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www.mindmaps4ias.in © Copyright Mindmaps4IAS 1 Salient Features- 1. To the Point and quality Content 2. Directly can be in Mains Answer writing 3. Data, Facts are compiled from Official Sources. MAINS COURSE GENERAL STUDIES NOTES Mindmaps4IAS Social empowerment, communalism, regionalism & secularism. GENERAL STUDIES -1

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Page 1: GENERAL STUDIES -1... © Copyright Mindmaps4IAS 3 of India is different from the North-East of India comprising today seven constituent units of Indian

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Salient Features-

1. To the Point and quality Content

2. Directly can be in Mains Answer writing

3. Data, Facts are compiled from Official Sources.

MAINS COURSE

GENERAL

STUDIES NOTES

Mindmaps4IAS

• Social empowerment, communalism,

regionalism & secularism.

GENERAL STUDIES -1

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Regionalism

Introduction

To understand regionalism, we need to know various dimensions of the region. Region as a geographical unit, is delimited form each other. Region as a social system, reflects the relation between different human beings and groups. Regions are an organised cooperation in cultural, economic, political or military fields. Region acts as a subject with distinct identity, language, culture and tradition.

Regionalism is an ideology and political movement that seeks to advance the causes of regions. As a process it plays role within the nation as well as outside the nation i.e. at international level. Both types of regionalism have different meaning and have positive as well as negative impact on society, polity, diplomacy, economy, security, culture, development, negotiations, etc.

At the international level, regionalism refers to transnational cooperation to meet a common goal or to resolve a shared problem or it refers to a group of countries such as-Western Europe, or Southeast Asia, linked by geography, history or economic features. Used in this sense, regionalism refers to attempts to reinforce the links between these countries economic features.

The second meaning of the term is regionalism at national level refers to a process in which sub-state actors become increasingly powerful, power devolves from central level to regional governments. These are the regions within country, distinguished in culture, language and other socio-cultural factors.

Now, we will discuss in detail about regionalism within nation w.r.t. INDIA only and then next we will discuss about regionalism at international level.

Regionalism within nation

If the interest of one region or a state is asserted against the country as a whole or against another region/state in a hostile way, and if a conflict is promoted by such alleged interests, then it can be called as regionalism.

If someone is aspiring to or make special efforts to develop one’s state or region or to remove poverty & make social justice there, then that cannot be called as regionalism. Regionalism doesn’t means defending the federal features of the constitution. Any demand for separate state, autonomous region or for devolution of power below the state level is also, sometimes confused as regionalism.

Regionalism in INDIA

Roots of regionalism is in India’s manifold diversity of languages, cultures, ethnic groups, communities, religions and so on, and encouraged by the regional concentration of those identity markers, and fueled by a sense of regional deprivation. For many centuries, India remained the land of many lands, regions, cultures and traditions.

For instance, southern India (the home of Dravidian cultures), which is itself a region of many regions, is evidently different from the north, the west, the central and the north-east. Even the east

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of India is different from the North-East of India comprising today seven constituent units of Indian federation with the largest concentration of tribal people.

Regionalism has remained perhaps the most potent force in Indian politics ever since independence (1947), if not before. It has remained the main basis of many regional political parties which have governed many states since the late 1960s. Three clear patterns can be identified in the post-independence phases of accommodation of regional identity through statehood.

First, in the 1950s and 1960s, intense (ethnic) mass mobilisation, often taking on a violent character, was the main force behind the state’s response with an institutional package for statehood. Andhra Pradesh in India’s south showed the way. The fast unto death in 1952 of the legendary (Telugu) leader Potti Sriramulu for a state for the Telegu-speakers out of the composite Madras Presidency moved an otherwise reluctant Jawaharlal Nehru, a top nationalist leader and it was followed by State reorganisation commission under Fazal Ali paving way for State Reorganization Act, 1956.

Second, in the 1970s and 1980s, the main focus of reorganization was India’s North-east. The basis of reorganization was tribal insurgency for separation and statehood. The main institutional response of the Union government was the North-eastern States Reorganisation Act, 1971 which upgraded the Union Territories of Manipur and Tripura, and the Sub-State of Meghalaya to full statehood, and Mizoram and Arunachal Pradesh (then Tribal Districts) to Union Territories. The latter became states in 1986. Goa (based on Konkani language (8th Schedule)), which became a state in 1987, was the sole exception.

Third, the movements for the three new states (created in 2000)—Chhattisgarh out of Madhya Pradesh, Jharkhand out of Bihar and Uttaranchal out of Uttar Pradesh— were long-drawn but became vigorous in the 1990s. And the most recent one, we can see with the division of Andhra Pradesh, giving a separate Telangana, which started in 1950s.

Potential cause for regionalism: Regionalism could have flourished in India, if any state/region had felt that it was being culturally dominated or discriminated against.

Regional economic inequality is a potent time bomb directed against national unity and political stability. But, this potential cause did not take shape of regionalism, because of government steps, which focussed on the balanced regional development and fulfilled the aspiration of states.

Few of them are – Industrial Policy, 1956, National Integration council, 1961. Transfer of financial resources to poorer states on the recommendation of Finance commission.

Planning became an important tool through Planning commission and Five year plans. But the new government is planning to devolve the planning power to the respective states, so that they can do planning with real-time approach of their respective needs and requirements.

The central government has categorized states on the basis of backwardness and accordingly gives grants and loans. In September 2013, Raghuram Rajan, recommended a new index of backwardness to determine- which state need special help from central government. It is composed of 10 equally weighted indicators. According to that, Orissa and Bihar are the most backward states.

Regular public investment by central government through centrally sponsored schemes have focussed on development of necessary infrastructure and poverty eradication, integrated rural

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development, education, health, family planning, etc. For example- Prdhan Mantri Gram sadka yojana, Mid day meal, MGNREGA, etc.

Government at centre and states give incentives to private players to develop in backward states through subsidies, taxation, etc. Nationalisation of banks, granting new banking licences, making mandatory for banks to open rural branches are few other steps for inclusive development and balanced regional development.

There are certain discrepancies at the implementation part of these schemes. Few areas have been neglected like irrigation, which has created agricultural disparity. Rain fed and dry land agriculture also have been neglected, which became cause for suicide of farmers in various states (Coverage of P. Sainath, gives us more insights on such issues.)In reality, the interstate industrial disparity, agricultural disparity, number of BPL, etc. are decreasing. But, more actions are needed to completely eradicate the disparities

Why regional disparity still persists?

Low rate of economic growth: The economic growth of India has been fluctuating since independence. But with respect to High population growth, the economic growth has been not enough to catch the development with full speed. In the last decade, the economic growth were progressive, but now they are reeling under the influence of world economic crisis and other bottlenecks at domestic level.

Socio-economic and political organisation of states: The states have been unable to do the adequate land reforms and the feudal mentality still persists. Bhoodan and Gramdaan movements, after independence, were not enthusiastically carried and even land under land Banks were not efficiently distributed. The political activities in the backward states were limited to vote bank politics and scams.

Lower level of infrastructural facilities in backward states: The level of infrastructural development, such as- power distribution, irrigation facilities, roads, modern markets for agricultural produce has been at back stage. All these are state list subjects.

Low level of social expenditure by states on education, health and sanitation: These subjects are core for human resource development. The sates which have invested heavily on these subjects, fall under the developed and advanced states, for example Tamil Nadu, where health care services in Primary health centre is bench mark for other states.

Political and administration failure: This is source of tension and gives birth to sub-regional movements for separate states. Jarkhand, Chattisgarh, Uttrakhand and recently Telangana are result of these failure only. Many such demands are in pipeline such as- Vidarbha, Saurashtra, Darjeeling and Bodoland, etc. These failures also weakens the confidence of private players and do not attract investors in the states.

“Son of the soil” doctrine explains a form of regionalism, which is in discussion since 1950. According to it, a state specifically belongs to the main linguistic group inhabiting it or that the state constitutes the exclusive homeland of its main language speakers, who are the sons of the soil or local residents.

Why son of the soil?

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There remains a competition for job between migrant and local educated middle class youth.

This theory works mostly in cities, because here outsiders also, get opportunity for education, etc.

In such theories, major involvement of people is due to rising aspiration.

Economy’s failure to create enough employment opportunity.

Clashes in India having colours of regionalism

Linguistic Reorganization of States

It was the demand of Potti Sriramulu, a freedom fighter and a devoted follower of Mahatma Gandhi, that led to the creation of Andhra Pradesh state and linguistic recognition of the states in India. To achieve this end, he died in 1952 after not eating for 52 days in support of a Telugu-speaking state. Sriramulu’s death forced Jawahar Lal Nehru to agree to the various demands from other parts of the country with similar demands. Consequently, in 1954, a States Reorganisation Committee was formed with Fazal Ali as its head, which recommended the formation of 16 new states and 3 Union Territories based on the language.

Demand for Dravida Nadu

Going back to the journey of Regionalism in India, it is well noticeable that it emerged with Dravidian Movement, which started in Tamil Nadu in 1925. This movement, also known as ‘Self-Respect Movement’ initially focused on empowering Dalits, non-Brahmins, and poor people. Later it stood against imposition of Hindi as sole official language on non-Hindi speaking areas. But it was the demand of carving out their own Dravidastan or Dravida Nadu, which made it a secessionist movement. As early as 1960s the DMK and the Nan Tamil organized a joint campaign throughout Madras state demanding its secession from India and making it an independent sovereign state of Tamiland. DMK proposed that the states of Madras, Andhra Pradesh, Kerala and Mysore should secede from the Indian union and form an independent “Republic of Dravida Nadu”

Telangana Movement

In the years after the formation of Andhra Pradesh state, people of Telangana expressed dissatisfaction over how the agreements and guarantees were implemented. Discontent with the 1956 Gentleman’s agreement intensified in January 1969, when the guarantees that had been agreed on were supposed to lapse. Student agitation for the continuation of the agreement began at Osmania University in Hyderabad and spread to other parts of the region. Government employees and opposition members of the state legislative assembly threatened “direct action” in support of the students. This movement since then finally resulted last year one separate state of Telangana.

It should be noted that roots of disparity in two regions was in colonial rule. Andhra was under direct rule of crown while Telangana was ruled by Nizam of Hyderabad, who was not so efficient ruler. So over time Andhra got more developed in comparison to Telangana.

Shiv Sena against Kannadigas

In 1966, Shiv Sena, in Maharashtra, launched its agitation against Kannadigas in the name of Marathi pride. The first targets of its agitation were South Indians who were the workers of Udupi hotels in Mumbai. This agitation was labelled to be a retaliation of the lathi-charge on Marathi speaking people in the border areas.

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Bodoland Demand within Assam

The Bodo agitation is led by the Assam Bodo Students Union which is demanding a separate state and has resorted to wide scale violence and series of crippling bandhs to pursue their demand. One of the basic reason Assam agitations is because of the expansion of education, particularly higher education, but not industrialization and other job creating institutions is increasing the army of educated youths in the backward regions. These frustrated young men are allured by the movements against the inflow of people from other countries and states. On the other hand these unemployed youths are also attracted by the caste, communal and other sectional agitations fighting for the protection of rights on sectarian lines.

Khalistan Movement

It was during the era of 1980s that Khalistan movement with its aim to create a Sikh homeland, often called Khalistan, cropped up in the Punjab region of India and Pakistan. In fact this demand has also the colours of communalism, as there demand is only for Sikhs.

