheko

thadu nabu thama řəkhothe length of its horn should be at least from the finger tips to the elbow

60. miu da ebu ta’u, sa ga’e, wawi sa eko.

miu də əbu tha’u sə ga’e wawi sə ‘ekhoyou, the group of sisters, each should contribute one pig

61. tau uku kata wutu go apa.

thau ukhu khatha wuthu go ‘aphathe pig should be so heavy that it can only be carried by four men

62. migu piza mai da ma dia, ne’e baba mai zeta mai Ede

migu piza mai də mə dia ne’e baba mai zetha mai Edenext week, a baba (Chinese tradesman) will be coming from Ende

63. dheo ne’e oto kaju meze

ɗeo ne’e ‘otho khaǰu mezehe will drive a very big truck

64. ngaza da weli segu ne’e da kita oa, imu peli wua

ŋaza də wəli səgu ne’e da khita ‘oa ‘imu pheli wuaif the price is sensible, he may take all the pigs and buffaloes in histruck

65. zapa kita ngia, ana weta ga’e piza, ga’e..... lima zua

zapa khitha ŋia ‘ana wətha ga’e piza, ga’e ….lima zua

now, let‟s count the number of sisters. There are ........five

66. ebu tau gae tara esa

əbu tha’u ga’e tara əsathe uncles, there are .nine.

67. bhada da tadu nabu tama rheko, da weli ma nabu zi’a latu

ßada də tadu nabu thama řəkho də weli mə nabu zia lathu


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a buffalo, the horn of which is as long as the finger tips to the elbow,

has a fairly good price.

68. wawi kata wutu, sama kena latu re

wawi khatha wuthu sama khena lathu rea pig which can only be shouldered by four big men has a good pricetoo

69. ngaza u kena ana ngala bana wula piza mai da ma dia

ŋaza u khena ana ŋala bana wula phiza mai də mə diaif everything goes well like that, this young man can go this month

70. ga’e zua telu ee.., nea ghewo

ga’e zua thelu ee… nea ɣewowell, everybody, please don‟t forget

71. da mona, la’e tolo sogo

də mona la’e tholo sogoin case you don‟t have a buffalo or a pig, don‟t hesitate to borrow

72. nea taku sepu

nea thakhu sephudon‟t you ever be afraid of debts

73. le sai da muzi dia wawo tana, sepu bire

le sai də muzi dia wawo thana sephu bireis there anybody in the wide world who has no debts at all

74. bholo da mo ghawo re

ßolo də mo ɣawo rebut you should work really hard

75. ngaza poa leza, poto kaga lenga, we’e suki sepu ne’e apa

ŋaza poa ləza photho khaga leŋa we’e sukhi sephu ne’e aphaif you always sleep all day long, how will you ever pay your debts


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76. mae nade meze, sara da Kawa Labo so geka ke

ma’e nade meze sara də labo so gəkha khedon‟t sleep too much, so the people of Kawa&Labo say. You shouldbe alert

77. gila uku Seke Liu zeta Wudu.

gila ukhu Sekhe Liu zetha Wudujust take a look at Seke Liu over there in Wudu

78. da ana dhele da sakola, dhele da jadi kita ata

də ana ɗele də ǰadi khitha athaeveryone of his sons, daughters goes to school and becomes a someone

79. da ana rhaki sa ga’e jadi bupati Ngada

də ana řakhi sə ga’e ǰadi bupathi ŋada

one son becomes the regent of Ngada

80. ngaza mona boka roga, da sa ga’e wali jadi bupati Nagekeo

ŋaza mona bokha roga də sə ga’e wali jadi bupathi Nagekeoif he had not died young, one younger son would have become theregent of Nagekeo.

81. da sa ga’e jadi da meze ngau one faberi oba

da sa ga’e ǰadi da meze ŋau ᴐne fabǝri ᴐbaanother younger son occupies an important position in a pharmacy

82. da ine weta sa ga’e jadi anggota depe’e.

də ine wətha sə ga’e ǰadi anggota depe’ehis only daughter becomes a member of the people‟s representative

83. mema dhele da jadi kita ata

mema ɗele də ǰadi kitha athathey all really have become human beings

84. e..e, ana kita ngaza mona sakola, jadi ngongo-nganga

e...e ana khitha ŋaza mona sakhola ǰadi ŋoŋo ŋaŋa


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ee, our son -- if we don‟t send him to school-- will be dumb

