gilt semester translation uta

7/30/2019 GILT Semester Translation UTA

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How Bavaria became what it is todayThe history from a recipient to donor land

By Rudolf Erhard

Is Bavaria becoming a myth?For example, in inter-state fiscal adjustment.Until 1986,Bavaria was a beneficiary country and once again in 1992. It should be noted: thestructural change in Bavaria after 1945 found better conditions as, for example, in

Westphalia - no legacies such as coal and steel industries and mining existed.

Troops of the seventh Army march into Bavaria on April 30, 1945. At four o'clock in the

afternoon, the first American Jeep reaches the Munich Town Hall. At the helm, Wolfgang

Robinow, a 27 year old German Master Sergeant. In 1933 he emigrated with his jewish

parents to the United States:

"There were girls hugging everyone around the neck and we had received tons of flowers,

which were thrown into the Jeep. Oh, yeah, the Marienplatz square was crowded."

The next morning at 5:30, the Bavarian capital is in the hands of US troops. They see a

city that is one-third destroyed. In Nuremberg, 51 per cent of the city lay in rubble and

ash, Wrzburg even 75 percent.

On May 28, 1945, just three weeks after the war, Bavaria receives its first post-war Prime

Minister. The "Regional Military Government" appoints Fritz Schffer - a lawyer and last

Chairman of the Bavarian People's Party and former member of the Council of State. He


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reports to the American press officer on the situation in the the country.

Schffer tries to get the chaos under control. But he soon comes under the fire of critics.

Main charge: to little involvement in the denazification process. After only four months,

Prime Minister Schffer is replaced on September 28, 1945. His successor, in office on

the same day, is Wilhelm Hoegner. The Social Democrat and former Socialist state and

Reichstag Deputy is a highly qualified constitutional expert:

"My top priority will be our Bavarian and German Fatherland of which we all have

learned in its misfortune to love intimately, and to not bring shame."

Hoegner is the integration leader of the first post-war years. Before the first election to

the National Assembly, he develops the principles of the Bavarian Constitution. The

preamble states:

Mindful of the physical devastation which the survivors of the 2nd World War were led

into by a godless state and social order lacking in all conscience or respect for human

dignity, firmly intending moreover to secure permanently for future German generations

the blessing of Peace, Humanity and Law, and looking back over a thousand years and

more of history, the Bavarian people hereby bestows upon itself the following

Democratic Constitution.

The Constitution is characterized by Hoegners Swiss exile years, from the experience of a

federalist system and direct popular legislation. The new Constitution aims to increase

the weight of Bavaria - also in a later German State. It is a State of Bavaria, in which all

State authority emanates from the people and in which referendums are possible.

The first referendum is the adoption of the Bavarian Constitution on December 1, 1946.

One the same day, elections is carried out establishing the first Bavarian State Parliament

with the CSU winning a 52.3 percent majority. Nevertheless, the CSU is divided into two

camps. Finally, the party agrees on the compromise candidate Hans Ehard. Ehard is a

catholic franc with a outspoken Bavarian federalist orientation. He builds a coalition

Government with the SPD and Reconstruction Association in order to bring together the


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destroyed forces in Bavaria. After the war, one of the first state political reporters in

Bavaria, the 80-year Bernhard cker, recalls:

"He was elected according to the system: Yes, we had no other choice. Presumably he

made a name for himself. He was also State Prosecutor in the Hitler process from 1923,

and was probably such an objective lawyer that not even the Nazis could pursue him.

Even if they wanted to, it was never him to blame.

But he had a certain reputation among the occupying power and a politically clean sheet.

And so it has been suggested in quotation as a compromise, but then he turned out to be

one of the great solutions that one could find, because he was really an excellent Prime

Minister."

From June 6 to 8, 1947, Bavaria is a model for Germany. Prime Minister Hans Ehard

succeeds in convening an all-German Prime Minister Conference of all four occupation

zones to Munich:

"I particularly welcome in our midst Mrs. Mayor Luise Schrder as a representative of

Berlin, the largest German city, whose heroic efforts to rebuild we all accompany with

sincere admiration."

