geog 302 polarized debate 2014

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1 Teaching Notes (Strictly not for sale) GEOG 302: Polarized Debate Dr Joseph Teye HISTORY OF RESOURCE SCARCITY CONCERN Widespread concern over the possibility of severe resource shortages in the world is not a recent development. Malthus, in 1798, made pessimistic predictions on future resource availability. He argued that since resources are limited, rapid population increase would result in food shortages. According to Rees (1990), the immediate precursor of most recent period of concern over resource shortages and environmental problems was rapid depletion of metallic and energy mineral reserves during the Second World War. In the United States and Europe there was a general concern over the availability of those minerals for reconstruction and renewed industrial growth. For instance, it was predicted in 1950 that World iron ore reserves would be depleted in twenty years time. However, the economic and technological response to the fear of resource scarcity was swift. Massive investments were made in technologies to allow the extraction of mineral deposits that were previously considered as economically unviable. Besides, the level of exploration activity increased, with an upsurge of investment in previously underexploited developing countries. These measures increased the supplies of essential mineral resources. By the end of the 1950s, the immediate danger of severe resource shortage was past. The 1960s, however, saw a renaissance of academic and public interest in scarcity of natural resources. These fears were fuelled by rapidly rising trend of natural resource use in the developed world. There was also concern about the impact of waste products on the environment. A number of books were published presenting doom-laden warnings about future resource scarcity and its implications for economic development and the survival of mankind (see for instance, Forrester, 1970). It was predicted that complete exhaustion of essential mineral stocks would cause the total collapse of society during the early part of the twenty-first century. The concern raised by these publications was fanned by the 1973 oil crisis, which followed the Arab-Israeli war, and by the success of Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) in reducing oil supplies and achieving massive increase in oil prices. Scarcity then became a political issue; the possibility that producer nations could and would exercise political and economic power through withholding essential minerals appeared as a major threat to the developed countries (Rees, 1990). These scarcity concerns generated the polarized debate. THE POLARIZED SCARCITY DEBATE As hinted already, concern over the future supply of natural resources were not new. There is no doubt that technological innovation has been able to prevent complete physical exhaustion of essential stock resources. However, two important questions still remain about future resource supplies. The first is: how long can technology continue to act to prevent shortage of essential resources? The second question is: if a physical exhaustion eventually sets in for particular natural material, can technological, economic and social change act to reduce its resource significance? Different judgements about the answers to these questions largely account for the polarized debate over resource scarcity in the 1970s. I would like to discuss with you

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    Teaching Notes (Strictly not for sale)

    GEOG 302: Polarized Debate Dr Joseph Teye

    HISTORY OF RESOURCE SCARCITY CONCERN

    Widespread concern over the possibility of severe resource shortages in the world is

    not a recent development. Malthus, in 1798, made pessimistic predictions on future

    resource availability. He argued that since resources are limited, rapid population

    increase would result in food shortages. According to Rees (1990), the immediate

    precursor of most recent period of concern over resource shortages and environmental

    problems was rapid depletion of metallic and energy mineral reserves during the

    Second World War. In the United States and Europe there was a general concern over

    the availability of those minerals for reconstruction and renewed industrial growth.

    For instance, it was predicted in 1950 that World iron ore reserves would be depleted

    in twenty years time.

    However, the economic and technological response to the fear of resource scarcity

    was swift. Massive investments were made in technologies to allow the extraction of

    mineral deposits that were previously considered as economically unviable. Besides,

    the level of exploration activity increased, with an upsurge of investment in

    previously underexploited developing countries. These measures increased the

    supplies of essential mineral resources. By the end of the 1950s, the immediate danger

    of severe resource shortage was past. The 1960s, however, saw a renaissance of

    academic and public interest in scarcity of natural resources. These fears were fuelled

    by rapidly rising trend of natural resource use in the developed world. There was also

    concern about the impact of waste products on the environment. A number of books

    were published presenting doom-laden warnings about future resource scarcity and its

    implications for economic development and the survival of mankind (see for instance,

    Forrester, 1970). It was predicted that complete exhaustion of essential mineral stocks

    would cause the total collapse of society during the early part of the twenty-first

    century. The concern raised by these publications was fanned by the 1973 oil crisis,

    which followed the Arab-Israeli war, and by the success of Organization of Petroleum

    Exporting Countries (OPEC) in reducing oil supplies and achieving massive increase

    in oil prices. Scarcity then became a political issue; the possibility that producer

    nations could and would exercise political and economic power through withholding

    essential minerals appeared as a major threat to the developed countries (Rees, 1990).