85. bi jadi apa

bi ǰadi aphahe won‟t become a someone

86. guna mona

guna monahe will be worthless

87. goa ngada nugu, ngada nugu ngaza we’e ne’e da paka di, we’e ne’e

da meze ngau.

goa ŋada nugu ŋada nugu ŋaza we’e ne’e da phakha di we’e ne’e də

meze ŋau

he will feel inferior by the side of a government official or anyoneimportant

88. bholo tau mea mata

ßolo thau mea mathahe will only bring shame to us

89. ana e....e. Ine ame kau, ebu tau kau, tu’a eja kau ne ngazo negha

ana e .. əbu tha’u khau khae azi khau thu’a eǰa khau ne ŋazo neɣa

son, please. Your parents, your uncles and grandparents, your brother-

in laws- have all nodded in agreement

90. rimo demu mo’o gae da kau tau dheo

rimo demu mo’o gae də khau thau ɗeo

they are all willing to look for something that you will bring along

91. tau pusi one bhagho kau

thau phusi one ßaɣo khau


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something which you fill in your bag

92. rege go mona, bholo kena ola ngala demu

rəge gᴐ mona ßolo kena ola ŋala demuno matter how much, what they will give is all that they possess

93. tau baku kau

thau bakhu khauthat is for your provisions

94. doi poa, zua mai, ghaza demu raka wali, demu we’e ti’i to wali

do’i phoa zua mai ŋaza demu raka wali demu we’e thi’i tho wali

tomorrow and the day after tomorrow, if they find something else, they

will certainly give it to you again.

95. zuna peli kau

zuna pheli khaunow, it‟s all up to you

96. bana zeu, ana, kau pa’i ke

bana zeu ana khau phai khegoing to a far away land, son, you should always be alert

97. nea poto kaga lenga

nea photho khaga leŋadon‟t just sleep all day long

98. ata da bana one tana penga, a’i teki ke

atha da bana one thana pheŋa a’i thekhi khe

walking in a no man‟s land, mind you steps


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99. be’o liki pugu

be’o likhi phuguif you don‟t, you may stumble

100. ma’e liki tolo ala go ata

ma’e likhi tholo ala go ‘athadon‟t take what belongs to other people

101. go ata so go ata.

go atha so go athaif something belongs to someone else, just say so

102. sa’e tolo ghewi fai ana ata

ma’e tholo ɣewi fai ana athadon‟t you ever tease other people‟s wives

103. nea liki tei ana ine weta ata da pa’a bholo lina, da wea doka tolo geo

gele, miu siba kasa mere.

nea likhi thei ana ine wətha atha da wea dokha tholo ğeo ğele miu siba

khasa meze

if you see girls whose thighs are smooth, whose gold shines, don‟t be

tempted to have them

104. ma’e o..o ana

ma’e o.. anason, please don‟t

105. gila, leza miu ma we’e zale nai

gila leza miu mə we’e nai zale mailook, your sun is just beginning to go up

106. muzi miu, ma dheku.

mizi miu mə ɗekhu


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your life is still a long way to go

107. jaga ngaza miu

ǰaga ŋaza miutake care of your good name

108. jaga ngaza kita

ǰaga ŋaza khithatake care of our reputation

109. molo, laka dheo tuga u kena

molo lakha ɗeo thuga u khenaall right, that is all I can say

110. kita da ana serani

khitha də ana ərani

we are christians

111. kita tutu pata pele kita zuna kobe ne’e buju ngaji

khitha thuthu phatha phele khitha zuna khobe ne’e buǰu ŋaǰiwe close our meeting tonight by saying prayers