Attacks on Bihar Labourers by the ULFA

ULFA continues to attempt ambushes and sporadic attacks on government security forces. In 2003, the ULFA was accused of killing labourers from Bihar in response to molestation and raping of many Assamese girls in a train in Bihar. This incident sparked off anti-Bihar sentiment in Assam, which withered away after some months though. On August 15, 2004, an explosion occurred in Assam in which 10-15 people died, including some school children. This explosion was reportedly carried out by ULFA. The ULFA has obliquely accepted responsibility for the blast. This appears to be the first instance of ULFA admitting to public killings with an incendiary device. In January 2007, the ULFA once again struck in Assam killing approximately 62 Hindi speaking migrant workers mostly from Bihar. On March 15, 2007, ULFA triggered a blast in Guwahati, injuring six persons as it celebrated its ‘army day’.

The MNS Targeting North Indians

It was in 2008 that Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) workers began their violent agitation against North Indians. Bhojpuri films were not allowed to run on theatres in Maharashtra. The targets were vendors and shopkeepers from North India in various parts of Maharashtra.

Inter-State Disputes

Another form of regionalism in India has found expression in the form of interstate disputes. There are disputes boundary disputes for example between Karnataka and Maharashtra on Belgaum where Marathi speaking population is surrounded by Kannada speaking people, between Kerala and Karnataka on Kasargod, between Assam and Nagaland on Rengma reserved forests. There is a dispute over Chandigarh in Punjab and Haryana.

The first important dispute regarding the use of water source was over the use of water resources of three rivers mainly Narmada, Krishna and Cauvery in which states of Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Gujarat and Maharashtra were involved. Disputes also arose between use of Cauvery waters among the states of Tamil Nadu, Kerala and Karnataka. Another dispute arose among the states of Maharashtra, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh over the use and distribution of waters of the Krishna

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River. Disputes between Punjab, Rajasthan and Himachal Pradesh overt the use of waters of Ravi River. The Electricity sharing issue between Punjab and Delhi is another example of this.

Creation of new States in 2000

In 2000, the Government of India, pursuant to legislation passed by Parliament during the summer, created three new states, Chhattisgarh, Uttaranchal, and Jharkhand, reconstituting Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, respectively. Both the ruling BJP and the opposition Congress party supported the formation of the states. The basis for creating the new states is socio-political and not linguistic.

Impact of Regionalism in India

Positive

Scholars believe that regionalism plays important role in building of the nation, if the demands of the regions are accommodated by the political system of the country.

Regional recognition in terms of state hood or state autonomy gives self-determination to the people of that particular region and they feel empowered and happy. Internal self-determination of community, whether linguistic, tribal, religious, regional, or their combinations, has remained the predominant form in which regionalism in India has sought to express itself, historically as well as at present time.

Regional identities in India have not always defined themselves in opposition to and at the expense of, the national identity, noticed a democratic effect of such process in that India’s representative democracy has moved closed to the people who feel more involved and show greater concern for institutions of local and regional governance.

For example- Tripura Tribal Autonomous District Council (TTADC), formed in 1985, has served to protect an otherwise endangered tribal identity in the state by providing a democratic platform for former separatists to become a party of governance, and thereby reduced significantly the bases of political extremism in the state.

In such political setup, there always remains a scope of balanced regional development. The socio-cultural diversity is given due respect and it helps the regional people to practise their own culture too.

Negative

Regionalism is often seen as a serious threat to the development, progress and unity of the nation. It gives internal security challenges by the insurgent groups, who propagate the feelings of regionalism against the mainstream politico-administrative setup of the country.

Regionalism definitely impacts politics as days of collation government and alliances are taking place. Regional demands become national demands, policies are launched to satisfy regional demands and generally those are extended to all pockets of country, hence national policies are now dominated by regional demands. E.g. MSP given to sugarcane, it was helpful for farmers in Maharashtra but it was implemented across all states resulting agitations of farmers belonging to UP, Punjab and Haryana. Meanwhile it sowed seed of defection among ministers and targeting to corresponding minister.

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Some regional leaders play politics of vote bank based on language, culture, this is certainly against healthy democratic procedures. This always leads to demand for separate state and it has observed that after creating small states only few political leaders could run efficient government else alliances run government which ultimately makes administration machinery ineffective.

Developmental plans are implemented unevenly focusing on regions to which heavy weight leaders belongs are benefitted, hence unrest is generated among rest regions. Law and order is disturbed, agitations with massive violence take place ultimately government is compelled to take harsh steps; hence wrong signals are emitted about government authorities.

Regionalism, also becomes hurdle in the international diplomacy, as in 2013 we saw how Tamil Nadu regional parties were against the Prime Minister of India, attending the Commonwealth heads meeting(CHOGM) in Sri Lanka. These actions have their direct implication on the relation of India with Sri Lanka or other countries of the forums or in case of Mamata Banerjee not agreeing to Land Boundary agreement and Teesta River Water sharing, when the leaders at centre level were ready to do it.

The regionalism induced violence disturbs the whole society, people are killed, students cannot attend the schools & colleges, tourism cannot be promoted, etc. This impacts the development of human resource, governments need to deploy extra forces to control the situation and it has direct implication on the economy of the nation. Impacted societies remain aloof from the mainstream development and then the regional variations and backwardness is clearly reflected.

On the broader front, it harms India’s status in global arena and becomes hurdle in becoming global power or world leader.

Other than the evolution of regionalism in India and its impact, it is also associated a discussed with the Nationalism and federalism. These two aspects are discussed below.

Nationalism and Regionalism

Historians of modern India have highlighted, how the growth in Indian nationalism against British colonialism since the nineteenth century also gave birth to intense awakening among various region-based linguistic nationalities for identity and self-determination, often in opposition to the pan-Indian nationalism.

To mobilise people from all over India, leaders of mainstream nationalism has to recognise and mobilise the local leaders, they had to reach out to the people in local languages. The mass mobilisation was only possible, when people became aware about their regional needs and its importance.

The mainstream Indian nationalism had continuously to grapple with regional nationalism. Under the heavy weight of regional identities of the people of India, the Indian National Congress (INC) could have hardly remained immune from it. It gradually became, in fact, an inter-regional coalition of forces. And for that reason only and to further strengthen the feeling of nationalism, INC used to have their annual meetings in different regions of India, raising the consciousness of people against the colonial exploitation.

Federalism and Regionalism

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The role played by Indian federalism in ensuring India’s unity, stability and survival as a polity in the face of persistent regionalism, often verging on separation, rooted in manifold and complex social and cultural diversity, and mass poverty, illiteracy, extreme regional unevenness in development, and widespread inequality. The question has assumed special significance in the aftermath of the disintegration of the multi-ethnic and multinational Soviet Union, and the split up of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.

The need for federalism is enhanced in countries with ethnically distinct regions where the territorial accommodation of distinct groups of people is of paramount importance. For those countries, a combination of shared rule (for general purposes of unity) and some kind of self-rule (for regional/local purposes of diversity) is a must if unity and integrity are to be maintained.

Indian federalism is seen as a method of accommodation of regionalism in India. Federalism is seen here as a political equilibrium, which results from the appropriate balance between shared rule and self-rule. In the post Second World War period, many post-colonial countries adopted federalism as a method of governance in multi-ethnic contexts.

India’s rich diversity sometimes looks like an obstacle to unity. But the latest election has proved that a commitment to resolving differences peacefully and democratically can transform diversity into a source of strength.

India’s federal reconciliation of regional identity with autonomy has a democratic aspect. Democracy rather than ethnicity is thus the legitimacy basis of such political institutions.

The federalism has been given strong push by devolving powers at local level to states and their local bodies through 73rd and 74th Amendment act. And according to Indian judiciary federalism is basic structure of Indian constitution.

The regions declared under fifth and sixth schedule enjoy certain autonomy which gives them scope to maintain their own culture and develop according to their own need. This make federal structure stronger. Other than this any policy for such area is different than the mainland policy as in case of THE PROVISIONS OF THE PANCHAYATS (EXTENSION TO THE SCHEDULED AREAS) ACT, 1996, popularly known as PESA

Why diversity of India is supreme guarantee of democracy?

Diversity is undoubtedly strength of our democracy. Indians have so much to differ and divide themselves, but thread of democracy is common among different regions, communities, religions, and cultures. India has seen many secessionist movements since Independence, but none of them was too big to challenge a common resource pool huge democracy. If a particular community rise up against our democracy it has to be big enough to challenge the whole nation. But no community is that big in India. For e.g. Culture, language, social practices etc. change every few miles in India. And that micro culture is comprised of people from various sects and religion. So it is not possible that a huge part of India find a common ground to fight against Democratic government.

Regionalism in international arena

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In the introduction we saw, what does regionalism means in international sense. The use of common cultural identities to define regions grew out of the process of decolonization, which was observed to lead to the construction of ”culture blocs”.

Regionalism in International sense can be with respect to –Physical regions, refer to territorial, military, and economic spaces controlled primarily by states, and functional region, which are defined by non-territorial factors such as culture and the market that are often the purview of non-state actors.

During the Cold War, most regions were either political or mercantile clusters of neighbouring countries that had a place in the larger international system. End of the Cold War has reduced the effects of the global system on regional security dynamics and national decisions. Thus, ”an end to the bipolar cleavage has led to a restoration of regional sovereignty” and to the establishment of ”several regional powers dominating their geographical areas”. Changes in the international structure and new security challenges were expected to push the development of regionalism.

In the post-Cold War international system, even though there has been an increasing demand for external intervention and crisis management for humanitarian and other political reasons, neither the United States nor any other major power has shown a willingness to shoulder the full responsibility for managing these regional crises. As a solution to this dilemma, countries go for the establishment of a regional blocks to replace global hegemony.

Currently, Economists take regions as institutionally granted, for example, the European Union (EU), North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), ASEAN, proposed Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), etc. to study changes in the shares of intra- and interregional trade.

In the economic sphere, however, the situation is quite different. The process of globalization, although partial and variable in nature, is creating an increasingly autonomous economic reality that interacts directly with both national and regional economies. The formation of regions takes place at the interface between global economic and technological forces and national realities. National actors may, in fact, perceive regionalism as a defence mechanism against the competitive pressures arising from the globalization.

With respect to the world, regionalism is often talked in two sense i.e. – OLD Regionalism and NEW Regionalism. Both have different meaning, which we will see further.

OLD Regionalism

Old regionalism was formed in context of a bipolar Cold War. That time various regions of the world, made an association with the two major power blocks of the world i.e. USA and USSR. This regionalism was done on the basis of their security and economic concerns. This old pattern of hegemonic regionalism was of course most evident in Europe before 1989, but at the height of the Cold War discernible in all world regions.

Old regionalism was created “from above” (often through superpower intervention). It was inward oriented and protectionist in economic terms. It was also specific with regard to its objectives (some organizations being security oriented, others economically oriented). The old regionalism was concerned only with relations between nation states.

NEW Regionalism

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The New regionalism is taking shape in a multipolar world order. The new regionalism and multi-polarity are, in fact, two sides of the same coin. The new is a more spontaneous process from within the regions, where the constituent states now experience the need for cooperation in order to tackle new global challenges. Regionalism is thus one way of coping with global transformation, since most states lack the capacity and the means to manage such a task on the “national” level.