The divided city is regarded as a symbol of disunity. But the Bavarias attempt to reduce

the division of Germany and to join forces failed. The East German Prime Minister

leaves prematurely, despite an appeal of the Bavarian Prime Minister Ehard:

"We need to stand together to be able to live at all. These past two years should have

brought forth the most superficial and selfish to their senses.

Bavaria inspires the Constitutional Convention of West German countries in August,

1948 on the Herrenchiemsee. The Convention makes proposals to the Basic Law for the

later Parliamentary Council. And Bavaria's Prime Minister Ehard enforced the Federal

Council solution together with the North Rhine-Westphalian Interior Minister Walter

Menzel, SPD, - against Adenauer.


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Then the May 19th and 20th, 1949 Munich

Constitution debate:

"We stand here in the house of the Bavarian Parliament all together before the fact, that

the work on the constitution in Bonn has not succeeded and that it cannot be, from the

standpoint of Bavaria, regarded as satisfactory.

"The competing legislation contains things, which are a robbery of the legislative

sovereignty of this Parliament."

The Bavarian Legislative Assembly rejects the Constitution with a majority mainly from

CSU members. But, here Prime Minister Ehard pulls the strings in the background again

in order to ensure Parliaments compliance should at least two-thirds of the countries

agreed to the basic law. This did happen.

In 1945, Bavaria was only farmland. More than 500,000 farmers, mostly small farmers,

dominated the free State. Reconstruction and recovery would have never happened with

these small-scale agricultural structures.

It also lacked heavy industry. Bavaria was neither a steel nor coal country. This would

prove in the postwar years as a happy coincidence. The State could begin rebuilding

without industrial contamination and obsolete monostructures.

While the country is busy with reconstruction, the CSU, at the beginning of the 1950s,

had to endure huge stresses. There is massive and defamatory fighting between the arch-

Catholic wing and the corporal punishment advocates like Alois Hundhammer:

"Yes, I will take responsibility for this prohibition before history and before culture."

And the Liberals because Party Chairman Josef Mller, the Ochsensepp:


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"Before us is work and not reverie. We are a family in need, and a decent family is

together when in need and does not separate."

The competing Bavaria party benefits from the squabbling. The CSU was in 1954, for the

first and only time, in the opposition.

The legendary Bavarian social democrat and constitutional father Wilhelm Hoegner

becomes Prime Minister. But his coalition is composed of members of the SPD, FDP,

Bavaria Party, and the Federation of Expellees and holds power only three years.

It was moving times in Bavaria. While the quad-party-coalition headed by the SPD rules,

the CSU completes a perjured plot - in the infamous gambling scandal. It involves the

destruction of the Bavaria party, the competition from their own faction.

Friedrich Zimmermann, at the time CSU Secretary General, pulls strings behind the

scene. He later escapes a conviction of perjury because he complained about memory loss

due to hypoglycemia. The verdict on the gambling process broke the Bavarian Partys,

and especially their Chairman Josef Baumgartners, political necks.

Judge (reading verdict): "Dr. Josef Baumgartner, married College Professor and retired

Minister, for the crime of perjury, I sentence you to imprisonment for two years."

(Anxiety) "Order in the court!"

The CSU drops and anvil off its back. The only serious competition was finished. It

allegedly pocketed bribes for issuing private casino licenses. Later, the CSU would

nationalize the gambling business and reap rich profits.

Ernst Maria Lang, from 1947 to more than 55 years a caricaturist of the Sddeutsche

Zeitung, with special attention to the CSU, commented:

"That was part of this Bavaria, with bright places, very bright, shiny and dark places,

where all sorts have gathered, like, say, as on a large cattle market, where everything is

possible: thoroughbred horses, strange people, evil villains , good spirits, crooked money,


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everything is there. I am of the opinion, the CSU has been indeed a mixture, very bright,

very dark, and much average, the followers are."

For five decades, nothing happens without the CSU in Bavaria. The party, the blacks as

they are called in Bavaria, has occupied all important positions in the free State. But

despite the hegemony of a party that has ruled since 1962 without an annoying small

coalition partner, the modernization of the country is successful. The Bavarian deficit was

recognized at an early stage.

Alfons Goppel: "Bavaria has long been an overwhelmingly agrarian country, today it can

no longer live alone or even predominantly from agriculture. It needs a lucrative business

economy."

Alfons Goppel, for 16 years a modest, non-populist active and popular Prime Minister,

largely characterizes Bavaria.