    These scarcity concerns generated the polarized debate.

    THE POLARIZED SCARCITY DEBATE

    As hinted already, concern over the future supply of natural resources were not new.

    There is no doubt that technological innovation has been able to prevent complete

    physical exhaustion of essential stock resources. However, two important questions

    still remain about future resource supplies. The first is: how long can technology

    continue to act to prevent shortage of essential resources? The second question is: if a

    physical exhaustion eventually sets in for particular natural material, can

    technological, economic and social change act to reduce its resource significance?

    Different judgements about the answers to these questions largely account for the

    polarized debate over resource scarcity in the 1970s. I would like to discuss with you

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    the arguments of two main schools of thought on future resource scarcity. These are

    the pessimist school and the market optimists (Rees, 1990).

    The Pessimistic School

    The pessimists believe that resource scarcity in the near future is inevitable, since

    stock resources are limited and human population continues to rise. Thus, their main

    concern was rapid population increase and the associated increase in consumption. In

    their view, therefore, economic development in the near future would be brought to a

    halt by shortage of essential resources. On the basis of these arguments, they have

    developed deterministic models to measure resource life. The most pessimistic

    measure of stock resource life occurs when current proven reserves are taken as limit

    of resource availability. As I explained already, the use of this concept presupposes

    that no discoveries will take place and no technological and economic changes will

    occur to convert conditional reserves into economically recoverable resources. The

    life of each mineral resource can then be estimated by dividing current reserves by

    present annual consumption to give the so-called static life index. Forrester (1970)

    and Meadows et al (1972), for instance, calculated life expectancies of some stock

    resources. It was predicted, in the 1970s, that reserves of most stock resources will be

    exhausted within fifty years (Goldsmith et al. 1972). Oil and gas would have finished

    by now.

    It is obvious that these pessimistic views have not been supported by historical

    developments. For instance, predictions made in 1950 that world iron ore deposits

    would be completely depleted by 1970 have proved to be widely inaccurate; in fact by

    that date enough reserves had been established to last for further 240 years at the then

    current level of consumption. Thus, for most minerals, the rate at which new

    discoveries and technological changes have added to proven reserves has exceeded or

    at least kept pace with increases in consumption (Rees, 1990). From the preceding

    discussion, it can be stated that though it is axiomatic that there must be a limit for

    each individual resource stock, no one can predict when this limit will be reached.

    Again, we do not know whether the substance will still be considered as a resource

    when its physical limit is reached.

    The pessimists have been criticised for failing to recognise the fact that resources are

    created by man. In theory, man has the capability to create substitutes to replace

    scarce stock resources. By focusing so much on the limits of natural systems, the

    pessimists have failed to recognise the ability of man to develop new technologies to

    allow the extraction of sub-economic resources and or reuse some materials. In the

    case of some metals, for instance, man has developed the technology to recycle them

    and this means that those resources can be reused. Thus the static life index is

    inappropriate because it wrongly assumes that there will be no discoveries and that

    consumption will be static.

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    Although they have been lambasted for many simplistic assumptions, some of the

    arguments of the pessimists are still relevant. It is important to recognise that

    mismanagement of resources can bring some problems to the world economy.

    The Market Optimists

    In contrast to the argument of the resource pessimists, the market optimists believe

    that the market system would respond automatically to prevent severe resource

    scarcity problems. They forwarded the market response model and the role of

    substitution thesis to support their claim.