The new is often described as “open”, and thus compatible with an interdependent world economy. It is a more comprehensive, multidimensional process. This process includes not only trade and economic development, but also environment, social policy and security, just to mention some imperatives pushing countries and communities towards cooperation within new types of regionalist frameworks.

The New regionalism forms part of a global structural transformation in which non-state actors (many different types of institutions, organizations and movements) are also active and operating at several levels of the global system.

In sum, the new regionalism includes economic, political, social and cultural aspects, and goes far beyond free trade. Rather, the political ambition of establishing regional coherence and regional identity seems to be of primary importance. The new regionalism is linked to globalization, as it is seen as reaction to the selectiveness nature of the globalization. So, in future, new regionalism could be basis for multilateralism.

Impact of Regionalism on the World

Regionalism is giving strength to the regions which were earlier neglected like Africa, South Asia, and South East Asia. The consequences of regionalization are in terms of security and development. For example, SAARC, Indian Ocean Rim Association for Regional Cooperation (IOR-ARC) and various other regional groups has been formed for the regional security and development with the cooperation of all the member nations.

It may offer solutions to development problems, which in fact could be seen as a form of conflict prevention, since many of the internal conflicts are rooted in development problems of different kinds.

It helps the regions and the countries within in achieving Self-reliance, with respect to their social development, economic needs, technological needs, etc.

With the help of regionalism economic policies may remain more stable and consistent. As it is, in practice in European Union, though Eurozone crisis is learning for the member nation to create an environment for more predictable and stable economic environment.

Regionalism gives collective bargaining on the level of the region could improve the economic position of marginalized countries in the world system. As in the case of WTO Bali meet, developed countries were hell-bent on Trade facilitation agreement and were pressurizing for doing away of subsidies in developing countries. Then the South Asian countries like China and India, resisted and projected their socio-economic conditions to continue with their present subsidy schemes to their farmers.

Regionalism can reinforce societal viability by including social security issues and an element of redistribution. Ecological and political borders rarely coincide. Few serious environmental problems

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could be solved within the framework of the nation state. For example conservation of Biodiversity is closely monitored, poaching and trade of endangered species is easy to check with regional cooperation. Check on emission of greenhouse gases and global warming under common but differentiated responsibilities.

Diversity may make the success of regional organizations problematic. Sometimes, ethnic clashes in some other country of the region causes security challenges in neighbouring countries and destabilize the region as a whole. For example Fundamentalist approach by ISIS or Al-Qaeda or any other terrorist outfit of the region has serious implication in countries like Iran, Syria, Egypt, Pakistan, Afghanistan, etc. Even ethnic clashes in Myanmar, Pakistan disturbs the Indian society. As it was observed in case of violence in Assam due to clashes in Myanmar’s Rakhine state.

The growing regionalism is seen as a threat to the multilateral institutions like WTO and its existence and role is being questioned. The growing bilateralism, trilaterlism blocks have serious implication on the effectively of the WTO policies.

In fact, Regional conflicts could be resolved, with the help of regionalism and it eliminates distorted investment patterns, since the “security fund” (military expenditures ) can be tapped for more productive use and can give peaceful dividend to the nation as well as to the region.

Conclusion

We have seen how regionalism could be good or bad for a nation as well for group of nations. Constitution of India under Article-19, gives every citizen a fundamental right to move around and settle down peacefully any part of the country. And, as citizen of India everyone should respect this fundamental right of every person, avoiding clashes like Shiv Sena does in Maharashtra.

The need of the hour is to develop each region of India, through devolution of power to local governments and empowering people for their participation in decision-making. The governments at state level need to find out the alternative resources of energy, source of employment for local people, use of technology in governance, planning and for agriculture development. The 12th five year targets for “Faster, sustainable and more inclusive growth“, which will be instrumental for balanced regional growth.

The regional blocks like BRICS, ASEAN are developing more negotiation capabilities for economic needs of the region, for climate change negotiations, etc. The dependency on World Bank, IMF for developmental projects is being complimented by the new commitments of the BRICS Bank, New Developmental Banks, etc.

In future, the further integration of the different regions will give every nation due respect and due importance to their needs. Their exotic and unique things are getting exposure at international level and no one will feel left out. The whole world will be a global village with unique regions within.

Secularism WHAT IS SECULARISM?

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Opposes inter-religious Domination

1. In our own country, the Constitution declares that every Indian citizen has a right to live with freedom and dignity in any part of the country. Yet in reality, many forms of exclusion and discrimination continue to persist.

2. In each case of communal riots, members of one community are targeted and victimised on account of their religious identity.

3. In other words, basic freedoms of a set of citizens are denied. Some might even say that these incidents are instances of religious persecution and they reflect inter-religious domination.

4. Secularism is first and foremost a doctrine that opposes all such forms of inter-religious domination. This is however only one crucial aspect of the concept of secularism. An equally important dimension of secularism is its opposition to intra-religious domination.

Opposes intra-religious Domination

1. Some people believe that religion is merely the ‘opium of the masses’ and that, one day, when the basic needs of all are fulfilled and they lead a happy and contented life, religion will disappear. Such a view comes from an exaggerated sense of human potential. It is unlikely that human beings will ever be able to fully know the world and control it. We may be able to prolong our life but will never become immortal. Disease can never be entirely eliminated, nor can we get rid of an element of accident and luck from our lives. Separation and loss are endemic to the human condition.

2. While a large part of our suffering is man-made and hence eliminable, at least some of our suffering is not made by man. Religion, art and philosophy are responses to such sufferings. Secularism too accepts this and therefore it is not anti-religious.

3. However, religion has its share of some deep-rooted problems.

1. For example, one can hardly think of a religion that treats its male and female members on an equal footing. In religions such as Hinduism, some sections have faced persistent discrimination.

2. For example dalits have been barred from entering Hindu temples. In some parts of the country, Hindu woman cannot enter temples.

3. When religion is organised, it is frequently taken over by its most conservative faction, which does not tolerate any dissent.

Thus religious domination cannot be identified only with inter- religious domination. It takes another conspicuous form, namely, intra-religious domination. As secularism is opposed to all forms of institutionalised religious domination, it challenges not merely inter- religious but also intra-religious domination.

We now possess a general idea of secularism.

1. It is a normative doctrine which seeks to realise a secular society, i.e., one devoid of either inter-religious or intra-religious domination.

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2. Put positively, it promotes freedom within religions, and equality between, as well as within, religions.

SECULAR STATE

Need of a secular state

1. Perhaps one way of preventing religious discrimination is to work together for mutual enlightenment. Education is one way of helping to change the mindset of people. Individual examples of sharing and mutual help can also contribute towards reducing prejudice and suspicion between communities. It is always inspiring to read stories of Hindus saving Muslims or Muslims saving Hindus in the midst of a deadly communal riot.

2. But it is unlikely that mere education or the goodness of some persons will eliminate religious discrimination.

3. In modern societies, states have enormous public power. How they function is bound to make a crucial difference to the outcome of any struggle to create a society less ridden with inter-community conflict and religious discrimination. For this reason we need to see what kind of state is needed to prevent religious conflict and to promote religious harmony.

How should a state prevent domination by any religious group?

1. For a start, a state must not be run by the heads of any particular religion. A state governed directly by a priestly order is called theocratic. Theocratic states, such as the Papal states of Europe in medieval times or in recent times the Taliban-controlled states, lacking separation between religious and political institutions, are known for their hierarchies, and oppressions, and reluctance to allow freedom of religion to members of other religious groups.

2. If we value peace, freedom and equality, religious institutions and state institutions must be separated.

Some people think that the separation of state and religion is sufficient for the existence of a secular state. This does not appear to be so.

1. Many states which are non-theocratic continue to have a close alliance with a particular religion. For example, the state in England in the sixteenth century was not run by a priestly class but clearly favoured the Anglican Church and its members. England had an established Anglican religion, which was the official religion of the state. Today Pakistan has an official state religion, namely Sunni Islam. Such regimes may leave little scope for internal dissent or religious equality.

To be truly secular, a state must not only refuse to be theocratic but also have no formal, legal alliance with any religion.

1. The separation of religion-state is however a necessary but not a sufficient ingredient of a secular state.

2. A secular state must be committed to principles and goals which are at least partly derived from non-religious sources.

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3. These ends should include peace, religious freedom, freedom from religiously grounded oppressions, discrimination and exclusions, as also inter-religious and intra-religious equality.

To promote these ends the state must be separated from organised religion and its institutions for the sake of some of these values. However, there is no reason to suggest that this separation should take a particular form. In fact the nature and extent of separation may take different forms, depending upon the specific values it is meant to promote and the way in which these values are spelt out.

THE WESTERN MODEL OF SECULARISM

1. All secular states have one thing in common: they are neither theocratic nor do they establish a religion. However, in most commonly prevalent conceptions, inspired mainly by the American model, separation of religion and state is understood as mutual exclusion: the state will not intervene in the affairs of religion and, in the same manner, religion will not interfere in the affairs of the state. Each has a separate sphere of its own with independent jurisdiction. No policy of the state can have an exclusively religious rationale. No religious classification can be the basis of any public policy. If this happened there is illegitimate intrusion of religion in the state.

2. Similarly, the state cannot aid any religious institution. It cannot give financial support to educational institutions run by religious communities. Nor can it hinder the activities of religious communities, as long as they are within the broad limits set by the law of the land. For example, if a religious institution forbids a woman from becoming a priest, then the state can do little about it. If a religious community excommunicates its dissenters, the state can only be a silent witness. If a particular religion forbids the entry of some of its members in the sanctum of its temple, then the state has no option but to let the matter rest exactly where it is. On this view, religion is a private matter, not a matter of state policy or law.

This common conception interprets freedom and equality in an individualist manner.

1. Liberty is the liberty of individuals. Equality is equality between individuals. There is no scope for the idea that a community has the liberty to follow practices of its own choosing. There is little scope for community-based rights or minority rights.

The history of western societies tells us why this is so.

1. Except for the presence of the Jews, most western societies were marked by a great deal of religious homogeneity.

2. Given this fact, they naturally focused on intra- religious domination.

3. While strict separation of the state from the church is emphasised to realise among other things, individual freedom, issues of inter-religious (and therefore of minority rights) equality are often neglected.

Finally, this form of mainstream secularism has no place for the idea of state- supported religious reform.

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1. This feature follows directly from its understanding that the separation of state from church/ religion entails a relationship of mutual exclusion.

THE INDIAN MODEL OF SECULARISM

1. Sometimes it is said that Indian secularism is an imitation of western secularism. But a careful reading of our Constitution shows that this is not the Indian secularism does not focus only on church-state separation and the idea of inter-religious equality is crucial to the Indian conception. Let us elaborate this further.

What makes Indian secularism distinctive?

First Difference

1. It arose in the context of deep religious diversity that predated the advent of Western modern ideas and nationalism. There was already a culture of inter-religious ‘tolerance’ in India. However, we must not forget that tolerance is compatible with religious domination. It may allow some space to everyone but such freedom is usually limited. Besides, tolerance allows you to put up with people whom you find deeply repugnant. This is a great virtue if a society is recovering from a major civil war but not in times of peace where people are struggling for equal dignity and respect.

2. The advent of western modernity brought to the fore hitherto neglected and marginalised notions of equality in Indian thought. It sharpened these ideas and helped us to focus on equality within the community. It also ushered ideas of inter-community equality to replace the notion of hierarchy.