With the closure of the coal pits Hausham and Penzberg in Bavaria, with the construction

of a pipeline from Trieste to the new refinery center Ingolstadt and finally with the

accelerated expansion of nuclear energy, Bavaria models the transition from an

agricultural to an industrial country. Without the hulk of mountainous industry, such as

the Ruhr and Saar, this is easier than elsewhere in Germany.

The modernization of Bavaria is achieved by modern industries, successful businesses,

and last but not least through the integration of refugees and displaced persons. They

significantly advance the development and reconstruction of the free State. Fritz

Schsser, Union President:

"These qualified people for industrial development came mainly from the Sudetenland,

where industrialization was much more advanced than in larger parts of Bavaria. And

they came, mainly at the beginning of the 60s, from the people who we once called guest

workers and today described as foreign workers, who have filled especially simpler jobs

in the industrial sector, and mostly for low wages."


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Being the fourth member, besides Old Bavaria, Franconia and Swabia, the Sudeten

Germans were well over a million in 1968.

Franz Josef Strau in January 1987 (image: AP)

Early on, a man pulled the strings in 1955 as a German nuclear scientist and later as

Minister of Defence, and in 1961 as CSU Chairman and Minister of Finance, to improvethe free State of Bavaria: Franz Josef Strau:

"Why a reprocessing plant?" For the Upper Palatinate to come out of its economic

malaise. Why a Rhine-Main-Donau-Canal? For Bavaria to get an equivalent major

waterway in comparison the North German States. Why the expansion of our highways?

Why the expansion of the airports? And everywhere they are in the way, griping and

moaning and blaspheming and ranting. And everywhere the raucous croaks of no from

the throats of the Socialists..."

Even today, legendary stories are circulating about Strau as a hard-drinking negotiator

whom fought for investments in Bavaria. Otto Wiesheu, CSU General Secretary under

Strau and later Bavarian Minister of Economic Affairs:

"Whether this was at BMW, where some people that had the money to invest, such as Mr.

Quandt, needed to be persuaded, or whether this was at MBB, where the forge for

innovation was established by orders from the Ministry of Defense, as suspected thingsdidnt always go smoothly at the beginning, today it is always so glorified."

Looking closely at the 85-year-old cartoonist Ernst Maria Lang, whom painted a blunt

picture of the looser influence of Franz Josef Strauss:


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"Strau had a fabulous nose for business and operations. And he was of course by no

means fussy when it came to big business. And under no circumstances think of him as

standing in the shadows, because he in a sense thought: "One shouldnt muzzle the ox

while it is treading out the grain."

For more than three decades, Strau has control of Bavaria. He dominates the business.

As CSU Chairman and Finance Minister at the same time, he enforces the financial

reform of the Grand Coalition against his party and the Bavarian State Government.

Then, in 1973, as the Prime Minister, he complained the billions in loans to East

Germany as being against the Basic Law and Bavarian interests.

When Franz Josef Strau died on October 3, 1988, Finance Minister Max Streibl startles

the solidification of Strauss's foster-sons Gerold Tandler, Edmund Stoiber, and Otto

Wiesheu. Streible proclaims himself the successor to the Office of the Bavarian Prime

Minister during the fallout:

"Ladies and gentlemen, is having friends in the CSU a bad thing? "And therefore:

Saludos, Amigos."

Initially popular because he coined a friendly and pragmatic new style, Streibl stumbles

on what Strau had kept under wraps: the side businesses of the Bavarian kind with

invitations and vacations at the expense of industrial bigwigs.

Lawmaker: "Mr. Prime Minister, you step down while you still can of that issue."

For a short time, the Free State of Bavaria appears shaken. The poll numbers of the CSU

fell below 50 percent because of the Amigos Streibl, especially due to his stubborn

denial. But Streibls time has expired. He was forced by his own party to resign. In the

CSU, Waigel and Stoiber struggle over the succession. On May 27, 1993 Max Streibl -

officially resigns because of the "unprecedented campaign" against him:

"I hereby put back my Office in your hands. The allegations, which have been imposed

since the end of January against me have no basis. "


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Only with the resignation of Max Streibl does the Strau era end in the CSU. Edmund

Stoiber would become the new Prime Minister on May 28, 1993. He was once the closest

associate of the primitive Urgesteins Strau:

"I can only say: God be with you, oh land of Bavaria."

