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    Geographic Variationin Health Care

    Tom Rosenthal

    David Geffen School of Medicine, University of California, Los Angeles,California 90095-7400; email: [email protected]

    Annu. Rev. Med. 2012. 63:493509

    First published online as a Review in Advance onNovember 4, 2011

    TheAnnual Review of Medicineis online atmed.annualreviews.org

    This articles doi:10.1146/annurev-med-050710-134438

    Copyright c 2012 by Annual Reviews.All rights reserved

    0066-4219/12/0218-0493$20.00

    Keywordssmall-area variation, ecologic fallacy, supply-sensitive care, health

    disparities

    Abstract

    Measurements of health care spending and outcomes in a geograarea and comparisons of one area to another have been used to m

    observations about health delivery systems and guide health care

    icy. Medicare claims files are a ready source of data about healthutilization and have served as the basis for a large number of studi

    the United States. If ecologic studies are to accurately reflect local p

    tices, potential variables must be accounted for. In the United Stdifferences in disease burden and socioeconomic factors are impovariables affecting health care spending and outcomes. The asse

    that regional variation in Medicare spending in the last two years ois indicative of widespread waste in the U.S. health care system bec

    a controversial part of the health care reform debate in 2009201

    493

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    The basic premise of these studies was that

    if the inputs are the samethat is, the popu-lation demographics and health are generally

    similar or their differences can be accounted forstatisticallyandoutcomes such as mortality or

    other measures of quality are the same, then thevariation in utilization and cost above the mini-

    mum represents waste in the health care system.

    FROM NEW ENGLAND TOTHE UNITED STATES

    The next step in the work was to expand

    the analysis across the United States. To do

    so, Wennberg and collaborators developed theconcept of hospital referral regions (HRRs).

    They aggregated 42,000 zip codes into 3,436hospital service areas, which were further ag-

    gregated into 306 small areas covering the en-tire United States (11). Each area was drawn to

    encompass an HRRa region where the ma-jority of people get their hospital care, which

    has at least one large referral hospital, so majorsurgery can be accurately attributed to the re-

    gion. The purpose and value in creating HRRsis to make conclusions from regional data ac-

    curate about actual local practice, which is

    not possible when larger areas such as statesor countries are compared. Medicare claims

    data were then used to compare cost and uti-

    lization across the entire United States. Thefirst Dartmouth Atlas of Health Care was self-published in 1996 (10), a massive undertaking

    which showed widespread variation in rates ofMedicare spending, supply of physicians and

    hospitals, rates of surgical procedures, and hos-pitalizations for medical conditions across the

    306 HRRs.

    UTILIZATION AND COST IN

    THE LAST TWO YEARS OF LIFEOne continued challenge was the problemof comparing outcomes. If the mortality rate

    is comparatively low in a region with highcost and utilization, then the higher cost and

    utilization could be justified. Risk adjustinglarge populations using Medicare claims data

    is imperfect. To obviate this problem, the

    2006 Atlas compared Medicare cost by HRRlooking only at Medicare beneficiaries who had

    died, reasoning that since the outcome, death,was identical in every case, there could be no

    assertion that higher cost in one area overanother could have made any difference (this

    reasoning is critiqued below); hence, all theutilization above the minimum was unneces-

    sary and therefore waste (12). The 1,200,000deaths across 306 HRRs (a 20% sample of the

    Medicare data base) were extrapolated to the

    remaining 44,000,000 Medicare beneficiaries.The results were then extrapolated to the

    entire U.S. population of 300,000,000.

    GEOGRAPHIC VARIATIONAND THE CASE FOR HEALTH

    CARE REFORMIn the 2008 Atlas, Wennberg and colleaguesdrew increasingly dire conclusions about the

    U.S. health care system based on the amountand causes of geographic variation (13):

    These findings have several implications for

    patients with chronic disease, and for the cost

    of Medicare. First and foremost, overtreat-

    ment harms patients, and it contributes to the

    chaotic quality of American health care. Sec-

    ond, overtreatment wastes taxpayer dollars.

    Various estimates for the amount we waste

    on overtreatment in this country range be-

    tween 20 to 30 cents on every health care dol-

    lar spent. And because of the way Medicare is

    financed, overtreatment also entails a system-

    atic transfer of tax dollars from residents of

    low-cost regions to high-cost regions, where

    those dollars fund the useless, and potentially

    harmful, care that is being delivered.