3. Thus Indian secularism took on a distinct form as a result of an interaction between what already existed in a society that had religious diversity and the ideas that came from the west.

1. It resulted in equal focus on intra-religious and inter- religious domination.

2. Indian secularism equally opposed the oppression of dalits and women within Hinduism, the discrimination against women within Indian Islam or Christianity, and the possible threats that a majority community might pose to the rights of the minority religious communities. This is its first important difference from mainstream western secularism.

Second Difference

1. Connected to it is the second difference. Indian secularism deals not only with religious freedom of individuals but also with religious freedom of minority communities.

2. Within it, an individual has the right to profess the religion of his or her choice. Likewise, religious minorities also have a right to exist and to maintain their own culture and educational institutions.

Third Difference

1. A third difference is this. Since a secular state must be concerned equally with intra-religious domination, Indian secularism has made room for and is compatible with the idea of state-

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supported religious reform. Thus, the Indian constitution bans untouchability. The Indian state has enacted several laws abolishing child marriage and lifting the taboo on inter-caste marriage sanctioned by Hinduism.

The question however that arises is: can a state initiate or even support religious reforms and yet be secular? Can a state claim to be secular and not maintain separation of religion from state?

1. The secular character of the Indian state is established by virtue of the fact that it is neither theocratic nor has it established any one or multiple religions.

2. Beyond that it has adopted a very sophisticated policy in pursuit of religious equality. This allows it either to disengage with religion in American style, or engage with it if required.

1. The Indian state may engage with religion negatively to oppose religious tyranny. This is reflected in such actions as the ban on untouchability.

2. It may also choose a positive mode of engagement. Thus, the Indian Constitution grants all religious minorities the right to establish and maintain their own educational institutions which may receive assistance from the state.

3. All these complex strategies can be adopted by the state to promote the values of peace, freedom and equality.

It should be clear by now why the complexity of Indian secularism cannot be captured by the phrase “equal respect for all religions”.

1. If by this phrase is meant peaceful coexistence of all religions or inter- religious toleration, then this will not be enough because secularism is much more than mere peaceful coexistence or toleration.

2. If this phrase mean equal feeling of respect towards all established religions and their practices then there is an ambiguity that needs clearing.

3. Indian secularism allows for principled state intervention in all religions. Such intervention betrays disrespect to some aspects of every religion. For example, religiously sanctioned caste-hierarchies are not acceptable within Indian secularism.

4. The secular state does not have to treat every aspect of every religion with equal respect. It allows equal disrespect for some aspects of organised religions.

CRITICISMS OF INDIAN SECULARISM

Indian secularism has been subjected to fierce criticism. What are these? Can we defend secularism from them?

1.Anti-religious

1. First, it is often argued that secularism is anti-religious. We hope to have shown that secularism is against institutionalised religious domination. This is not the same as being anti-religious.

2. Similarly, it has been argued by some that secularism threatens religious identity. However, as we noted earlier, secularism promotes religious freedom and equality.

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Hence, it clearly protects religious identity rather than threatens it. Of course, it does undermine some forms of religious identity: those, which are dogmatic, violent, fanatical, exclusivist and those, which foster hatred of other religions. The real question is whether or not something is undermined but whether what is undermined is intrinsically worthy or unworthy.

2. Western Import

1. A second criticism is that secularism is linked to Christianity, that it is western and therefore unsuited to Indian conditions. On the surface, this is a strange complaint. For there are millions of things in India today, from trousers to the internet and parliamentary democracy, that have their origins in the west. One response, therefore, could be: so what? Have you heard a European complain that because zero was invented in India, they will not work with it?

2. However, this is a somewhat shallow response. The more important and relevant point is that for a state to be truly secular, it must have ends of its own.

1. Western states became secular when, at an important level, they challenged the control of established religious authority over social and political life. The western model of secularism is not therefore a product of the Christian world.

3. What of the claim that it is western?

1. The mutual exclusion of religion and state, which is supposed to be the ideal of western secular societies, is also not the defining feature of all secular states.

2. The idea of separation can be interpreted differently by different societies. A secular state may keep a principled distance from religion to promote peace between communities and it may also intervene to protect the rights of specific communities.

The fact is that Indian secularism has both western and non- western origins.

1. In the west, it was the Church-state separation which was central and

2. In countries such as India, the ideas of peaceful co-existence of different religious communities has been important.

3. Minoritism

1. A third accusation against secularism is the charge of minoritism. It is true that Indian secularism advocates minority rights so the question is: Is this justified?

2. You will agree that when it comes to fundamental interests, voting as a democratic procedure is inappropriate. A person has a prior right to the satisfaction of his or her significant interests. What holds true of individuals also holds for communities. The most fundamental interest of minorities must not be harmed and must be protected by constitutional law. This is exactly how it is in the Indian Constitution. Minority rights are justified as long as these rights protect their fundamental interests.

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At this point someone might still say that minority rights are special privileges which come with some costs to others. Why then should such special privilege be given?

1. Do you think it would be wrong if a lift or a ramp was provided for people in wheel chairs? Doing so enables them to achieve exactly what others routinely procure through the staircase. Yet, this group in minority needs a different mode of getting to the first floor.

2. To make a separate arrangement for them is not to accord them any special treatment. It is to treat them with the same respect and dignity with which all others are being treated.

3. The lesson is that minority rights need not be nor should be viewed as special privileges.

4. Interventionist

1. A fourth criticism claims that secularism is coercive and that it interferes excessively with the religious freedom of communities. This misreads Indian secularism.

1. It is true that by rejecting the idea of separation as mutual exclusion, Indian secularism rejects non-interference in religion. But it does not follow that it is excessively interventionist.

2. Indian secularism follows the concept of principled distance which also allows for non- interference. Besides, interference need not automatically mean coercive intervention.

It is of course true that Indian secularism permits state-supported religious reform.

o But this should not be equated with a change imposed from above, with coercive intervention.

But it might be argued: does it do this consistently? Why have personal laws of all religious communities not been reformed?

1. This is the big dilemma facing the Indian state. A secularist might see the personal laws as manifestations of community-specific rights that are protected by the Constitution. Or he might see these laws as an affront to the basic principles of secularism on the ground that they treat women unequally and therefore unjustly.

2. Personal laws can be seen as manifestations of freedom from inter-religious domination or as instances of intra-religious domination.

Such internal conflicts are part and parcel of any complex doctrine but they are not something that we need to live with forever.

1. Personal laws can be reformed in such a way that they continue to exemplify both minority rights and equality between men and women.

2. But such reform should neither be brought about by State or group coercion nor should the state adopt a policy of total distance from it. The state must act as a facilitator by supporting liberal and democratic voices within every religion.

5. Vote Bank Politics

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Fifth, there is the argument that secularism encourages the politics of vote banks. As an empirical claim, this is not entirely false. However, we need to put this issue in perspective.

1. First, in a democracy politicians are bound to seek votes. That is part of their job and that is what democratic politics is largely about. To blame a politician for pursuing a group of people or promising to initiate a policy with the motivation to secure their votes is unfair.

2. The real question is what precisely the vote is sought for. Is it to promote solely his self-interest or power or is it also for the welfare of the group in question? If the group which voted for the politician does not get any benefit from this act, then surely the politician must be blamed.

3. If secular politicians who sought the votes of minorities also manage to give them what they want, then this is a success of the secular project which aims, after all, to also protect the interests of the minorities.

But what if the welfare of the group in question is sought at the cost of the welfare and rights of other groups? What if the interests of the majority are undermined by these secular politicians? Then a new injustice is born. But can you think of such examples? Not one or two but a whole lot of them such that you can claim that the whole system is skewed in favour of minorities?

1. If you think hard, you might find that there is little evidence that this has happened in India.

2. In short, there is nothing wrong with vote bank politics as such, but only with a form of vote bank politics that generates injustice.

3. The mere fact that secular parties utilise vote banks is not troublesome. All parties do so in relation to some social group.

6. Impossible Project

A final, cynical criticism might be this: Secularism cannot work because it tries to do too much, to find a solution to an intractable problem.

What is this problem? People with deep religious differences will never live together in peace. Now, this is an empirically false claim.

1. The history of Indian civilisation shows that this kind of living together is realisable. It was realised elsewhere too. The Ottoman Empire is a stirring example.

But now critics might say that co-existence under conditions of inequality was indeed possible. Everyone could find a place in a hierarchically arranged order. The point, they claim, is that this will not work today when equality is increasingly becoming a dominant cultural value.

There is another way of responding to this criticism. Far from pursuing an impossible objective Indian secularism mirrors the future of the world. A great experiment is being carried out in India watched with razor-sharp eyes and with great interest by the whole world. It is doing so because with the migration of people from the former colonies to the west, and the increased movement of people across the globe with the intensification of globalisation, Europe and America and some parts of the Middle-East are beginning to resemble India in the diversity of cultures and religions

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which are present in their societies. These societies are watching the future of the Indian experiment with keen interest.

Questions

1. Which of the following do you feel are compatible with the idea of secularism? Give reasons.

1. Absence of domination of one religious group by another.

2. Recognition of a state religion.

3. Equal state support to all religions.

4. Mandatory prayers in schools.

5. Allowing separate educational institutions for any minority community.

6. Appointment of temple management bodies by the government.

7. Intervention of state to ensrue entry of Dalits in temples.

2. Some of the key characteristics of western and Indian model of secularism have got mixed up. Separate them and make a new table.

1. Strict non-interference of religion and state in each other’s affairs

2. State supported religious reforms allowed

3. Equality between different religious groups is a key concern

4. Equality between different

5. sects of a religion is emphasised

6. Attention to minority rights

7. Less attention to community based rights

8. Individual and his rights at the centre

9. Rights of both individual and

10. religious community protected.

1. What do you understand by secularism? Can it be equated with religious tolerance?

2. Do you agree with the following statements? Give reasons for supporting or opposing any of them.

1. Secularism does not allow us to have a religious identity.

2. Secularism is against inequality within a religious group or between different religious groups.

3. Secularism has a western-Christian origin. It is not suitable for India.

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1. Indian secularism focuses on more than the religion-state separation. Explain.

2. Explain the concept of principled distance.

KEMAL ATATURK’S SECULARISM

Let us look at a very different kind of secularism prastised in Turkey in the first half of the twentieth century. This secularism was not about principled distance from organised religion, instead it involved, active intervention in and suppression of, religion. This version of secularism was propounded and practised by Mustafa Kemal Ataturk.

He came to power after the first war. He was determined to put an end to the institution of Khalifa in the public life of Turkey. Ataturk was convinced that only a clear break with traditional thinking and expressions could elevate Turkey from the sorry state it was in. He set out in an aggressive manner to modernise and secularise Turkey. Ataturk changed his own name from Mustafa Kemal Pasha to Kemal Ataturk (Ataturk translates as Father of the Turks). The Fez, a traditional cap worn by Muslims, was banned by the Hat Law. Western clothing was encouraged for men and women. The Western (Gregorian) calendar replaced the traditional Turkish calendar. In 1928, the new Turkish alphabet (in a modified Latin form) was adopted.

Can you imagine a secularism that does not give you the freedom to keep the name you are identified with, wear the dress you are used to, change the language you communicate in? In what ways do you think Ataturk’s secularism is different from Indian secularism ?