Unlike almost any other state in the Federal Republic, Bavaria is characterized by

persistence and renewal. The State of Bavaria has evolved from the taker-to the donor

country, which gave way to leading positions in key areas.

Bavaria is considerate of the country's sovereignty and simultaneously adapts to the

opinions and influences of the entire electorate. The country presents itself as an

independent, stable entity, but is not detached from the structural problems of the

Republic.

A strong national consciousness finds its expression in the free state concept, and the

CSU is presents itself as their manager, as the Bavaria Party.

The State of the State procured by weight in Brussels equally emphasizes statehood and

European claim. Tradition, continuity and variability were and are the special features of

Bavaria


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Bavaria In CrisisCSU threatens FDP with coalition fracture because of tuition fees

By Michael Watzke, country correspondent for Bavaria

The controversy over tuition fees is the bone of contention in the CDU-FDP coalition inBavaria.The CSU wants to abolish them once again, the Liberals want to distinguishthemselves in the election campaign as a supporter of tuition fees, insisting to hold a

referendum.There is a crisis but not only for this reason, the quarrels are diverse.Passau, Germany on Ash Wednesday. Summit of the CSU in the Three Country Hall.

Front leader Horst Seehofer and the Honorary Chairman Edmund Stoiber.

Stoiber: "This is the CSU, my home. Take on. Move Forward. Fashion. And the whining,

the nagging, we leave to others. That is their specialty. "But with they will never ruleBavaria."

For one and a half hours Edmund Stoiber degrades the opposition. Then, Horst Seehofer

there continues, where Stoiber has left off:

"Dear friends, it may never happen in Bavaria, that a Government in Bavaria is

dependent on a party headquarters in Berlin. Bavaria and the SPD don't fit together, dear

friends."

Seehofer railed one party after another: The Greens, The Left, free voters, even the

pirates. Only one party in his speech wasnt mentioned: the coalition partner FDP.

Seehofer left neither a good nor a bad word about the Liberals. He simply ignores them -

and jokes instead:


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"I guarantee todays speech is free of charge!"

In Dingolfing just 50 km away, Rainer Brderle is doing something completely different.

The top candidate of the FDP swears unconditional loyalty to the CSU several times with

pleasure:

"Dear Horst, I call on you from Dingolfing to Passau: don't be afraid!" The FDP will

never leave you! Not today or any day."

Martin Zeil, FDP Minister in Bavaria and Deputy Prime Minister. (Image: AP)

Also Martin Zeil, Bavaria's FDP Minister of Economics and Deputy Prime Minister,

exercises ironic collaboration with the governing party.

"... Because we are ultimately the modernization syringe in any potpourri, one could alsosay: in the ass of the CSU we are and stay."

Would the Liberals really remain a pain in the posterior of the Christian Socialists? Or

break the syringe before the Bavarian election in autumn? The Black Yellow Government

in Bavaria is heading toward a crisis. The factions were never, in more than four years as

a coalition, as sharply divided as at present. While the top staff of the CSU ignored the

FDP, the frustrations and the basis for the political Ash Wednesday in Passau comes out:

"I think the FDP is easily dispensable." That, what they cover, everyone else does too. I

don't need that. They have never been needed."

"The FDP is just being stubborn. And that surely costs them a heap of votes. They indeed

have so very few. Because they have such rediculous views."


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"I think the FDP is just useless here. The coalition should just break up.

Contention on Student Tuition

Berching in Bavaria. Horst Seehofer on campaign trail. The local childrens marching

band played to welcome him.

Seehofer: "Greetings to you all.Play it the way you learned it, alright?

Children: "Extra for the Prime Minister: the Bavarian anthem!"

The children do their best. But their Bavarian Anthem sounded as dissonant as the

climate in the Black-Yellow Government. About crooked brass, Seehofer can smile

away:

"Super! Class! You guys are good!

However, the dissonance between CSU and the FDP in Bavaria can no longer concealed.

The tuition fees in Bavaria are the current bone of contention. They had been introduced

by the CSU seven years ago and enshrined in the coalition agreement with the FDP. But

since the Bavarian opposition held a successful referendum against the charges, the CSU

wants to know nothing more of their old idea.