    In 20092010, the conclusions articulated inthe Dartmouth Atlas became a centerpiece ar-gument in the health care reform debate. Even

    though the focus of the bill was achieving uni-versal insurance coverage, concerns over health

    care cost inflation generally and the potentialadditional cost of universal coverage specifically

    www.annualreviews.org Geographic Variation in Health Care 495

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    were of wide concern. The methods of actu-

    ally controlling health care spending, such ascost controls, technology controls, and the uti-

    lization management of managed care, seem tobe politically unacceptable. A politically attrac-

    tive solution to health care inflation is createdby identifying 30% of healthcare spending as

    waste, which could be eliminated easily if doc-tors in inefficient regions could be incentivized

    to practice like doctors in efficient regions. This30% is also more than enough to pay for uni-

    versal coverage.

    The White House budget director, PeterOrzag, testified to Congress when he was Di-

    rector of the Congressional Budget Office (14):

    Overuse of supply-sensitive services and

    differences in social norms among local physi-

    cians seem to drive regional approaches in

    the use of innovations and treatments. Some

    regions appear more prone to adopt low-cost,

    highly effective patterns of care, whereas oth-

    ersare more prone to adopt high-costpatterns

    of care and to deliver treatments that provide

    little benefit or are even harmful. Researchers

    have estimated [ John E. Wennberg and oth-

    ers, Geography and the Debate Over Medi-

    care Reform, Health Affairs,Web Exclusive

    (February 13, 2002), pp. W96W114; and

    Elliott Fisher, More Care Is Not Better

    Care, Expert Voices, Issue 7 (National Insti-

    tute for Health Care Management, January

    2005)] that nearly 30% of Medicares costs

    could be saved without negatively affecting

    health outcomes if spending in high- and

    medium-cost areas could be reduced to the

    level in low-cost areasand those estimates

    could probably be extrapolated to the health

    care system as a whole [reference]. With

    health care spending currently representing

    16 percent of GDP, that estimate would

    suggest that nearly 5 percent of GDPor

    roughly $700 billion each yeargoes to

    health care spending that cannot be shown to

    improve health outcomes.

    McAllen, Texas, the highest-cost HRRin the Dartmouth Atlas analysis, became the

    symbol for the problem. In a widely influent

    article inThe New Yorker, Gawande (15) wro

    When you look across the spectrum from

    Grand Junction to McAllenand the almost

    threefold difference in the costs of careyou

    come to realize that we are witnessing a bat-

    tle for the soul of American medicine. Some-

    where in the United States at this moment, a

    patient with chest pain, or a tumor, or a cough

    is seeing a doctor. And the damning question

    we have to ask is whether the doctor is set up

    to meet the needs of the patient, first and fore-

    most, or to maximize revenue. . . . Physicians

    in places like McAllen behave differently from

    others. The $2.4-trillion question is why.

    Over many years few had questioned eith

    the methodology of the Dartmouth Atlas or conclusions. Most commentaries were strong

    supportive (16). The argument about waste waccepted because we have seen use of expensi

    technology that proved to have no scientimerit, and everyone has seen physicians wh

    order a full battery of tests on every patienpossibly without regard to indications,

    physicians who admit patients for extend

    hospital stays, perhaps without medical ncessity. That these physicians might sort o

    geographically was at least plausible. Indee

    the state of affairs was aptly summarized Reinhardt in 2005 (17): It is remarkable however, that no one in the medical communi

    or elsewhere has been able to invalidate thefindings convincingly with similarly caref

    research. If only by default, then, the researreported by Wennberg and colleagues stan

    as a hitherto unchallenged Jaccuse.

    The mere assertion of geographic variatioand its presumed causes probably would n

    have been sufficient provocation to bring abo

    a scientific debate over the methodologies geographic variation. What changed was thlegislators in the upper midwest looked at t

    map (Figure 1); saw that they representapparently efficient practice regions, especia

    compared to the major metropolitan areas the northeast and west; and concluded th