NEHRU ON SECULARISM’

‘Equal protection by the State to all religions’. This is how Nehru responded when a student asked him to spell out what secularism meant in independent India. He wanted a secular state to be one that “protects all religions, but does not favour one at the expense of others and does not itself adopt any religion as the state religion”. Nehru was the philosopher of Indian secularism.

Nehru did not practise any religion, nor did he believe in God. But for him secularism did not mean hostility to religion. In that sense Nehru was very different from Ataturk in Turkey. At the same time Nehru was not in favour of a complete separation between religion and state. A secular state can interfere in matters of religion to bring about social reform. Nehru himself played a key role in enacting laws abolishing caste discrimination, dowry and sati, and extending legal rights and social freedom to Indian women.

While Nehru was prepared to be flexible on many counts, there was one thing on which he was always firm and uncompromising. Secularism for him meant a complete opposition to communalism of all kinds. Nehru was particularly severe in his criticism of the communalism of the majority community, which posed a threat to national unity. Secularism for him was not only a matter of principles, it was also the only guarantee of the unity and integrity of India.

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Communalism

Introduction

1. Communalism, is referred in the western world as a “theory or system of government in which virtually autonomous local communities are loosely in federation”.

2. Communalism is a political philosophy, which proposes that market and money be abolished and that land and enterprises to be placed in the custody of community.

3. But in the Indian sub-continent context, communalism has come to be associated with tensions and clashes between different religious communities in various regions.

4. Development of communalism as political philosophy, has roots in the ethnic and cultural diversity of Africa. It is characterized as, People from different ethnic groups or community, who do not interact much or at all and this has somewhere acted as hindrance in the economic growth and prosperity of Africa.

5. Communalism in South Asia is used to denote the differences between the various religious groups and difference among the people of different community. And generally it is used to catalyse communal violence between those groups.

6. Communalism is not unique only to South Asia, but is also found in Africa, America, Europe, Australia, and Asia. But, it is significant socio-economic and political issue in Bangladesh, India, Pakistan, Myanmar, Sri Lanka, Nepal, etc.

What is Communalism?

It is basically an ideology which consists of three elements:-

1. A belief that people who follow the same religion have common secular interests i.e. they have same political, economic and social interests. So, here socio- political communalities arises.

2. A notion that, in a multi-religious society like India, these common secular interests of one religion are dissimilar and divergent from the interests of the follower of another religion.

3. The interests of the follower of the different religion or of different ‘communities’ are seen to be completely incompatible, antagonist and hostile.

4. India is a land of multiple faiths and religions leading often to violence and hatred among the people.

5. Those who fan this religious violence do not consider religion as a moral order but use it as a means and weapon to pursue their political ambitions.

6. Communalism essentially leads to violence as it is based on mutual religious hatred. This phenomenon leads to distinction between a communal organisation and a religious organisation.

Communalism essentially has following main features.

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1. It is based on orthodoxy.

2. It is exclusive in out look, a communalist considers his own religion to be superior to other religions.

3. It is based on intolerance.

4. It also propagates intense dislike of other religions.

5. It stands for elimination of other religions and its values.

6. It adopts extremist tactics including use of violence against other people.

Communalism is political trade in religion. It is an ideology on which communal politics is based. And communal violence are conjectural consequences of communal ideology.

Evolution of communalism in Indian society

1. If we discuss about Indian society, we will find that, ancient India was united and no such communal feelings were there. People lived peacefully together, there was acceptance for each other’s culture and tradition. For example, Ashoka followed religious tolerance and focussed mainly on Dhamma.

2. In Medieval period, we have examples such as- Akbar, who was epitome of secular practises and believed in propagating such values by abolishing Jajhiya tax and starting of Din-I- ilahi and Ibadat Khana. Same acceptance for different cultures and tradition was practised in several kingdoms throughout India, because of which there was peace and harmony, barring few sectarian rulers like Aurangzeb, who was least tolerant for other religious practises. But, such motives were guided purely for their personal greed of power and wealth.

3. Such rulers and actions by them like- imposing taxes on religious practises of other community, destructing temples, forced conversions, killing of Sikh guru, etc. were instrumental in deepening and establishing the feeling of communal differences in India. But, these incidents were not common as, huge majority of Indians were rural and were aloof from such influences and so people coexisted peacefully. Though, they were very rigid in practising their own rituals and practise, but it never became barrier in the peaceful coexistence. Overall, the Hindus and Muslims in those days, had common economic and political interests.

4. Communalism in India is result of the emergence of modern politics, which has its roots in partition of Bengal in 1905 and feature of separate electorate under Government of India Act, 1909. Later, British government also appeased various communities through Communal award in 1932, which faced strong resistance from Gandhi ji and others. All these acts were done by the British government to appease Muslims and other communities, for their own political needs. This feeling of communalism has deepened since then, fragmenting the Indian society and being a cause of unrest. (by Communal award colonial government mandated that consensus over any issue among different communities (i.e. Hindu, Muslims, Sikhs and others) is precondition for any further political development)

5. Communal consciousness arose as a result of the transformation of Indian society under the impact of colonialism and the need to struggle against it.

Stages in Indian Communalism and how it spread

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India is a land of diversity. And it is known for lingual, ethnic, cultural and racial diversity. As, we have discussed above, communalism in India is a modern phenomenon, which has become threat to India’s Unity in Diversity. We will see the various stages:-

1. First stage was rise of nationalist Hindu, Muslim, Sikh, etc. with only first element of communalism as discussed above. Roots of this were led in later part of 19th century with Hindu revivalist movement like Shuddhi movement of Arya Samaj and Cow protection riots of 1892.

On the other hand movements like Faraizi movement started Haji Shariatullah in Bengal to bring the Bengali Muslims back on the true path of Islam, was one of the religious reform movement which had bearing on communalism in 19th century. Later people like Syed Ahmed Khan, who despite of having scientific and rational approach, projected Indian Muslims as a separate community (qaum) having interest different from others.

2. Second stage was of Liberal communalism, it believed in communal politics but liberal in democratic, humanist and nationalist values. It was basically before 1937. For example organisations like Hindu Mahasabha, Muslim League and personalities like M.A. Jinnah, M M Malviya, Lala Lajpat Rai after 1920s

3. Third was the stage of Extreme Communalism, this had a fascist syndrome. It demanded for separate nation, based on fear and hatred. There was tendency to use violence of language, deed and behaviour. For example Muslim League and Hindu Mahasabha after 1937.

It spread as a by-product of colonialism, economic stagnations and absence of modern institutions of education and health. These factors caused competition, people started using nepotism (patronage bestowed or favouritism shown on the basis of family relationship, as in business and politics), paying bribes to get job, etc. Short term benefits from communalism started giving validity to communal politics.

Later on, spread of education to peasant and small landlords gave rise to new middle class, as agriculture was becoming stagnant. So, these people started demanding communal representation and this way, social base for communalism widened. Middle class oscillated between anti-imperialism and communalism. Communalism, started rooting deeply, as it was an expression of aspiration and interest of middle class for less opportunity.

Further, from very beginning upper caste Hindus dominated colonial services as they adapted early to colonial structure. Because of Mughal rule and 1857 revolt, colonial government was suspicious towards Muslims and they patronised Hindus. This resulted in resentment in Muslims in late 19th century and they then formed a pressure group under Sir Sayed Ahmed Kahn to bargain as a separate community. In contrast Congress standpoint was always focused on ‘rights and freedom of individual’ not on a particular community

In several part religious distinction coincided with social and class distinction, causing communal distortion. Communal outlook was given, not by participants but by the officials, politician and journalists. In fact agrarian conflicts, did not assume communal colour until 20th century. For example- Pabna agrarian movement.

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Communalism represented a struggle between two upper classes / strata for power, privileges and economic gain. For Example- In western Punjab at that time, Muslim landlord opposed Hindu moneylenders. In eastern Bengal, Muslim jotedars opposed Hindu zamindars. Later on, communalism developed as weapon of economically and politically reactionary social classes and political forces.

Divide and Rule

1. Communalism was a channel for providing service to colonialism and the jagirdari class (land officials). British authorities supported communal feelings and divided Indian society for their authoritative ruling.

2. As we have already discussed above about separate electorate, like that official patronage and favour having communal biasness was very common. Communal press & persons and agitations were shown extraordinary tolerance.

3. Communal demands were accepted, thus politically strengthening communal organizations. British started accepting communal organisations and leaders as the real spokesperson of communities and adopted a policy of non-action against communalism.

4. In fact, for the same reasons even the communal riots were not crushed.

5. Separate electorate started in 1909 to communal award in 1932 fulfilled the wishes of British authorities of ruling India by dividing the societies on communal lines.

In parallel there was introduction of strong Hindu religious element in nationalist thoughts and propagandas.

For example Bal GangadharTilak popularised Ganesh pooja and Shivaji Mahaotsav and taking dip in Ganga,etc. The programmes related to “Ganesh Pooja” and “Shivaji Mahotsav” was not initiated to support the interests of Hindus. However, both “Ganesh” and “Shivaji” were associated with the emotions of a number of Hindus. This was to be used by Leaders as tool to politically awaken Indians. But, Indian history in schools and colleges were given Communal and unscientific colour. This kept Muslims largely away from Congress till 1919. In early decades only 8-9% of members of Congress were Muslims.

Gradually religiosity became major contributory factor and it started intruding the non-religious and non-spiritual areas of life and also beyond the individual’s private life.

Though, India is a secular country but due to communal feelings the secularization is getting affected.

o Secularization is narrowing down the sphere of religion to the private life of the individual.

So, communalism is basically becoming a belief system through which a society, economy, and polity are viewed & expanded and around which effort is being made to organise politics.

With these unprecedented changes, the best atmosphere of communal harmony should have been created in India and according to the expectation of Mahatma Gandhi this country should have become an example in this direction. But this did not happen.

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Why communalism still persists and increasing in modern India?

1. Constitution of India, gives certain fundamental rights to the citizens (i.e. individuals). But in case of minorities, the whole community has been given fundamental rights under Article 28, 29 and 30, according to which they are free to manage their educational institutions and have right to conserve their own culture. But these rights are being used, above the individual rights by the personal law boards guided by their own community laws. As it was seen in Shah Bano case.

2. There is also resentment against such personal laws and clamour is increasing for Uniform civil code, which is also mentioned under Article 44 in Directive principle for states of Indian constitution. This will help in narrowing the religious cleavages.

3. In absence of Uniform civil code, there is still perception that all communities have divergent and contradictory interests. Consequently, community based pressure groups bargain for their own community. At political level these communities compete for power and resources. This competition, in turn, escalates to major conflicts. Politicians try to turn these communities into vote banks and different communities become watertight compartments.

Since Independence, India has been pursuing the ideal of nation-building based on secularism. Even after 68 years of independence, India is still burning under the fire of communalism. Though, there are various reasons responsible for this. But few of them have been discussed here, understanding the reasons which play role in continuation of communalism are:-first one is religious, and the second one is political. Third one is socio-economic and the fourth one is international.

1. In the first, i.e. religious, its fundamentalism should be considered responsible for communalism.

After all, ‘Our belief alone is true’ and ‘rest is untrue or incomplete’, we find this kind of mentality of fundamentalists. As per this mentality, when the followers of any religious community, sect or sub-sect indulge in their activities, they certainly come in conflict with others. Reason is quite evident. They do not have tolerance, which is absolutely necessary for a country like India–a land of different religious communities. They become the cause of confrontation, malice and struggle.