Seehofer: "Today we have bulging coffers. They are full. The Finance Minister has even

more in the basement in a treasure chest. Which is also full. And that's why I say today,

even in Berching: tuition - which is at least 1000 a year- will be abolished."

The problem is: the coalition partner FDP doesnt want to support it. The Liberals are the

last defenders of tuition in Bavaria. Thomas Hacker, Chief of the FDP in the Bundestag,

knows that unloved campus fees in the free State will be tough to maintain, because

surveys show that around three-quarters of citizens are against them. However the


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Liberals want all citizens to vote on it:

"Our position is clear: we want the referendum alongside the election day." The citizens

have demanded this, and we want to respect this wish. Period!"

With this point, however, the FDP in the Bavarian Parliament puts the CSU between a

rock and a hard spot. Because the opposition from the SPD, the Greens and the free

voters submit requests for weeks at a time demanding immediate action to abolish tuition

fees. The CSUers would love to chime in and agree. But they may not, because that

would be a breach of the coalition with the FDP. Albert Fracker, a member of the CSU

Paraliament of Berching, is angry with the FDP:

"If I know that 80 percent of people are going to vote for something, then I wouldnt

waste hundreds of millions on a 5 month campaign against it. We are accused of wanting

to extend state elections, which is more expensive - but we should conduct a referendum,

even if everyone knows how it will turn out. I can save myself the effort and expense."

In Munich, students take part in a demonstration against tuition fees. (Image: picture

alliance / dpa / Peter Kneffel)

The financial costs of such a referendum should be of the slightest concern to the CSU.

After all, the coffers are full, as the Prime Minister assures us. However, the political

costs are high: a referendum on election day, which the opposition will win - and a CSU

electorate that wants to vote opposite the party mandate - this is a gamble Horst Seehofer

doesnt want to take. He warns:

"...that would be objectively very difficult for the CSU electorate to diverge and follow


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the majority vote. This is even more obvious to the electorate. They say simply: it

involves our credibility. They believe themselves to be higher than others."

"No compromise" on the "Dimpferlscheiern"

Our conscience is what decides our vote on tuition fees, says the CSU. This is why the

coalition restrictions should be eliminated. FDP Economics Minister Martin Zeil only

sullenly shakes his head.

"So we see it differently." We would prefer a broad social debate, where all can speak up.

Where, the population then makes a balanced decision. This is our clear position. We say,

education funding is particularly important at the start of educational life, such as the

free-of-charge kindergarten years. And of course, support people in the dual education,

nursing schools - there are so many areas of community life. Every option needs to be

weighed against every other option. The debate in the run-up to a referendum could be

very suitable."

In the dispute over tuition fees, the CSU and FDP are raising the volume. The liberal

politician Tobias Thalhammer announced "No compromises". That annoyed Prime

Minister Seehofer so that he regarded the FDPs small circle as, quote:

"Dimpferlscheier" which is Bavarian for "nitpicker". When Martin Zeil read the

vilification on Facebook, he was offended:

"Such a threatening behavior is not appropriate for these talks and does not encourage

conversations. And therefore we, as the FDP, will not participate in such talks."

Instead, Zeil insists on following the coalition agreement in which tuition fees are printed

plainly. After all, the FDP didnt threaten to default when the matter of childcare costs

arose, even though the Liberals were against the nicknamed stove-top bonuses.

"We are a very reliable coalition partner, but one with clear points of view. This has

come up often in the past 5 years. "I think that our coalition partners - although they


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would not admit it - appreciate this."

Really? Horst Seehofer flexed his muscles in recent weeks. He has the authority in the

Government. The tail does not wag the dog. And besides:

"In this legislative period, everything has been as stated in the coalition agreement. And

in the next legislative period - you can just tell the FDPthere will be no tuition fees. Its

about the next legislative period."

The question is: when does the next legislative period start? After September 15th, are

the elections in Bavaria currently scheduled? Or possibly earlier than planned? Will the

Black-Yellow Coalition break up before the Bavarian parliamentary elections? Seehofer

stresses a higher the chance of an agreement with the FDP, than a breakup of the coaliton.