    496 Rosenthal

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    1.21.28

    1.01.19

    0.850.99

    0.700.84

    Washingtonashington

    Oregonregon

    Californiaalifornia

    NevadaevadaUtahtah

    Idahodaho

    Montanaontana North Dakotaorth DakotaMinnesotainnesota

    Iowaowa

    South Dakotaouth Dakota

    Nebraskaebraska

    Kansasansas Missouriissouri

    Illinoisllinois IndianandianaOhiohio

    Pennsylvaniaennsylvania

    WestestVirginiairginia

    New Yorkew York

    MaineaineNewew

    Hampshireampshire

    New Jersew Jers

    VirginiairginiaNorthorth

    CarolinaarolinaSouthouth

    CarolinaarolinaGeorgiaeorgia

    Floridalorida

    MichiganichiganWisconsinisconsin

    OklahomaklahomaArkansasrkansas

    MississippiississippiAlabamalabama

    Tennesseeennessee

    Kentuckyentucky

    LouisianaouisianaTexasexas

    Wyomingyoming

    ArizonarizonaNew Mexicoew Mexico

    Coloradoolorado

    DelawareelawareMarylandaryland

    ConneonneRhodhod

    MassaassaVermontermont

    Washington

    Oregon

    California

    Nevada

    Utah

    Idaho

    Montana North Dakota

    Minnesota

    Iowa

    South Dakota

    Nebraska

    Kansas Missouri

    IllinoisIndiana

    Ohio

    Pennsylvania

    WestVirginia

    New York

    Maine

    NewHampshire

    New Jers

    Virginia

    NorthCarolina

    SouthCarolina

    Georgia

    Florida

    Michigan

    Wisconsin

    OklahomaArkansas

    Mississippi

    Alabama

    Tennessee

    Kentucky

    LouisianaTexas

    Wyoming

    ArizonaNew Mexico

    Colorado

    Delaware

    Maryland

    Conne

    Rhod

    Massa

    Vermont

    Figure 1

    Total Medicare spending during the last two years of life for patients with at least one of nine chronic conditions. Deaths occurrduring 20012006. Numbers are the ratio of state to the U.S. average of Medicare spending per decedent during the last two yealife. Source: Map redrawn from data in Reference 13.

    their doctors and hospitals should be rewardedfor their efficiency, while those geographic

    areas that were identified in the work asinefficient (notably most major metropolitanareas) should be disincentivized for their

    inefficiency. They decided to effect this changeby redistributing Medicare payment from the

    latter to the former, and they pushed to havethis encoded into the health reform law (18).

    This would have been worth tens of billions ofdollars. Finally thescientific basis of geographic

    variation and possible flaws in its methodologyand conclusions were interesting to a lot of

    people. Science had become political science.

    QUESTIONS ABOUTMETHODOLOGY

    The first published analyses of the Dartmouthwork identified several conceptual problems

    (19, 20). Each highlighted the fallacy of us-ing patients who died as a surrogate for all pa-

    tients to avoid the problem of possible differ-ences in outcome. Both observed that differentcategories of patients utilize different resources

    even in dying, and that the point at which a pa-tient is determined to be dying (and therefore

    further attempts at curative therapy are futile)is different for every patient. Even if it were

    possible to precisely choose a cohort of dyingpatients, there are often legitimate reasons for

    physicians to continue care even if the outcomeis still death. For example, even when there

    is no chance of recovery, some patients fam-ilies insist on desperation care such as dial-ysis, chemotherapy, and even ventricular assist

    devices.Many people have a mental map that as-

    sumes health outcomes are fairly equal acrossthe United States. In fact, the age-adjusted

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    mortality rate varies by 50% across states, so

    outcomes must be considered (21). If outcomeshave to be considered, then adequacy of risk

    adjustments for the populations must be ad-dressed. The methods used in the geographic

    variation studies utilized the Iezonni classifica-tion of chronic diseases, which put patients in

    one of 13 categories based on diagnosis-relatedgroups (22). Risk adjustment in some studies

    was simply 1 versus >1 chronic disease code;in other studies it consisted of stratification by

    number of chronic diseases. In contrast, there

    are >25 covariants used in calculating trans-plant survival rates, and these are obtained both

    from administrative data and by chart review(23). More than 40 covariants are used in risk

    adjusting coronary artery bypassgraft rates(24).These numbers suggest that the methodology

    used in the geographic variation work may be

    good enough to make directionally correct con-clusions but is insufficiently sensitive to makefine comparisons between providers in differ-

    ent areas. Reschovsky, studying Medicare ben-eficiaries at the individual level, has shown that

    health status of the individual patient is the pre-

    dominant predictor of costs, whereas physician,practice, and provider supply are minimally

    correlated with cost (25).An additional potential confounder is that

    patients may not receive all their care in one

    HRR. The original definition of the HRR wasan area where at least 51% of the care wasdelivered. The Dartmouth Atlas assumes that

    there is equal stickiness of patients across all306 HRRs, therefore obviating the need to ac-

    count for movement of patients. It is not true atthestatelevel,wheretherearesignificantdiffer-

    ences in flows of patients who receive care in a

    state outside their residence (26). This may notinvalidate the general observations about geo-

    graphic variation, but it is an additional variable

    that calls into question the specificity of com-parison between one area and another. Furthercomplicating the picture, HRRs can differ dra-

    matically from each other. If one is comparingthe Los Angeles HRR with its 10 million eth-

    nically diverse urban population to the Great

    Falls, Montana HRR with its 150,000 rur

    mostly white population, its unlikely that eery relevant factor to population health and

    the health delivery system can be captured uing Medicare claims data.