    The Market Response Model

    Scarcity

    Extraction Costs Rise

    Prices Rise

    Demand Decrease Supply Increase

    Figure 1: Market response model

    Source: Rees (1990:39)

    The market response model posits that in a perfectly working market economy the

    price of any natural commodity which was becoming scarce would inevitably rise.

    The increased production costs associated with diminishing returns would imply that

    producers can only supply adequate quantity of the commodity if price rises. Price

    would, therefore, rise until supply and demand were again in equilibrium. Such price

    rises would set in train a whole series of demand, technological and supply responses

    Increase use of substitutes,

    Greater economy in use,

    More recycling

    Increased viability of

    known deposits

    INNOVATIONS

    Development of new

    substitutes,

    Development of improved

    conservation methods,

    Improved recycling

    techniques

    Search for new deposits,

    Development of methods to

    increase the output from

    known sources

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    (figure 1). First, demand decreases as users turn to cheaper substitutes, or introduce

    economy and conservative measures. In the case of metals, increasing recycling also

    leads to decrease in demand. Second, both the price rise and fears of severe resource

    shortage provide an incentive for innovation. The resulting technological innovations

    are likely to increase the availability and decrease the cost of substitutes. The

    technological innovations would also lead to improve conservation methods and the

    use of improved recycling techniques. These changes will then feedback through the

    price mechanism to control demands and so reduce pressure on the originally scarce

    commodity. Third, the price rise will make it economic to extract hitherto unviable

    deposits (conditional reserves), encourage the search for more resource deposits and

    promote development of new extraction technologies to increase effective yields from

    known deposits. In a nutshell, this model assumes that physical resource scarcity will

    be controlled by market forces.

    The Role of Substitution

    Apart from the market response argument, the optimists further explained that by

    relying on substitutes, society will be able to reduce demand for a resource that is

    becoming scarce. If this occurs, then scarcity will not affect living standards or

    economic growth. Thus, they have assumed that no individual stock resource

    commodity is absolutely essential; substitutes exist or will be found to replace it. Rees

    (1990) has listed the following forms of substitution in this context. First, direct

    substitution occurs when one resource commodity takes over the role of another.

    The same mineral can sometimes be extracted from different sources. When the

    traditionally used source material resource becomes scarce, attempts may be made to

    develop technologies to allow extraction from alternative sources. For example, fears

    that bauxite would become scarce in the near future have encouraged research into

    techniques for extracting aluminium from non-bauxite ores, such as carbonaceous

    shales and kaolin clays. Similarly, one mineral could be directly replaced by other

    materials in some of its end-uses. For instance, stainless steel, aluminium and plastics

    are all substitutes for copper. You may be aware that aluminium has already taken

    over the high-voltage transmission line market. Plastic piping has also replaced

    copper for many household plumbing purposes. Again, although copper was the

    common metal used for manufacturing kitchen pans in the past, aluminium and

    stainless steel are now widely used to produce such pans.

    A second form of substitution occurs when the need for specific resource products

    or services is reduced by substitution of technology and capital for the resource.

    To use the copper example again, the need for undersea transmission cables, a

    hitherto major copper end-use, has significantly declined with the development of

    microwave technologies and communication satellites. Measures to improve the

    efficiency with which a specific resource is used can also have significant effects on

    consumption. For instance, the Ghana government has been advising households to

    reduce their energy consumption by investing in energy-saving bulbs and appliances.

    All these illustrate that demand reductions can be achieved without declining living

    standards.

    A third form of substitution involves the increased use of recycled materials at the

    expense of the freshly mined product. For a number of metals, recycled old scrap

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    already serves significant proportion of the final market. For example, local welders

    in Ghana make use of various forms of scrap metals rather than fresh ones.

    Another form of substitution occurs when lifestyle or demand changes alter the mix

    of final goods and services. Individuals and governments can make choices about

    what stock resources to use and these lifestyle changes can be used to reduce the

    consumption of a resource that is becoming scarce. For instance, as price of cement is

    increasing tremendously, Ghanaians are being advised to use bricks instead of blocks.