Does that mean a failure to compromise would be not so unlikely. Political Observer

Werner Weidenfeld of the Centre for Applied Policy in Munich sees it as theatrics.

"I think the question of whether early elections occur is very unlikely. Because neither of

the two coalition parties benefit from a such a commotion. "The electorate would say:

Can they not stick together until the end of the election?"

With horse-trading from the Coalition-Terminal

The FDP would have more problems if the coalition with the CSU breaks apart. Because

the Blacks, according to polls, are currently between 46 and 48 percent, and therefore on

the threshold of an absolute majority. The Bavarian Liberals, however, come in at just 3

percent. Even if they earn the 5-percent hurdle, a renewed coalition with the CSU would

be hardly conceivable for such a small fraction of the Government. So why does the FDP

risk so much in the dispute over tuition fees?

Weidenfeld: "First you have to understand that the FDP is under massive pressure to

reach the 5 percent mark again and to present some sort of profile. And in this respect, it

is already clear that it the FDP must rid itself of its bully-able perception before the


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elections. Otherwise they will fall into oblivion. They really have no alternative, other

than stand there and cause trouble. That is the last need the CSU needs. The CSU will do

anything to kept this issue from becoming the center of attention.

This however is more difficult than anticipated. Both sides have is maneuvered into a cul-

de-sac, which they wont come out of without wounds. Werner Weidenfeld outlined the

most likely solution to the coalition crisis:

"Parliament will, to some extent, acknowledge the need for a vote on getting rid of tuition

fees. Thus, there will be a majority in the Parliament that supports abolishing tuition fees.

And on the other hand, the FDP will be pushed to accept bonus content: they can arrange

expansion programs for research, they can implement new educational policies. And then

everyone will be happy."

Happy with horse-trading, blasphemes the Bavarian Opposition. The Green politician and

financial expert Claudia Stamm fears additional burdens for the Bavarian budget equaling

several hundred million euros a year. She rather assumes that the FDP will remain firm

this time.

"The FDP can no longer afford this. They have long said: We are the advocates and

fighters for tuition fees - so if they give in, then they are completely unreliable. I do not

know whether or not there will be an increase, but then that would be it. But the FDP will

remain firm, I know this from several personal conversations. Anything else would be

three times implausible."

The question is: Is there a compromise solution for the FDP that does not look like a

countertrade? The FDP politician Georg Barfu avoids the word horse trading. He would

like to get the cow on ice instead.

"...and I imagine it like this, so that we no long have any fighting within the coalition.."

Instead, we will concede to the result. For we will later on push the vocational education

system through as well. Geriatric care, nursing, master of trade training. This must be as

free as the education which was passed through the referendum. And in the budget by


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2015/2016 we will add free child care and kindergartens in the houshold. This way, life

chances for all are equal."

Seehofer changes sides

In the upper Palatine Berching, on the outskirts of Horst Seehofers campaign

appearance, the understanding of the tactical games of the Black-Yellow coalition is low:

"This is a quite a large uproar that they have caused." If they would at least keep it

together!"

"It is strange when there is no consensus. No cohesion."

"I find these discussions laughable, this didnt exist before."

Horst Seehofer has given the impression a flexible person throughout the decades and

adapts to the conditions. And 2013 is an election year!"

An election year in which the Bavarian SPD has put online the Internet page

drehhofer.de. Where the Social Democrats want to document, when, where and how

often the Bavarian Prime Minister changes his mind. The tuition fees are only one point

among many. Seehofer himself no longer denies its frequent paging. On the market

square in Berching in his campaign speech, he even manages offensive plays with the

Drehhofer image:

CSU Chief Horst Seehofer


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"Ladies and gentlemen, I tell you this because you occasionally, about the Bavarian

Minister-President, see or hear,"being turncoat"or fickleness..." If you read the history

books today, then you'll see, that the historians write: this constant switch - once here,

once there, and always on the side of the successful - it was a historical way of looking

into the future. That is how it stands today at HubSteiner, who documented Bavarian

history."

Benno Hubsteiner, a Munich historian, sums up the more than a thousand years old

history of Bavaria in a single sentence: the Bavarians have always been on the side of the

winner. And when they coincidentally were not on the side of the winner, they would

have changed sides as soon as possible. This principle has long been internalized by

Horst Seehofer.