    If Medicare payments are to correspond utilization of health care services, then pa

    ments not related to utilization, such as paments for graduate medical education (GME

    should be removed from the counts, and pricshould be adjusted so that wage differences a

    equalized across areas. These adjustments we

    not made in the 2006 Atlas work (12), whichpuzzling because their necessity was identifi

    in the 1996 Atlas and the potential significachangebylocalitywaswellknown(11).MedP

    (27), The American Hospital Association (2and the Greater New York Hospital Associ

    tion (29) ran the analysis of Medicare spendin

    by HRR accounting for prices and revalidatthe importance of price adjustment.

    The result of these critiques was the dro

    ping of provisionsto changeMedicare spendi

    by region based on the Dartmouth Atlas enof-life studies. The compromise provision w

    the requirement for the Secretary of Health aHuman Services to commission the Institu

    of Medicine (IOM) to do its own study of gegraphic variation in Medicare spending, taki

    into consideration all relevant factors (30). T

    results of the IOM study were reported in Ap2011 (31). In addition to factoring in prices antaking out GME payments, the IOM study u

    lizes the more sensitive Medicare hierarchiccoexisting conditions methodology (32). T

    differences between the Dartmouth Atl

    analysis (without price adjustments and wionly a modest risk adjustment) and the IO

    analysis (with price adjustments and a mosophisticated risk adjustment) are strikin

    Variance is reduced by 40%. Specific are

    deemed to be paragons of efficiency turn onot to be, and major metropolitan areas suas New York, Boston, Philadelphia, Detro

    and Los Angeles, implicated by the DartmouAtlas data to be the most costly, turn out to ha

    Medicare spending at or below the nation

    498 Rosenthal

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    average. The upper midwest generally turns

    out to be within one standard deviation of themean spending. The two areas that are lower

    Medicare spending regions are the west coastand rural northeast. The area of the country

    that has the highest Medicare spending is theDeep South. Sacramento had been touted as

    the benchmark efficient region in California(33), and although it is still on the low-cost end,

    the lowest-cost metropolitan area in Californiain the IOM analysis is San Francisco.

    It could be argued that the original conclu-

    sions are still correctthat even with the vari-ous adjustments to risk and prices, there is sub-

    stantial geographic variation, it is evidence ofwaste, and it can be corrected easily. Another

    view of the IOM study is that 96% of the U.S.population lives in areas within two standard

    deviations of the mean of Medicare spending,and 76% live within one standard deviation of

    the mean. Statistically, this is close to a nor-mal curve of variation. Considering that what

    is being measured is all Medicare spending forall medical services, it could be concluded that

    there is a remarkably small amount of variation

    in Medicare spending (Figure 2).Drawing conclusions about local practices

    based on aggregated regional data is a majorpurpose of geographic variation studies. The

    possibility of drawing erroneous conclusions

    is a known risk of this type of study and iscalled the ecologic fallacy. In a classic 1950paper, Robinson (34) describes the relationship

    between statistical analysis of correlation atan individual level and statistical analysis at an

    ecologic level, and he concludes that an eco-logical correlation is almost certainly not equal

    to its corresponding individual correlation.

    The ecologic fallacy is likely to occur whenthere are complex, nonlinear, confounding

    variables (35). Although there are statistical

    methods to try to obviate the problem (36),the more significant issue is when importantvariables are missed entirely (37). The ecologic

    fallacy does not invalidate all conclusionsdrawn from aggregated regional data; if it

    did, there would be no field of epidemiology.

    Ecologic research can provide insights about

    individual behaviors, if its findings are validatedat the individual level (2).

    Prices were an important missing variable.Are there possibly other missing variables?

    Cooper (38) suggests that the variation workfails to adjust for socioeconomic status and that

    population differences in income can explaina significant amount of the remaining varia-

    tion. There is abundant evidence of health caredisparities based on socioeconomic status (39).