112. ave maria da kita ‘ala pu’u sua budju ngadji

ave maria də kitha ‘ala pu’u sua buju ŋaji

Hail Mary that we take from sua budju ngaji

113. ave maria kau benu ngawu suruga

ave maria khau bənu ŋawu suruga

hail Mary full of grace

114. ga’e dewa latu ne’e kau

ga’e dewa lathu ne’e khau

the lord is with thee

115. de rimo sa fai ga’e


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də rimo sə fai ga’e

blessed art thou amongst women

116. wali so’o zi’a, so’o zi’a tebhe ana tuka kau, Yesu

wali so’o zia so’o zia təße ana thukha khau Yesu

and blessed is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus

117. santa Maria ine dewa

santha Maria ine dewa

virgin Mary, mother of god

118. pai salama kami ata da ne’e sala

phai səlama khami atha də ne’e sala

pray for us sinners

119. nge’e ne’e de ta kami mata

ŋe’e ne’e de ta khami matha

now and at the time of our death

120. geze mo’o nalo, zapa kita zenge go weke bhea sa go ebu kajo

gəze mo’o nalo zapha khitha zəŋe go wekhe ßea sa go əbu khaǰo

before we have dinner, let’s listen to the wise words of our ancestors

121. tau pera wero roga da mo’o kai dia

thau phera wero roga də mo’o khai dia

to inspire this young man

122. mo’o waka ingu nga

mo’o wakha imu ŋa

to make him look great

123. mo’o ate imu fea


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mo’o athe imu fe’a

to make his heart lighter

124. mo ote imu beka bedhi

mo’o othe imu bekha beɗi

to brighten his brains

125. nga’o nebi ana go Sena, nga’o nage da nilu malo

ŋao nebi ana go sena ŋa’o nage da nilu malo

I am Nebi, son of Sena I am a tamarind, sweet and sour

126. ata keku nga’o bholo meghu

atha khekhu ŋa’o ßolo məɣu

if squeezed, I can only bend

127. ata ku’a nga’o mona bu’a

atha khu’a ŋa’o mona bu’a

no one can ever break me down

128. ngao so’o molo wai ne’e moko

ŋa’o so’o molo wai ne’e moko

I am better off with friends around


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Appendix 2. Nataia Proverbs and Sayings Often Quoted

In any extended family gathering (Oko Utu), the main speaker of the forum

usually quotes traditional proverbs and saying which contain moral values of

Nataia people. Following are some which are most often quoted. (The orthography

of all the following proverbs and sayings is done by the writer based on the

spelling of Bahasa Indonesia).

(1) Mona ghesi pata da ame na’a, mona ghesi pata pele da ine pese(Just like the words that father imparts, just like the words thatmother whispers).

Moral: Remember always to listen to your parents.

(2) Kita kolo satoko, tali sa tebu(We are tied together as one trunk, with one rope).

Moral: Cooperation is working together.

(3) Bhila jara mosa da mo’o tama one loka.(Like a stallion ready to take part in a horse race).

Moral: Be ever ready to participate and show your worth.

(4) Imu tau mega ngaza go ine ame ebu kajo.(He will uphold the reputation of our ancestors).

Moral: Always maintain your family’s good character.

(5) Imu tau ria pau, tau ngada naka(He will be taking care of our mango and jackfruit)

Moral: No matter how simple, care must be taken of anything youhave.

(6) Ti’i ne’e fadhi ngogo, mo imu tau bati zala.(Give him a sword, blunt though, to help him pave his way forward).

Moral: Parents should provide the means for a better future.


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(7) Ma’e nade bai meze, geka ke.(Don’t ever keep your eyes closed too long, always be alert).

Moral: Look to do something meaningful, instead of doing nothing

(8) Bana one tana penga, a’i teki ke, be’o liki pugu.(Walking in a no man’s land, lift your feet up high to avoidstumbling).

Moral: Cautiously proceed where there is no easy path.

(9) Leza miu we’e nai zale mai, muzi miu ma lewa.(Your sun is just rising from down below, your life is still longahead).

Moral: Life is all uphill until you are over the hill

(10) Ine kau ko solo mema ta ne molo.(Mother, what you say is certainly right)

Moral: She alone who gave you birth, knows your worth.

(11) Ngao nage da nilu malo, ata keku imu bholo meghu. Ata ku’a imu monabu’a. Ngao nage da nilu malo, ngao so’o molo wai ne’e moko.

(I am a tamarind, sweet and sour. So elastic that I can only bend.Nobody can break me down. I am a tamarind, sweet and sour. I ammuch better off with friends around).

Moral: Strength and identity is found in community and friendship.

(12) Ana dhengi da polu kisa keli, lele pau da sezu bholo weki mona tei.(A little bird sings high up the mountain, the voice is heard, the body isunseen).

Moral: God is only visible to those who listen.

(13) Zele wolo muke ne’e kolo, demu zua moko lami ‘olo.(Turtledove and oriole over the plateau, they two have been friends forso long).

` Moral: Birds of a feather, flock together.

(14) Laki ‘ulu regho zele lulu, laki repo tau rasi legho.(Lucky is the first wife who can sit and relax. Unfortunate is the next wifewho does all the washing and cleaning).

Moral: Monogamy is hard work.


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(15) Nunu ‘ulu Redu modhe tei zeu, ngaza gone we’e mara dudhungedhe.(Banyan tree far down the hamlet of Redu. From afar it looks sogood, from close up it is awful).

Moral: Everything is not as it first appears.


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