Seehofer: "...and it may be that five or seven years ago - with good reason at that time -

tuition was introduced to Bavaria.But, ladies and gentlemen: at the time one couldnt

afford it any other way. And why must listen to the populous every once in a while. Who

knows, what its needs and desires are? And then we are there to help people and not to

maltreat them. This is the motivation for my politics."

In the internal Coalition dispute over tuition fees - says Werner Weidenfeld - still a

second Seehofer-ish motivation is added:

"Seehofer enjoys the power play. Every top-ranking politician experiences this

rudimentary pleasure, and over the many years that Seehofer has been carrying political

responsibilities, it continues to strengthen. One can say: he was formerly known as a

member of the Bundestag, but even more in his factual profile. "But the crowning

achievement in his political career as Prime Minister is he is slightly more flexible with

this playful instinct."

If the microphones are turned off, the professional players like Seehofer speak of some

political companions as more of a Chinese checkers player. The CSU Chief calls it

political mouse cinema . He likes to think of himself as being a chess master. But in the

dispute with the FDP, about the tuition fees, Seehofer might have gambled. He has also


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underestimated the crisis potential of the topic such as the persistence of the FDP.

Tomorrow, leaders from the CSU and FDP will meet again for a round of negotiations in

the Munich State Chancellery. It is now the fourth - and it should finally bring the

breakthrough. Should Seehofer play poker with too high of stakes again, then...

Werner Weidenfeld: "... it could make even the suggestion that he become the Mayor of

Las Vegas. This is the place for the players."


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Shore leave: BavariaWelcome to shore leave. We are approaching the polity in Bavaria. Our tourguide todaywill be Claus Stephan Rehfeld.

So Bavaria. The land of the happy cows. Simple. It has already been a few days ago, butthe milking industry wanted to know if music can help cows produce more milk, so ofcourse they sought out the unhappy ones. From Mozart to Guido Horn, the cows had toendure much. They stopped after a short time - when the Toten Hosen started playing thecritters nearly passed out. Then the Wildecker Herzbuben - 10 litres more! However, ittook an hour and a half of Herzilein. 90 Minutes of Herzilein - the farmer was on theedge. Oh well...

E 01 (Kirmeier) (bells chiming) "I will start in a second. Sorry, bad timing! A smallmoment please. The church bells are currently ringing and we dont want to record yet,although we are quite Catholic."

Somehow thats what all the contributions are a bout these days. Shore leave Bayern.Please come along.

Ahoi, Moin, and Peacer are unusual greetings in Bavaria. In any case if you want to get intouch with a local as a guest, or start a conversation, It is possible to receive a certainresponse to Peacer. But you want something from him. Maybe even sympathy.

GreetingsThe typoghrapher Peter Mayr from Legau in the Unterallgu had a phenomenal idea: hewent to the European Patent Office and patented the old Bavarian welcome "Gria di" -as a T-Shirt print. Mayr sells a range of colourful shirts under the label "Allgucollection". Since a few weeks, however, the Bayer really has trouble - with neighborsfrom Austria. Because they want to print the "Gria di"- greeting on t shirts too - andoutraged about the snazzy Allgu. "Gria di belongs to us Tyroleans", complains JrgenBodenseer, the President of the Chamber of Commerce of Innsbruck. And the AustrianT-Shirt marker Philipp Reindl is indignant: "Now you must greet for a fee!" Thebusinessman from the Tyrolean tztal has already announced a lawsuit against theBavarian greeting.

While there is still loads of other Alpine welcome formulas, hardly a place has so rich agreeting repertoire as the border between Bavaria and Tyrol.

"Servus" for example - one can say that for a greeting and farewell. The term goes backto the Latin word "Servus" for "Servant" or "Slave". It is an expression of complaisance.Whoever considers this too subservient, they need only respond with a "howedehre". Thisis Bavarian for "I have honor" and comes across very authentic at round tables in beergardens.


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Use of the greeting "Hallo" is strictly prohibited in the free State of Bavaria by the way.This Northern German term is punishable by unfriendliness for at least

two hours. Whoever uses "hallo" isnt some trend setter, just a Saupreis.

Better to use the exclamation "on scheena dog", which translated roughly means"beautiful day together". However in Munich "at scheena dog" is used more as a farewell- so this could sometimes lead to a misunderstanding.