    Although there is controversy on whether in-

    equality itself is a factor (40, 41), it is clear thatabsolute poverty levels negatively impact many

    measures of health, including mortality (4244). It might be intuitive to conclude that worse

    health outcomes among the poor are caused byless access to and utilization of health care ser-

    vices. In fact, evidence points to higher healthcare utilization, with the rise being especially

    steep at the lowest income levels, suggestingthat the causes of poorer health relate to higher

    disease burdens among the poor and other not-

    well-understood consequences of living in con-centrated areas of poverty, which results in

    higher health care costs. Low-income Medi-care beneficiaries have fewer visits to physi-

    cians for ambulatory care and fewer preven-tive services such as mammograms, but they are

    hospitalized more often (42). Wier et al. (45)

    showed that rates of hospitalizations were 22%higher for rural poor than rural wealthy and27% higher for urban poor than urban wealthy.

    Pappas et al. (46) showed a 2.5-fold higher rateof hospitalizations for avoidable hospital condi-

    tions among people who live in low-income zip

    codes than high-income zip codes. Jiang et al.(47) showed a two- to fourfold higher rate of

    hospitalizations for the preventable conditionsof diabetes, heart failure, and asthma when they

    compared the highest quartile of income zip

    codes by population with the lowest quartileof income across the United States. Chen &Escarce (48) showed 50% higher total health

    care spending for adults below 125% of the fed-eral poverty level than those with higherincome

    levels.

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    1,000

    1,500

    2,000

    2,500

    All other LA

    LA poverty core

    LA County

    Me

    dicarehospitaldays

    per1,

    000Medicareenrollees

    MinnesotaMinnesota

    Pacific Ocean

    LA County

    a

    b

    LA Core

    Population 10,200,000 1,800,000

    Per capita income $20,700 $11,500

    Black and Latino 55% 80%

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    in the rest of L.A. (50) and the U.S. aver-

    age of 2.6 beds/1,000 (51). Thus, poverty is amore likely explanation for the differences than

    supply-driven demand. The effects of povertyand class are independent of the impact of race,

    so that adjusting for race will not simultane-ously adjust for factors related to income (52).

    If high Medicare spending and utilizationreflect high-intensity wasteful practice styles

    of physicians, then Medicare spending shouldtightly correlate with overall health spending.

    Data at the state level show little correlation

    between Medicare spending and total healthspending (26, 55). Some states are high in both,

    some are low in both, some (like Texas andLouisiana) are high in Medicare and low in total

    health spending, and some (like Minnesota andWisconsin) are low in Medicare spending and

    high in total health spending (Figure 4). Dataare not available for total health care spending

    by HRR; in a recent study of commercial in-surance, Gabel et al. found that when the Dart-

    mouth Atlas reimbursement index was addedto their geographic commercial practice cost

    index, it was statistically significant, but with a

    negative coefficient (56). There are no good hy-pothesesto explain this relationship. Onepossi-

    ble explanation is an interrelationship betweencommercial and government prices at the local

    level. Another possible explanation is the vari-

    ation in end-of-life spending for Medicare pa-tients, which affects Medicare patients but doesnot affect commercial populations to the same

    degree. Regardless, Medicare spending is nota good proxy for overall health spending or

    utilization.

    THE WAY FORWARD

    Geographic variation is a useful tool in un-

    derstanding health care delivery. It became

    controversial during the debate over healthcare reform and was subject to scientificquestioning in a way that had not occurred

    previously. The following facts are not con-troversial: There is geographic variation in

    health care utilization and spending. Some of

    the variation is explainable by illness burden,

    price differentials, levels of insurance coverage,and community wealth and poverty. Some

    variation remains unexplained. What remainscontroversial is the interpretation. Does the

    magnitude of variation in Medicare spendingindicate significant differences in health care

    utilization caused by supply-driven demand,which then differentiates efficient and ineffi-

    cient practitioners? Does all spending abovethat of the lowest-spending region indicate

    waste? I do not believe so, but others disagree.

    Should Medicare change its payments tocities and states based on geographic variation,

    rewarding the efficient and taking away pay-ments from inefficient regions? This is up to the

    IOM to recommend to the Secretary of Healthand Human Services, who will decide. How-

    ever, it is difficult to see how shifting Medicaredollars from rural Louisiana to San Francisco

    will improve health care delivery, or positivelychange the incentives, whatever they are, in ei-

    ther place.What should be done moving forward?