2. Politicians also have played a villainous role in creating serious communal situations in India. There was politics at the root of painful division of India in 1947 in the name of a particular religious community. But even after paying a heavy price in the form of partition, in many riots provoked thereafter, we can find the involvement directly or indirectly, of political parties or their supporters. Along with this for the sake of vote bank, the policy of appeasement, selection of candidates on the basis of community, sect, sub-sect and caste, and flaring up religious sentiments at the time of elections, led to the rise of communalism. These practices are still continued and the country is bearing heavy loss because of it. We can witness many adverse results of these practices.

3. Socio economic conditions of India, though after independence has improved and even the economic reforms after 1991 has been instrumental in improving such conditions, but still there are many challenges in front of Indian society, which are becoming threat for its

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diversity. Population, Poverty, illiteracy and unemployment create a lot of compulsions, especially before younger generation. That is why, many from younger generation, because of lack of right thinking, remain unemployed and in a state of poverty, get involved in the evil like communalism. The efforts being made for uprooting poverty, illiteracy and unemployment are not as fruitful as they should be.

4. External elements (including non-state actors) also have a role in worsening the problem of communalism, and making it serious. We cannot mention the name of any particular country in this regard but scholars and those who think on this problem from time to time have highlighted this fact.

The main reasons for involvement of external elements or their role in riots are as follows:

1. To create an atmosphere of instability, so that it becomes socially weak;

2. To hope for gaining sympathy from minorities;

3. To try to weaken the economic structure of a foreign country; and

4. With the aim to conceal their own incompetence.

Causes of Communal Violence in Independent India

Communal violence in independent India has been caused by many factors.

Some general factors are :

1. First the class divisions of our society and the backwardness of our economy has resulted in uneven development of the economy. It is the upper classes of the less-developed communities that have enjoyed the fruits of limited growth and hence it is they who have also enjoyed political power. Over a period of time some sections among this elite developed a sense of rivalry vis-à-vis their counterparts in other communities. In order to draw support from the masses of their own community, these leaders have often encouraged communal feelings to strengthen their political support. Thus, the traditional beliefs of the society are perpetuated to the advantage of the elites. When they, many among common people, feel insecure because of some adverse circumstances, they often tend to rely on religion, which make them vulnerable to political manipulation to inflame communal passions, some times leading to violence.

2. Communal violence also increases because communal parties carry on religious propaganda in an offensive manner, thereby creating ill-will among the members of the various communities. The political parties in India which adopt a communal attitude should be blamed for encouraging communal feelings which often cause communal violence.

Apart from these general factors, some specific local causes also account for communal violence in India.

1. First, because the power of smugglers and criminal gangs, local rivalries between traders of different communities often leads to such violence. Large cities are also prone to periodic communal riots because of the power of smugglers and criminal gangs. The communal violence after the demolition of the Babri Masjid in 1993 is an example.

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2. Secondly, communal riots occur in towns which have a history of communal riots. Aligarh and Hydrabad, among other cities, suffer from this trend. Presence of a large proportion of religious minorities increases political rivalry between the upper strata of both these communities who often appeal to their communal identity to gain support.

Whatever may be the cause of communal violence, whenever it occurs, it immediately attracts attention of the nation. In our society class identities still remain submerged under caste and communal identities. With economic problems becoming important, the ruling elite of our country manages to convert economic problems like poverty unemployment, price rise etc. into caste and communal ones. People should be careful not to be influenced by such tactics. Economic problems of the people, like-poverty and unemployment must be resolved in the country before the problem of communal violence can be totally eliminated.

Infamous communal violence in India

Partition of India,1947

After partition, millions of population were forced to move from both sides of the border. Hindus in Pakistan and Muslims in India were killed in masses, women were raped, and many children lost their parents. There was hatred everywhere, violence didn’t see anything except bloodshed. Later, it turned in the problem of refugees and their rehabilitation became one of the biggest challenge for independent India.

Anti-Sikh riots, 1984

This is one of the bloodshed in India, where Sikhs in large number were massacred by anti- Sikh mob. This massacre took place in response to the assassination of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi by his own Sikh body Guard in response to her actions authorising the military operation.

Ethnic cleansing of Kashmiri Hindu Pundits in 1989

Kashmir is known as the heaven of India and was known for its Kashmiryat, i.e. the reflection of love, peace and harmony through brotherhood and unity of Hindu, Muslims and other communities living together. But, the brotherhood saw a serious blow due to Extremist Islamic terrorism in the Kashmir valley, which led to mass killing and large scale exodus of Kashmiri Pundits from the valley to the various regions and corners of the India, giving them the status of refugee in their own country. Since then, the valley is under the grip of communal violence and the ongoing unrest has become a problem for the development of the people.

Babri masjid demolition in Ayodhya, 1992

According to Hindu mythology, Ayodhaya is birth place of Lord Rama and therefore it is sacred place for Hindu religion. But in medieval period Mughal general Mir Baqi, built a mosque, named after Mughal ruler Babur. There were disputes since then and riots also took place. But in 1990, due to some political mobilisation, there was atmosphere of protest by Hindu religious groups and in large scale “kar sevak” visited Ayodhya from all parts of India, in support of demolishing Babri masjid and building Ram temple there. These movements caused huge amount of bloodshed and since then it is a disputed matter.

After this, violence was followed by the Godhra incident in 2002, when “kar sevak” returning from Ayodhya in a Sabarmati Express were killed by fire in the coaches of train. This act was followed by

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the extended communal violence in Gujarat. That violence is like black spot in the history of the Gujarat and nation too, as people were killed without any mercy. Hindu and Muslim community became antagonist to each other. Till now people are fighting for justice in Supreme Court, with a ray hope from the Indian Judiciary.

Assam Communal violence,2012

North eastern states are known for its distinguished tribal population & ethnic diversity and large scale Bangladeshi immigration has changed the demography of North eastern states, which often becomes reason for clashes. In 2012, there were ethnic clashes between Bodos (Tribal, Christian & Hindu faith) and Muslims. Ethnic tensions between Bodos and Bengali-speaking Muslims escalated into a riot in Kokrajhar in July 2012, when unidentified miscreants killed four Bodo youths at Joypur.

Muzaffarnagar violence, 2013

The cause of this ethnic clash between Jat and Muslim community is very much disputed and has many versions. According to few, it was started after some suspicious post on Social media platform Facebook. According to some, it was escalated after the eve teasing case in Shamli. Let the reasons be unknown, but what matters is, the nature and scale of loss to the country with respect to human resource and peace.

In all these and hundreds of other riots, one thing is common that huge majority of victims have nothing to do with communal hatred. In short, preparators of violence and victims of violence are different persons.

Similar to above mentioned list, there are many more, which has impact on the masses and killed people on large scale. Bombay bomb incident, 1993, Attack on Akshardham in 2002 by Lashkar-e-Toiba & Varanasi Bomb attack, 2006 are few of them, having Anti-Hindu outlook.

Lot of movies have been pictured on the above mentioned communal violence, which can give us understanding about the damages and harm, done by these violence- “Bombay” & “Black Friday” based on 1992 attacks. “Train to Pakistan” based on the novel of Khuswant singh about partition of India, 1947. “Gandhi” is portrayal of Direct Action Day and partition of India. “Hawayein” based of 1984 Sikh riots and “Machis” about Punjab terrorism.

These are the few ones to name and there are many more, which may sensitise us about such issues, so that in future it can be avoided.

Consequences of communalism / Impact of Communalism

Communalism has divided our society for long. It causes belief in orthodox tenets and principles, intolerance hatred of other religions and religious group, distortion of historical facts and communal violence.

Communal Violence

1. Most communal riots prior to 1947 were rooted in the ‘divide and rule’ policy of the British colonial rule.

2. But after the partition of the country, sections of the Indian elite from both the communities are also to be blamed for the problem.

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The above graph gives us idea about the decadal and regional pattern of riots and people died.

Consequences of communalism is well known to all of us.

1. With killings in mass, the real sufferers are the poor, they lose their house, their near and dear ones, their lives, their livelihood, etc. It violates the human rights from all direction. Sometimes children will lose their parents and will become orphan for life time and nobody will be there to look after them.

2. Ghettoization and refugee problem is the other dimension of communalism induced violence, whether its inter country or intra country. Sudden increase in violence against any particular community causes mass exodus and stampede which in turn kills many number of people. For example, this was seen in the case of Bangalore in 2012, with respect to people from North eastern states, which was stimulated by a rumour.

3. Apart from having effect on the society, it is also a threat to Indian constitutional values, which promotes Secularism and religious tolerance. In that case, citizens don’t fulfil their fundamental duties towards the nation. It becomes a threat for the unity and integrity of the nation as a whole. It promotes only the feeling of hatred in all directions, dividing the society on communal lines.

4. Other than these, minorities are viewed with suspicion by all, including state authorities like police, para military forces, army, intelligence agencies, etc. There have been many instances when people from such community have been harassed and detained and finally have been released by court orders guilt free. For this, there is no provision of compensation of such victims, about their livelihood incomes forgone, against social stigmas and emotional trauma of the families.

5. Such things are set back for the society and becomes barrier for its development. This is also one of the reason which is keeping India still under the status of “developing nation” because, such activities occurring frequently do harm the human resource and economy of the country. And then again it takes years for the people and the affected regions to come out the traumas of such violence, having deep impact on minds of those who have faced it. Whole life, they feel emotionally broken and insecure. How can we imagine in such conditions, for timely harvest of demographic dividend?

What state has done?

1. National human rights commission (NHRC) in India fights for the causes of rights of the victims, but its recommendations are advisory in nature, which doesn’t gives significant outcome.

2. From time to time, respective governments have constituted various committees, to give recommendations to solve the issue of communal violence. Prominent among them are SACHAR COMMITTEE, NANAVATI COMMITTEE and RANGANATH MISHRA COMMISSION.

1. The Nanavati-Mehta commission, set up by Gujarat government in 2002 to enquire about Gujarat violence.

2. Sachar committee, appointed in 2005, recommended to set up Equal opportunity commission (EOC) in 2010. EOC was to set up a grievance redressal mechanism

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for all individual cases of discriminations- religion, caste, gender & physical ability among others.

3. The Ranganath Misra Commission was entrusted by the Government of India to suggest practical measures for the upliftment of the socially and economically backward sections among religious and linguistic minorities and to include the modalities of implementation for the same. The report of the National Commission for Religious and Linguistic Minorities, headed by former Chief Justice of India Rangnath Mishra, says that 10% should be reserved for Muslims and five% for other minorities in central and state government jobs in all cadre and grades.

The purpose of all above committees is to give recommendations to find out the causes of backwardness of minorities and steps required to improve their conditions.

Definition of Communal Violence

The Indian law defines communal violence as, “any act or series of acts, whether spontaneous or planned, resulting in injury or harm to the person and or property, knowingly directed against any person by virtue of his or her membership of any religious or linguistic minority, in any State in the Union of India, or Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes within the meaning of clauses (24) and (25) of Article 366 of the Constitution of India”

Though India is under the grip of communal violence, but till now, other than provisions under IPC and CrPC, there is no firm law to punish the originators of such violence, no clear policy for relief and rehabilitation of victims. There is no regulations for security of witness, for accountability of public servants, etc.

‘Prevention of Communal and Targeted Violence (Access to Justice and Reparations) Bill, 2011’ lapsed in the parliament.