He ho wants to play it safe, says very simply "Gr Gott". This salutation always works-even by non-believing Bavarians. "Gr Gott" has different regional versions. Such as"Gris AI gdbeianand" if it's a larger group. Or "Grias eana gd" If you would like to

address the person formally or politely. And these are just two of the countless versions.

The wealth of language in the Alpine countries has settled the "Grias di" fight betweenBavaria and Tyrol. At least for the time being. Because the Austrian T-shirt business hasbeen printing "grias enk" on shirts instead of "grias di", this phrase is not patented. The

judges must now decide everything else. Annoying for the Austrians is only: theEuropean Patent Office has its seat in... Munich Well servus!

The Bavarian grows up with bells and breast milk. With church bells, cowbells,Oktoberfest bells, bicycle bells. There are bicycle bells at FC Bayern. Refined the Bellswivel controls the tavern. All above all bells... and then that!

Bells instead of the report(Bells are ringing)

I will start in a few seconds. Sorry, bad timing!

A small moment please. The church bells are currently ringing And we dont want torecord yet, though we are very Catholic. A moment, Yes? Because that just doesnt work-church bells for a bike race. (...)

One moment. You do still. But it will be finished any moment. This is so incredible.Another minute. If you had come two hours before, as we have tried to speak. We are theonly station of seven in Europe, who could not speak earlier. How that came with thegood management of radio Munich, is beyond me. We could speak to Morocco.

They still arent don yet? Yes, that is possible! The ladies are already frozen. Is that even

impossible. Oh, you should not misspeak. How much longer is this going to go on? Hejust has no air. Yes, so I'm starting now. DIS is ma Princess. Yes so please cut in tenseconds, Yes? Do not cough, alright? So, I'll start! Please start recording.


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The man is noble, helpful and BavarianIn the autobiography of Bavaria, the "approachable" often appear strikingly self-incriminating. "Funny" is also common note. And they are "amusing", eh. Always. Butthey are statistically leading to self-knowledge; the Bavarian was "open, direct, andhonest". That is absolutely true.Spice trader (1)there was one over there who has had the same article as me. The coursehas had the old braid. And I was the first one in the whole foreign spice market- such asginger and other spices. And if someone came and said to them, have you a ginger? Theyalways said, you have to go to the healthy food store! There is not one in the entiremarket.Barrel organ

Spice trader (2) this has been so bad. We have awnings, even had roof space. And thatswhat the neighbor cut up. (laughs) Yes... honestly... those things happen (laughs) ... you

cant even imagine..

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Spice trader (3) (dog barking) If someone came in and complained, theyd always leavein threes - that had such a fear in front of her. It was a gruesome woman!

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Greengrocer (1) dealer: good day, Mr. Doctor Zalla (phon.) / Customer: Hello. / Dealer:what should be the rubbish? / Customer: too early or too late? / Traders: early. Do younot have a watch anymore, Mr Doctor Zalla (phon.)? / Customer: I'm happy without awatch. I'm happy without any inkling of time.

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Baker Alright, so ifI must give my honest opinion: Just criminals, theyre all a bunch ofcriminals. No matter if theyre Black, Red, Yellow or Green or whatever else- ... BecauseI... well, this... I have two relatives who are also involved in politics, but they have notcome to visit in a couple years, because I had told them once before what they were.(turns to customer) Doctor...

Sausage & cheese traders (1) ha-ha-ha, yes that is indeed the hammer! Hahaha, aha! Then

there is a tango Korrupti! (singing) Tango Korrupti / when one comes on it and turns to di/ of what ma ham / the hamma in the Bahamas.

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Sausage & cheese shops (2) Havent heard what Sighing Farmer sausage links are? Theyare called Sighing Farmer sausage links because if you eat three links and a barrel of


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beer, your stomach will sigh. There are people who exaggerate, saying they can eat ninelinks and three barrels of beer- because then the stomach sighs even more.

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Sausage & cheese distributor (3) the best between Moscow - Mississippi, Basram -Baghdad and between Wlagowjeschensk (phon.) and Vladivostok (laugh) - this is fact.And between the Auermhlbach and Paris! I must add - Munich understands this better.

gilt semester translation uta

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