    More effort can be expended to refine the use

    of the Medicare claims data to more accuratelyreflect local reality. Even if this can be done, it

    is not clear that it will provide the kind of datanecessary to change local practices, and much

    effort will be expended arguing arcane aspects

    of statistical analysis. That more tests and con-sultations and application of expensive technol-ogy and procedures do not necessarily improve

    health in individual patients is incontrovertible.Aaron (57) states the problem well:

    To be meaningful, however, a definition of

    waste must rest on an ex ante perspective:

    What is the expected value of outcomes for

    definable classes of patients? And, most of

    the care that analysts label as waste is not

    uniformly useless but produces average ben-

    efits that are judged to be small relative to

    costand typically that cost is widely diffused

    among payers other than the patient. Even

    those interventions deemed excessively costly

    actually help some patients. So it is easy to

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    a

    b

    >1 SD

    1 SD

    1 SD

    1 SD

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    understand whyapart from self-interest

    physicians may provide their patients with

    wasteful care. Thus, the very definition of

    waste is unclear, and the term is fraught with

    ethical ambiguity.

    Put another way, one persons waste is another

    persons medical necessity.There is an imperative to address the unsus-

    tainability of health care inflation (58). How-ever, belief in the need for health care reform

    does not rest on the pillar of geographic varia-

    tion. Describing geographic variation does notnecessarily provide solutions. Many more stud-

    ies are needed at finer levels of granularity, eventhough they are expensive and time consuming.

    One example is the work of Barnato et al. (59)on end-of-life care; they use structured simula-

    tions to understand communication practices ofphysicians making treatment decisions for crit-

    ically ill patients. Ong et al. (60) compare bothresource use and outcomes in heart failure pa-

    tients at six California academic medical cen-ters, providing a baseline for interventions that

    can be utilized to reduce variation, lower cost,

    and improve quality. Rettig et al. (61) have con-tributed a comprehensive and masterful analysis

    of the rise and fall of bone marrow transplan-tation for advanced breast cancer, describing

    the interconnected stories of patient demand,

    conflicting roles of physicians, and scientific,clinical, legal, economic, and political factors.Their analysis demonstrates how difficult the

    task is to understand and change health careutilization.

    Eventually control of health care inflationis going to require physician integration into

    larger practice units, an explicit societal con-

    sensus regarding technology, and creation ofa norm of efficiency in physician professional

    culture. In the meantime, what is universallyagreed on is the need to understand the delivery

    of health care at a local level, particularly thefactors causing variation in health care delivery

    and cost. A close partnership between clinicalleadership and health outcomes researchers is

    necessary to achieve this. An effort to system-atically understand the quality and outcome

    side began 10 years ago with the publication of

    the IOM reports (62). The cost of measuringthe Medicare core quality measures has been

    estimated at $350 million for the UnitedStates (63), a number approximately equal to

    the entire Agency for Healthcare Research andQuality annual budget in 2008. Development

    of a robust understanding of factors causingvariation in health delivery and cost will not

    occur overnight and will require a significantincrease in funding for research and devel-

    opment of metrics. The establishment and

    funding of the Patient-Centered OutcomesResearch Institute and the $1.1 billion pro-

    vided for clinical effectiveness research in theAmerican Recovery and Reinvestment Act are

    good beginnings.The work over 30 years on geographic vari-

    ation has consistently shined a light on the

    problems of health care cost and has consis-tentlydemandedtheadditionalworkthatwouldlead to understanding and improvement in the

    scientific basis of medical practice. If the re-cent debate on geographic variation results in

    that effort, it will have made an enormous

    contribution.

    Figure 4

    Per capita spending by state, unadjusted for prices, on (a) Medicare patients and (b) all health care. Red represents states with pespending >1 standard deviation (SD) from the mean; pink, 1 SD; white,

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    DISCLOSURE STATEMENT

    The author is not aware of any affiliations, memberships, funding, or financial holdings that migbe perceived as affecting the objectivity of this review.

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    11. Although not the

    latestAtlas, it is

    encyclopedic in its

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    61. Required reading

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    http://www.nap.edu/openbook.php?record_id=9728&page=1

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    RELATED RESOURCES

    1. Paul-Shaheen P, Clark JD, Williams D. 1987. Small area analysis: a review and analysis of t

    North American literature. J. Health Politics, Policy and Law 12(4):741809. Although datethis is a comprehensive review of small-area variation with a thorough literature review to da

    Its analysis of methodology and recommendations are still applicable.