1. The bill provided for a seven-member National authority for communal harmony, justice and reparations.

2. It attempted to safeguard the minority sections. It had provisions for ensuring accountability of the district administration. This has already been recommended by the Sachar committee and Raganath Mishra Commission.

Why a law needed?

Commissions of enquiry setup after every major conflagration have consistently come down heavily on the State authorities as also certain parties and organisations for their role in violence

1. However, it is in very rare cases that perpetrators have been convicted.

2. By and large, police and the administrative class have been left untouched by the law

3. Hence, a carefully designed law on communal violence is the need of the hour

More arguments for a separate law

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1. It can be seen that various provisions exist in the IPC to punish the perpetrators of violence. Under sections 153A and B of the IPC even hate speeches are actionable. Similarly, even a public servant can be charged under the ordinary law.

2. So it seems that at least a section of communal or targeted violence can be dealt with under the existing criminal law.

3. Failure to implement the law rather than its absence is one of the major problems confronting the prevention of communal violence.

But caveats exist

1. Turning a blind eye to communal and targeted hate speech

2. Refusal to register FIRs or registering them without naming the culprits even when some of the perpetrators are identified

3. Refusal to take adequate action to disperse mobs

However there are large areas where laws are absent or inadequate

1. Mass violence is a quantitatively different category from stray individual violence. The impact and trauma of mass violence is long term and ongoing.

2. Second, though laws exist on hate speech, they cannot be set into motion without the prior sanction of the government. In this case what really matters is which party is in power.

3. Third, even to prosecute public servants it becomes necessary to obtain the consent of the state which is a long, tedious process.

4. Fourth, a large number of cases in court collapse because witnesses are too frightened to depose truthfully. Though an individual witness can ask for police protection against threats there is no comprehensive witness protection law in India

5. Fifth, while in the aftermath of every carnage, a relief and rehabilitation package is announced, there is no uniformity in these packages. There is no legislative mandate or compulsion for reparation including relief and rehabilitation.

6. Besides, communal violence is a specific form of brutality which is required to be dealt with in a holistic and comprehensive manner since it includes within it element of hate propaganda, sexual assault, uprooting of communities, societal bias, state complicity and judicial indifference.

A law which deals specifically with targeted or communal violence thus becomes necessary

The role of police in communal riots is highly controversial.

Generally, riot victims complain that- police did not came to rescue, police forces were themselves instrumental in the killing, they led the mob in looting and burning, arrested the innocent people and harassed them inside the lockup, etc. But as we know, that police can act much better, if there is political will and if they are given free hand along with the implementation of recommended police reforms.

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There specialised battalions of Rapid Action force in India, which is a wing of CRPF, to deal with riots, riot like situations, crowd control, rescue and relief operations, and related unrest

Steps required

The solution of such problems cannot be one or two steps by government. Apart from legislative support, administrative efficiency and alertness with the help of modern tools and technology, the major onus lies on the citizens themselves by avoiding communal violence. Though its bit philosophical in nature, as it’s not a concrete solution, but the sustainable changes can be brought only by those steps.

1. Each of us, have to make a balance between our own religious community and national interests, we have to unite with nationalism, and then should move forward. The teachings of a religious community may be great, but the followers of the community concerned should understand that nationalism is greater. If they do not become familiar with this fact, they will be away from national stream; they will suffer. This fact relates not only to India but also to many other countries of the world.

2. We have to be rational while making decisions. Each and every religious community has been founded on the basis of certain values that were best and necessary for circumstances of the country and times. Goodness like adjustment with others, or co-operation, or consistency can be found in their teachings. But by not moving according to the teachings of their religious community those who depend upon fundamentalism and conservative practices, or those who use their co-religionists taking advantage of their poverty, illiteracy or innocence, are dishonest towards their own self, their co-religionists and also towards those great leaders who founded the religious community. Everyone must understand this fact also. Along with this, leaders of all communities, by knowing it, must come forward for an atmosphere surcharged with harmony, in which lies their welfare too. The religious teachers should promote rational and practical things through religion promoting peace and security.

3. Policies like appeasement, fun and frolic with the sentiments of people for individual and party interests, and selection of candidates on the basis of religious community or sect by keeping aside the qualifications, one, certainly, does the things against national interest or nationalism; are reflections of lower national thinking. That is why; these kinds of acts should be stopped at government level and also at the level of political parties.

4. There is a great need to work towards eradicating the problem of unemployment among the youths, illiteracy and poverty and that too with honesty and without any discrimination. This will help in solving many problems, and will create awakening. The result will be in checking on communalism to a great extent. That is why it is expected that a lot of work have to be done at government level in this direction.

But whatever have been mentioned in above paragraphs, will be effective only when our society and its citizens, become so much capable and empowered, that they can take sensible, ethical and rational decisions. This is possible only with the help of quality education. But quality education for such huge population, cannot be always expected from the public institutions. It is also the corporate social responsibility, it is the responsibility of the educated Indians, NRI and everyone who has roots in India to bring changes in Indian society. So that we can live, the ethos of our constitution and would be able to promote International peace and security too.

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Media, movies and other cultural platforms can be influential in promoting peace and harmony. Though all such practises in India are common, but there is still scope for improvement in this direction.

Thus, in order to get rid of the problem of communalism in India, there is a need of collective efforts. All will have to discharge their duties. If we do so, definitely harmony will prevail. Everybody will prosper. This must be done; this was the dream of Mahatma Gandhi for a free India.

Challenge of social media and Freedom of expression

Now a day’s social media has become notorious for spread of communal hatred. It provides almost instant transfer of provoking material on which our government has no control. It has become potent tool in hands of religious bigots to spread hatred for other religions.

It is true that, Fundamental Rights, under article 19(1), gives citizens freedom of expression. But proviso to this article also empowers government to impose reasonable restrictions to guard unity and integrity of the country. Further, under Fundamental Duties 51A constitution provides –

o “(e) to promote harmony and the spirit of common brotherhood amongst all the people of India transcending religious, linguistic and regional or sectional diversities; to renounce practices derogatory to the dignity of women”

This needs to be enforced by state by controlling social media. In olden days, whenever any provocative print media came government invoked its powers and imposed restriction, but yet government has no strong/effective policy towards social media.

Conclusion

Communal violence is common now days throughout the world. They are known by various alternative names, as in China, the communal violence in Xinjiang province is called ethnic violence. Communal violence and riots have also been called non-State conflict, violent civil or minorities unrest, mass racial violence, social or inter-communal violence and ethno-religious violence.

Violence between Buddhists and the Muslim Rohingya, inhabit Rakhine state (formerly Arakan province) which stretches along most of Myanmar’s coast up to the Bay of Bengal and borders the Chittagong province of Bangladesh, erupted in 2013. Such violence in neighbouring countries like Myanmar, Bangladesh, and Pakistan causes violence in retaliation in India also. It also catalyses the problem of refuges, as in case of Pakistani Hindus, etc. Sri Lanka is also facing international critics and United Nations related to ethnic clashes and action of government against minority Tamilians, which has direct bearing on India and Sri Lanka relations and India’s internal security.

Increasing diversity, due to influx of populations from all corners of world in western countries like USA, UK, Canada, Australia, etc. is posing the challenge of ethnic clashes and violence in their respective societies.

Communalism can be combated with the help of globalisation as a tool. In the globalised world, all countries are becoming integrated and dependent on each other. Movement of people from one place to other is becoming very easy, in such conditions to avoid such potential violence, governments are already promoting cultural exchanges through shows, programs, heritage walk, cultural visit by students and parliamentarians. Promoting learning of each other’s local language for easy exchange of ideas. With respect to this, recently US President Barak Obama’s message on

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Diwali festival can be seen as an active step to promote cultural mingling and living peacefully. If all the countries cooperate with each other, they can face and solve even the deadliest challenge of terrorism and groups like Al-qaeda, ISIS,etc.

Communal Violence (Prevention, Control and Rehabilitation of Victims) Bill, 2005

Objective:

1. Prevention and control of communal violence

2. Speedy investigation and trials

3. Rehabilitation of victims

4. Sets conditions for the state government to declare an area as communally disturbed.

5. A competent authority can take measures (such as regulating assembly, directing persons to deposit their arms etc) to control communal violence.

6. Special courts to try offences under this law. Increased punishment.

Features in the draft bill

1. Union Home Minister headed 11 member national council to oversee relief and the rehabilitation of victims. <Civil society is proposing instead a Communal harmony Justice and Reparation Commission (CHJRC) with national, state and district councils and wider powers>

2. There is a provision to declare certain areas as communally disturbed. <Civil society objects to this on the ground that such declaration would give the government a free hand to use draconian laws in such areas>

3. This bill has been amended by the NAC and a new draft introduced in 2011.

Communal Violence Bill, 2011

The draft law features

1. Defines communal and targeted violence as

Any act or series of acts, whether spontaneous or planned, resulting in injury or harm to the person and or property, knowingly directed against any person by virtue of his or her membership of any group, which destroys the secular fabric of the nation

1. Public Servants

2. Apart from treating some of the offences under the IPC as crimes under this law, the bill also creates certain additional offences like torture, command responsibility, etc

3. Elaborate definition of sexual assault to cover not just women but men as well

1. Penalises public servants for torture to specific groups

2. Penalises for dereliction of duty

3. Breach of command responsibility treated as an offence

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4. Public servants with the duty of maintenance of public order also given the duty to prevent communal and targeted violence

5. Command Responsibility: Any public servant in command of forces who fails to exercise control over his sub-ordinates which results in offences under the bill shall be guilty of breach of command of responsibility

4. Emergency provisions can be invoked

o The occurrence of communal and targeted violence shall constitute ‘internal disturbance’ within the meaning of Article 355 of the constitution and the Central Govt may take such steps as the nature and circumstances of the case so requires.

1. Witness protection provisions are incorporated.

2. Accountability framework set up concerning the police.

3. Entails the provision of relief and rehabilitation. Creates the Communal and Targeted Violence Relief and Rehabilitation Fund

4. National Authority for communal harmony, justice and reparation

5. The authority can initiate investigation and enquiry into complaints

6. Similarly, state authorities for communal harmony, justice and reparation

7. The act waives constitutional immunity for the purpose of proceedings under the act

Some issues with the draft

1. This assumes that the majority community is always the perpetrator of violence and never the victim

2. The law applies to only the minorities – religious or linguistic – in a state (+ SCs and STs)

1. This criticism however misses the basic point of democracy: that majority can take care of itself but minorities need certain protection.

2. Article 29 and 30 in the constitution are such provisions

3. Worldwide minorities are protected through laws – blacks in US, aborigines in US

3. Communal violence defined in terms of an act that destroys ‘the secular fabric of the nation’

1. This definition is liable to be misconstrued

2. Even large scale riots may not present an actual threat to the secular fabric of the nation.

4. The incorporation of the emergency provision

Conclusion

Amended draft of the Communal and Targeted Viiolence Bill is a major step forward.

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However, it needs to incorporate within it lessons learnt from recent international advancement especially in matters pertainin g to reparation and command responsibility.