    If this advice is taken by estate developers, then the demand for the raw materials

    used to make cement will fall.

    From the above, it is clear that the substitution thesis posits that resource scarcity will

    not set in because substitutes will be found to replace scarce resources. The challenge

    here is that it may not be easy to get very good substitutes for some essential

    resources, such as water and air. In the presentation that follows, I will take you

    through some of the other challenges to optimism.

    Challenges to Optimism

    Market imperfections

    The market optimists have based their postulations on a perfectly competitive market,

    comprising of firms acting in a rational way to maximise profits. Such a market is also

    characterised by free exit and entry so that no single producer has monopoly over

    the supply of the goods and services. The system must also be free from intervention

    by governments. It assumed that these conditions will produce the demand,

    technological and supply responses needed to allocate resources optimally over time

    and space. Given that such conditions do not exist in the real world, physical resource

    scarcity problems may arise.

    Critics have also argued that the market optimists have failed to consider how market

    uncertainties could lead to overexploitation of resources, thereby creating shortages in

    the short-run. The argument here is that since prices of some resource products have

    been volatile, some producers may decide to reduce their uncertainty about future

    incomes by increasing current output at known price levels. This may lead to over-

    exploitation of natural resources, thereby leading to scarcity in the future. It is also

    argued that some private producers may increase current output for fears that

    substitutes could be developed later to reduce prices in future. These factors may lead

    to the rapid exhaustion of known reserves. The same factors may prevent companies

    from investing heavily in exploration and the development of new supply sources.

    One way of dealing with these problems will be for the state to take over resource

    exploitation. However, there is no evidence that matters would improve if resource

    development is taken out of private hands and into public control. In democratic

    states, for example, the need to seek re-election tends to enhance the perceived short-

    term income and trade advantages of rapid exploitation. Countries under military

    regime equally need a lot of funds to buy military equipments and also to maintain

    their neo-patrimonial networks and thereby remain in power (Teye, 2008). All these

    will force the governments to over- exploit resources (see, Grianger and Konteh,

    2007). Besides, as export income is needed in developing countries, many poor

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    countries may exploit more resources today, and this will affect future supplies. For

    instance, Ghana depends heavily on gold. The need for funds to promote development

    means that the government will find it difficult to control exploitation.

    Resource Security

    Even if it is assumed that despite the imperfections, market forces will still act to

    avoid worldwide physical scarcity problems, difficulties may still arise in some

    countries because of the uneven spatial distribution of resources. The market system

    will not necessarily ensure that consumer demands are met in each individual country

    by the development of indigenous resources. Individual countries may also temporary

    experience shortages because they are unable to import the required materials.

    Developing countries may lack the financial resource to import enough resource

    products. For instance, in the year 2008, many poor countries including Ghana were

    seriously affected by the rapid rise in prices of petroleum products. In Ghana, the

    government had to respond by cutting budgetary allocation to ministries. Here, there

    were adequate oil reserves in some countries, but poor countries could not import

    them. Developed countries could also face resource security problems. They may be

    affected by political upheavals in their supply areas or by trade embargoes. Thus,

    there are possibilities of at least temporary shortages in some countries, arising from

    trade restrictions or war.

    Economic exhaustion

    The argument here is that as resource deposits become scarce they are more

    physically difficult to mine. This causes supply costs to rise. The producer may then

    need to receive progressively higher prices for each unit of output in order to cover

    the production costs. But as price increases so fewer and fewer consumers will be able

    or willing to purchase the mineral. In this case, no production can take place at prices

    that consumers are willing to pay for the commodity. This is termed economic

    exhaustion, and it occurs much more rapidly than even physical exhaustion.

    Economic exhaustion will bring about scarcity of the resource on the market.

    Thus, the market forces are rather likely to accelerate the onset of exhaustion since

    deposits are almost inevitably economically exhausted long before they are physically

    worked out. For instance, the coalmines closed in Britain since the 1960s still contain

    coal but given current market conditions, it can only be sold at prices below

    production costs.