    2. Williams DR. 2005. The health of U.S. racial and ethnic populations.J. Gerontol. 60B(SpeIss. II):5362. This is a good general review of health disparities, one of several papers on thsubject in this special issue.

    3. Abelson R, Harris G. 2010. Critics question study cited in health debate. NY Times Ju2, http://www.nytimes.com/2010/06/03/business/03dartmouth.html.This is a rich an

    comprehensive scientific debate on geographic variation, its methodology, and its use in thealth care reform debate. It is evocative of the time that the discussion is in a newspap

    508 Rosenthal

    http://www.hcup-us.ahrq.gov/reports/statbriefs/sb72.jsphttp://www.oshpd.ca.gov/hid/products/preventable_hospitalizations/SearchCharts.aspxhttp://www.oshpd.ca.gov/hid/products/preventable_hospitalizations/SearchCharts.aspxhttp://statehealthfacts.org/comparemaptable.jsp?ind=384&cat=8http://statehealthfacts.org/comparemaptable.jsp?ind=384&cat=8http://statehealthfacts.org/comparemaptable.jsp?ind=384&cat=8http://statehealthfacts.org/comparemaptable.jsp?ind=384&cat=8http://statehealthfacts.org/comparemaptable.jsp?ind=384&cat=8http://www.unitedwayla.org/getinformed/rr/socialreports/Pages/2007zipcode.aspxhttp://www.unitedwayla.org/getinformed/rr/socialreports/Pages/2007zipcode.aspxhttp://www.nap.edu/openbook.php?record_id=9728&page=1http://www.nap.edu/openbook.php?record_id=9728&page=1http://www.nap.edu/openbook.php?record_id=9728&page=1http://www.nap.edu/openbook.php?record_id=9728&page=1http://www.nap.edu/openbook.php?record_id=9728&page=1http://www.hospitalqualityalliance.org/hospitalqualityalliance/files/BAH1206.pdfhttp://www.nytimes.com/2010/06/03/business/03dartmouth.htmlhttp://www.nytimes.com/2010/06/03/business/03dartmouth.htmlhttp://www.nytimes.com/2010/06/03/business/03dartmouth.htmlhttp://www.hospitalqualityalliance.org/hospitalqualityalliance/files/BAH1206.pdfhttp://www.nap.edu/openbook.php?record_id=9728&page=1http://www.unitedwayla.org/getinformed/rr/socialreports/Pages/2007zipcode.aspxhttp://www.unitedwayla.org/getinformed/rr/socialreports/Pages/2007zipcode.aspxhttp://statehealthfacts.org/comparemaptable.jsp?ind=384&cat=8http://www.oshpd.ca.gov/hid/products/preventable_hospitalizations/SearchCharts.aspxhttp://www.oshpd.ca.gov/hid/products/preventable_hospitalizations/SearchCharts.aspxhttp://www.hcup-us.ahrq.gov/reports/statbriefs/sb72.jsp
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    and not a scientific journal. The links to the rebuttal by Drs. Fisher and Skinner are pro-

    vided on the web, and the rebuttal to the rebuttal is athttp://www.nytimes.com/2010/

    06/19/business/19dartmouth.html.

    4. Robinson JC. 2001. The end of managed care.JAMA 285(20):262228. This paper reviews theattempts the health system made in the 1990s to control health care costs through managed

    care. It describes the forces that led to its failure. The need to manage care has reappeared,and the social forces are unchanged, making this an excellent guide to the challenges ahead.

    www.annualreviews.org Geographic Variation in Health Care 509

    http://www.nytimes.com/2010/06/19/business/19dartmouth.htmlhttp://www.nytimes.com/2010/06/19/business/19dartmouth.htmlhttp://www.nytimes.com/2010/06/19/business/19dartmouth.htmlhttp://www.nytimes.com/2010/06/19/business/19dartmouth.htmlhttp://www.nytimes.com/2010/06/19/business/19dartmouth.html
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    Annual Review

    Medicine

    Volume 63, 201Contents

    Huntingtons Disease: Advocacy Driving Science

    Nancy S. Wexler 1

    Direct-to-Consumer Genetic Testing: Perceptions, Problems,

    and Policy Responses

    Timothy Caulfield and Amy L. McGuire 23

    Human Genome Sequencing in Health and Disease

    Claudia Gonzaga-Jauregui, James R. Lupski, and Richard A. Gibbs

    35The Genetic Architecture of Schizophrenia: New Mutations

    and Emerging Paradigms

    Laura Rodriguez-Murillo, Joseph A. Gogos, and Maria Karayiorgou 63

    CCR5 Antagonism in HIV Infection: Current Concepts

    and Future Opportunities

    Timothy J. Wilkin and Roy M. Gulick 81

    New Paradigms for HIV/AIDS Vaccine Development

    Louis J. Picker, Scott G. Hansen, and Jeffrey D. Lifson 95

    Emerging Concepts on the Role of Innate Immunity in the Preventionand Control of HIV Infection