The chapters concerning setting up of national and state level bodies need a complete review as do the provisions concerning dereliction of duties and witness protection

Role of Caste in Indian Society

The political process of any society is influenced by the nature of the society. To understand the nature of the society we study its social structure. India’s social structure is best understood in terms of caste system wherein the cast is hierarchically arranged. Over the years, the caste system developed into an elaborate system to maintain socio-economic inequalities in the society. Individuals born in and belonging to the lower castes and the out-castes suffered from many disadvantages and were oppressed and exploited by the upper castes. The conditions of the outcastis (Dalits) was particularly pathetic. The practice of untouchability epitomized their conditions.

1. In the typical Varna-Vyvastha there are four Varnas: Brahmin (the priest and the intellectual class), Kshatriya (warrior and the ruling class), Vaisyas (the producing class – peasants and artisaas) and Shudra (those who performed menial and ‘polluting’ jobs. One must note here that the ‘varna-vyvastha’ provides more the theory than the actuality of the caste. In reality, there are not four but thousands of castes and jatis, in which the caste system is organized. It is possible, nevertheless to classify most of the jatis in Communalism, Caste and Reservations accordance with the Varna distinctions, although it is easier to be done at the extreme ends of the social spectrum than at the middle ranges. In other words, Varna system is related to jati in that it gives a holistic frame-work to which any jati will fit.

2. Caste is a localized group having a traditional association with an occupation. The principle of birth forms the exclusive basis of membership in a caste group. Accordingly, the choice of occupation is not open but is determined on the basis of one’s birth in a caste. In addition caste groups have rules governing food and marriage. The group defines rules of behaviour for its members and exercise some degree of authority over them including the right to expel those who defy its authority.

3. Caste as group identity, however, got strengthened in the new context of modern ideas and institutions. This happened because it became one of the bases of political mobilization among the many castes and classes before, during the freedom struggle and afterwords.

4. The socio-religious movements of the 19th century had made the lower castes conscious of their backward conditions and also of their rights that had been denied to them over the centuries. As a result, many amongst them were no longer prepared to accept their inferior status as divinely ordained. In the backdrop of this awakening, the introduction of democratic principle of governance, the emergence of party-centered politics and the attempt of the British rulers to mobilize the lower and the out-castes along with the Muslims in its support to thwart the growing national movement — all combined to prepare the ground for the politicization of the castes.

5. By the time India gained Independence, the Backward classes, because of politicization, had become a force to reckon with. Their claims and demands could no longer be ignored. At the

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same time the nationalist leaders were also committed to the task of improving their conditions.

6. In light of the above, the constitution makers enjoined upon the new state to take positive measures for bringing the backward classes at par with the rest of the society. They realized that without the positive intervention by the state it would not be possible to remove their historically accumulated backwardness. The policy of reservation for the backward classes needs to be understood in this context. Backward classes refer to three categories of the people — the scheduled castes, scheduled tribes and the other backward classes (OBC).

Caste in Politics

1. Caste began to play an important role after independence as its involvement in politics increased. The fact that it existed as easily identifiable social cluster of people made it an easy object of political mobilization by political parties in their quest for political support and votes. While the political parties sought to exploit caste for its own electoral purposes, caste groups by making politics their sphere of activity got a chance to assert their identity and bargain for benefits and position in society. Thus, caste and politics interaction has been a two-way process.

2. In politicizing the castes, the caste associations played a crucial role. Caste associations were quasi-voluntary associations in the sense that its membership was open only to the individuals of the caste community. These associations were formed to secure economic benefits or educational openings or for more clearly political purpose of uniting to fight the hegemony of the upper castes. In either case, involvement in politics was considered necessary for securing the specific purpose for which they were formed. Thus, once formed on the basis of caste identity, caste associations went on to acquire non-caste functions.

3. In electoral politics the role of the caste in politics has become powerful. This can be seen at all levels of the political process of the country. All political parties tend to give party ticket to candidates for contesting elections from amongst the numerically or otherwise dominant caste in every constituency. Major caste groups get representation in the council of ministers. Be it elections, political appointments or even formation of political parties, caste has been the major consideration.

4. The influence of caste, however, varies depending upon the level of election and the region.

1. Its influence is far more at the local and state-level political process than at the national level.

2. Caste plays greater role in the rural than in urban areas.

3. In the rural areas and at the local level, the smallness of consituency and the fact that there is greater face to face interactions account for the strong influence of caste in politics.

5. Since independence two factors have especially brought the issue of caste in Indian politics into sharp focus. These are

1. the introduction of universal adult franchise

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2. the constitutional provisions for protective discrimination in favour of the backward classes.

3. The introduction of universal adult franchise brought a very large section of the populace, who had been hitherto excluded on account of property qualification to vote, into the arena of electoral politics. This made the task of mobilizing votes enormously difficult for the political parties. The daunting task was, however, made easy when political parties relied upon castes to get their votes. In the process castes’ involvement in politics deepened with every election in India.

6. In addition to the enlarged arena of electoral politics, the constitutional provisions for protective discrimination also provided the ground for castes to play a significant role in politics.

One may note here that protective discrimination was meant for three categories of people – the Scheduled Castes, the Scheduled Tribes and the OBC — collectively called as the backward classes. Of these three categories, the SCs and STs were easily identifiable and-there was a large measure of consensus on the need and the desireability of having reservations for them. But the case of the OBCs was different.

1. Since Independence two types of caste politics can be discerned. The first type involved the caste groups clamouring either for being recognised as OBC by the state governments or those already recognised for getting a higher quota in the reservations. The decision of the State governments to appoint Backward classes Commission from time to time provided the occasion for such caste politics to flourish.

2. The second type of caste politics, involved mobilization of social and political forces for and against reservations for the OBC based solely on caste criteria. The extent of castes involvement in politics can be appreciated by noting a simple fact that over 50% of the populace belong to the category of the OBCs.

3. While the first type of caste politics sought to influence the reservation policy of the state government, the second type of caste politics was aimed to resist the reservation policy of the central government.

The reservation issue thus, provided a fertile ground for castes to play an active role in politics.

Reservation Policy

Rationale

The policy of reservation is an instance of protective discrimination.

Let us briefly look at the constitutional provisions relating to the backward classes.

1. Articles 38 and 46 in the chapter of Directive principles, enjoin upon the state the duty to strive for the welfare of the people in general and the backward classes in particular.

1. Article 38 states:

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1. the state shall strive to promote the welfare of the people by securing and promoting as effectively as it may a social order in which Justice — social, economic and political shall form all institutions of national life;

2. the state shall in particular, strive to minimize the inequalities in income, and endeavour to eliminate the inequalities in status, facilities and opportunities not only amongst individuals but also amongst group of people residing in different areas and engaged in different vocations.

2. Article 46 stipulates: “The state shall promote with special care the educational and the economic interest of the weaker sections of the people and in particular, of the Scheduled Castes and Tribes and shall protect them from injustices and all forms of exploitation.”

2. The policy of reservation is based on the principle of protective discrimination.

1. Protective discrimination in favour of the backward .classes was felt necessary by the constitution makers because of the realization that equality of opportunity alone would not suffice to bring the backward classes at par with the rest of the society.

2. Equality of opportunity in absence of equality of conditions would result in deepening of inequality instead of promoting equality. One must note here that the provision of protective discrimination is not an exception to but integral to the Right to Equality.

Reservations for SCs and STs

The constitution provides for three types of reservations for the SCs and STs. These are

1. reservation of jobs in government services and in public sector,

2. reservation in educational institutions, and

3. reservations in legislative representations.

Under Articles 16(A), 320(4) and 333, 15% and 7% of the jobs are reserved at all levels in the public services for the SCs and STs respectively. This reservation however, must as far as it may be, consistent with the maintenance of efficiency of the administration (Article 35).

Article 15(4) deals with the reservation of seats in the educational institutions.

Article 15(4) states: “Nothing in Article 15 or clause (2) of Article 29 shall prevent the state from making any special provision for the advancement of any socially and educationally backward classes of citizens or for the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.”

Accordingly, the Union and the State governments have reserved 20% of the seats in all educational institutions maintained by public money.

Moreover, qualifications for admission have also been relaxed for the SCs and STs so that they can get access to educational opportunities.

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Articles 330 and 332 provide for reservation of seats in the Lok Sabha and State Legislative Assemblies.

78 seats for the SCs and 38 seats for the STs are reserved in the Lok Sabha.

In State Legislative Assemblies 540 and 282 seats are reserved for SCs and STs respectively.

Moreover seats are also reserved in the Panchayati Raj institutions.

Reservations for the OBCs

As we have already noted, the task of specifying and identifying other Backwars Classes (OBCS) was left to the union and state government.

1. The Union government, however, took a very long time in deciding to provide reservation to the OBCs in the central services.

2. In many States where the backward classes movement was strong, such as in Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh, Kerala, Gujarat, Bihar, to name a few, the state governments have reserved jobs at all levels in the public services and seats in educational institutions.

1. The Union government had as early as 1953 appointed Kalelkar Commission under Article 340. The Commission submitted its report in 1956, but its recommendations were not implemented by the Union government.

2. The second Commission under Article 340 was appointed by the Janta Party Government in 1978. This Commission known as Mandal Commission submitted its report in 1982. It identified 3943 castes as OBC and recommended 27% reservation in government and semi- government jobs and admission to educational institutions.

3. On 13th August 1990 the Union Government headed by V.P. Singh issued an office memorandum extending reservation to the OBCs on the lines recommended by the Mandal Commission. Soon thereafter, widespread protests were staged. Writ petitions were filed in Supreme Court and many High Courts questioning this measure.

4. The Supreme Court examined the issue in November 1992 and permitted the Union Government to reserve 27% of the jobs for the OBCs subject to the exclusion of the ‘creamy layer’ among the OBCs.

5. Ramanand Prasad committee was set up by the Union government to identify the “creamy layer”. Once it had done its job, the government executed the order of 13th August 1990 in September 1993.

Thus, we can see that it took nearly forty years for the union government to provide the benefits of reservations to the OBCs. It also took as much time to accept caste as a valid basis for the identification of socially and educationally backward classes.

We must also note that benefits of reservation to the OBC apply only to government jobs but no seats have been reserved for the OBC in Lok Sabha, and State Legislative Assemblies — a benefit which has been given to the SCs and STs.

Importance of Woman’s Reservation

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1. Women constitute nearly half of the entire Indian population. But condition of women in India is miserable, due to illiteracy, poverty and backward social values. Keeping in view the prevalent circumstances, reservation for the women was started to emancipate the women from the drudgery of household.

2. A debate has been going on to ensure women’s reservation at every level of representative system of Indian Democracy and even in the state administrative services.

3. Under the Panchayati Raj system women’s seats have been reserved at both the Panchayat level, and the block & district levels.

4. Some political parties are also debating the issue of giving at least 30% tickets to women candidates for contesting elections of state legislative assembly and also for the parliamentary elections but women’s reservation bill is still pending in the parliament.

Communalism has divided Hindus and Muslism on religions lines and thwarted communal harmony. The British during the colonial rule and the self centred political class promoted religious extremism. As a result communal violence has disrupted normal life in the country practically. The criminal forces also caught on to this. Minority communalism and majority communalism alike are harmful to healthy democracy and economic progress.

In light of the historically accumulated backwardness of the backward classes and the need to bring them at par with the rest of the society, constitution provided for protective discrimination. Protective discrimination is not an exception but integral to the Right to Equality. While the SCs and STs got the benefit of reservation from the state and central governments since the inception of Indian Republic, the OBCs could get the benefits of reservation in central services much later in 1993. No reservation in legislative Representation is provided to the OBCs.