    Environmental Change

    The market optimists have also not considered environmental problems that will rise

    if even market processes were indeed able to prevent physical exhaustion of stock

    resources and were allowed to do so unchecked by government activity. As you may

    be aware, resource extraction involves disruption to vegetation, soils and drainage

    patterns as well as water pollution. For instance, the exploitation of gold partly

    account for deforestation, soil degradation and water pollution in mining communities

    in Ghana (Teye, 2005). These environmental problems are already pervasive in many

    developing countries, and it is believed that the problem will get worse if market

    forces are allowed to allocate resources. For most minerals, the degree of

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    environmental damage increases as lower-grade deposits are worked and the scale of

    operations increase.

    There are two implications of environmental concerns here. First, environmental rules

    may be employed to check exploitation. Second, the government may ignore the

    environmental impacts of resource extraction. Both steps can create resource

    shortages. Strict enforcement of environmental laws could affect the extraction and

    supply of some mineral resources. This may cause scarcity problems. This scenario

    sometimes occurs in some developed countries where environmental groups may raise

    concerns to stop production. For instance, opposition to oil developments in the

    United States did hold up the construction of the Trans-Alaskan pipeline and curbed

    production in the continental shelf area of the South-Eastern USA (Manners, 1981).

    Similarly, pollution control regulations have imposed additional costs on resource

    producers in some countries such as US and Japan. On the other hand the government

    may ignore environmental concerns of stock resource extraction. This means that

    more pressures will be placed on the absorptive capacity of the environment and

    therefore on the availability of environmental quality resources.

    Flow Resource Scarcity

    Whilst one can argue that in the foreseeable future, economic development will not be

    brought to a catastrophic halt as a result of stock resource scarcity, it is not possible to

    be so sanguine about the continued availability of environmental resources. This is

    because the economic system does not contain mechanisms which can reduce

    depletion or degradation of flow or renewable resources such as water and forests.

    Thus, flow resource scarcity and degradation may be more pressing problems than

    stock resource exhaustion. Indeed, market forces and technological advancement have

    not acted to reduce pressure on renewable resources as they have in the stock resource

    case (Dasgupta 1982). Rapid population growth, high industrial output and mankinds

    quest for higher standards of living have all combined to increase the rate of

    environmental change. Indeed, man has negatively modified several aspects of the

    natural environment. For instance, the use of fossil fuels is a major cause of air

    pollution which threatens the very existence of man. In addition, changes in

    agriculture designed to increase output such as the use of pesticides and fertilizers

    have all affected landscape quality, and reduced diversity of flora and fauna. Water

    bodies have also been heavily polluted by human activities.

    It is important to mention that many of the problems of flow resource depletion and

    degradation are exacerbated because these resources are often common property or

    common pool resources. This implies that the resources cannot be owned

    exclusively by any one person or a private company. For instance, no one can say that

    he/she exclusively owns the river Volta. In other words, resources such as fish, water

    and air extend indivisibly over very large areas; as a result, no single user can control

    the supply, regulate the number of other users or the quantity they use. Therefore, it is

    common for overuse to occur in the short run, with the danger of long-run depletion

    (Rees, 1990). Hardins thesis, The Tragedy of the Commons, was one of the earliest

    writings that captured this problem of managing common pool resources. He likens

    common property resources to a finite pasture that is opened to all herdsmen in an

    area. He then argued that each rational herdsman will want to increase the number of

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    his animals to get more income. This will consequently lead to the degradation of the

    common pasture (Hardin, 1968). The implication of Hardins thesis is that when a

    group of people are in a situation where they could mutually benefit, if all adopted a

    rule of restrained use of a common resource (such as water, forest etc), they are not

    likely to do so (unless they are coerced by an external force) because each person

    fears that even if he/she adopts conservative methods, others will use the resource

    indiscriminately. This behaviour of the users could lead to the depletion of the

    common pool resource (hence the tragedy of the commons).