    Margaret E. Ackerman, Anne-Sophie Dugast, and Galit Alter 113

    Immunogenetics of Spontaneous Control of HIV

    Mary Carrington and Bruce D. Walker 131

    Recent Progress in HIV-Associated Nephropathy

    Christina M. Wyatt, Kristin Meliambro, and Paul E. Klotman 147

    Screening for Prostate Cancer: Early Detection or Overdetection?

    Andrew J. Vickers, Monique J. Roobol, and Hans Lilja 161

    Targeting Metastatic Melanoma

    Keith T. Flaherty 171

    Nanoparticle Delivery of Cancer Drugs

    Andrew Z. Wang, Robert Langer, and Omid C. Farokhzad 185

    v

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    Circulating Tumor Cells and Circulating Tumor DNA

    Catherine Alix-Panabieres, Heidi Schwarzenbach, and Klaus Pantel 1

    Translation of Near-Infrared Fluorescence Imaging Technologies:

    Emerging Clinical Applications

    E.M. Sevick-Muraca 2

    Familial and Acquired Hemophagocytic Lymphohistiocytosis

    G.E. Janka

    2

    The Management of Gastrointestinal Stromal Tumors: A Model

    for Targeted and Multidisciplinary Therapy of Malignancy

    Heikki Joensuu and Ronald P. DeMatteo 24

    Carotid Stenting Versus Endarterectomy

    David Doig and Martin M. Brown 2

    Mitral Valve Prolapse

    T. Sloane Guy and Arthur C. Hill 2

    Telomeres, Atherosclerosis, and the Hemothelium: The Longer ViewAbraham Aviv and Daniel Levy 2

    Aquaporins in Clinical Medicine

    A.S. Verkman 3

    Role of Endoplasmic Reticulum Stress in Metabolic Disease

    and Other Disorders

    Lale Ozcan and Ira Tabas 3

    Role of Fructose-Containing Sugars in the Epidemics of Obesity

    and Metabolic Syndrome

    Kimber L. Stanhope

    3Vaccines for Malaria: How Close Are We?

    Mahamadou A. Thera and Christopher V. Plowe 34

    Crisis in Hospital-Acquired, Healthcare-Associated Infections

    David P. Calfee 3

    Novel Therapies for Hepatitis C: Insights from the Structure

    of the Virus

    Dahlene N. Fusco and Raymond T. Chung 3

    Multiple Sclerosis: New Insights in Pathogenesis and Novel

    Therapeutics

    Daniel Ontaneda, Megan Hyland, and Jeffrey A. Cohen 3

    Traumatic Brain Injury and Its Neuropsychiatric Sequelae

    in War Veterans

    Nina A. Sayer 4

    vi C on te nt s

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    Eosinophilic Esophagitis: Rapidly Advancing Insights

    J. Pablo Abonia and Marc E. Rothenberg 421

    Physician Workforce Projections in an Era of Health Care Reform

    Darrell G. Kirch, Mackenzie K. Henderson, and Michael J. Dill 435

    Reducing Medical Errors and Adverse Events

    Julius Cuong Pham, Monica S. Aswani, Michael Rosen, HeeWon Lee,

    Matthew Huddle, Kristina Weeks, and Peter J. Pronovost

    447

    Relationships Between Medicine and Industry: Approaches to the

    Problem of Conflicts of Interest

    Raymond Raad and Paul S. Appelbaum 465

    Wireless Technology in Disease Management and Medicine

    Gari D. Clifford and David Clifton 479

    Geographic Variation in Health Care

    Tom Rosenthal 493

    Deep Brain Stimulation for Intractable Psychiatric DisordersWayne K. Goodman and Ron L. Alterman 511

    Contemporary Management of Male Infertility

    Peter J. Stahl, Doron S. Stember, and Marc Goldstein 525

    Indexes

    Cumulative Index of Contributing Authors, Volumes 5963 541

    Cumulative Index of Chapter Titles, Volumes 5963 545

    Errata

    An online log of corrections toAnnual Review of Medicinearticles may be found at

    http://med.annualreviews.org/errata.shtml