gender stereotype and children's lit

5/20/2018 Gender stereotype and children's lit

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The Language Teacher

Gender Stereotypes and

Children's Literature

Toshiko SuginoThe National Defense Academy

A few months before I was to go to the United States to study, a banquet was held

by my high school for the teachers who were not coming back the following school

year. The vice-principal gave comments about each teacher who was leaving. Whenmy turn came, he said, "In spite of her age, Mrs. Sugino is planning to go to the

States to study. I think she is very otoko masari." A woman who is otoko masari

excels men in some way, in brains, muscles, or in spirit. It implies not only extra

ability, but also a lack of femininity (Cherry, 1987). I was rather shocked and

wondered what he would have said if I were a man. Most likely, he meant that I

should stay home as ryosai kenbo (good wife and wise mother), according to the

Japanese stereotype. This incident motivated me to investigate gender issues.

Coming from a country where gender-biased language such as otokomasariand

memeshii(womanish) prevail, I expected that there would be more equality in the

relationships between men and women in the U.S. However, I was surprised to find

that many women there still do not feel that male-female relationships are equal or

that sexist attitudes are in any way disappearing. These attitudes are also seen in

children's literature. Children learn certain behaviors through role models that

appear in society and also in books. In this paper, I will discuss (1) definitions of

sexist language and gender stereotypes; (2) gender-biased American and Japanese

textbooks and children's books; (3) research findings on Japanese children's books;

and (4) implications for the classroom. By investigating the above, hopefully more

knowledge and understanding will help ensure a gender-fair atmosphere in the

classroom and in society.

Sexist Language and Gender Stereotypes

Sexism, defined by Banfield (1976) as, "the systematic oppression and exploitation

of human beings on the basis of their belonging to the female sex" (p. 11), is tightly

linked with language. Words such as "he,""man," and "mankind" are often used to

represent all human beings. Whenever a generic term is needed, we often use the

masculine as the proper form, and to a lesser extent and "he or she." This illustrates

the inequality between men and women in language where, ironically, women are

noticeable because of their invisibility (Brouwer, 1993). One-sided use of the

personal pronoun "he" referring to human beings, "produces the impression that

women are ignored and passed over. Psycholinguistic research has demonstratedthat texts which refer only to 'he' do not provide women with any opportunity for


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identification" (Brouwer, 1993, p. 41).

Though the social roles of men and women American and Japanese societies have

changed drastically in this century, stereotypical images and ideas can still be found

in both countries. They exist because of commonly accepted over-generalizations of

men and women, such as: women are intuitive and emotional; women do notunderstand mechanical devices; and women are not good at math or science. On the

other hand, men are characterized as logical, pragmatic, realistic, aggressive,

assertive, and competitive. These masculine traits are generally regarded as more

desirable than feminine traits (Eakins& Eakins, 1978).

My intent in presenting the above material is to frame the following discussion of

the kinds of language and concepts which are gender-biased and are often found in

school textbooks and children's books.

Textbooks

To help children recognize and interpret social messages found in textbooks,

teachers in Vermont asked sixth-graders to conduct surveys (Rutledge, 1997). In one

study, the children counted the number of female and male athletes featured in the

sports section of the local newspaper and found males to predominate. In another,

they investigated a new history text and found white men predominated in number

over white women and minorities.

Another study (Hildreth, 1979, p. 11) found that within the Pennsylvania public

school system, four major textbooks represented women in stereotyped roles. Only a

limited number of women who contributed to history, literature, science, and otherareas of American life were featured. Again, female invisibility was reinforced.

A 1975 analysis of Japanese textbooks for elementary and junior high school

students revealed that the majority of figures and main characters were male and

almost all the textbook authors were male (Fanselow & Kameda, 1994). The

researchers pointed out that traditional gender roles were seen throughout the texts:

women were often portrayed as housewives, and occupational roles for females

were limited to stereotypical "female" jobs such as nurse, teacher, and waitress.

Children's Books

Gender stereotypes can be traced in children from infancy, and therefore greatly

affect how they are socialized and educated. In American and Japanese children's

storybooks, girls are usually described as tentative, careful, decision makers, sweet,

unfortunate, and dependent, and boys as adventurous risk takers. At the same time,

boys are not supposed to cry or show emotions in front of others. In her article on

sexual stereotyping, Temple (1993, p. 90) cited a study in which Hall examined

prize winning childrens stories of the previous 40 years. The majority of the stories

showed females in passive roles as caretakers: mothers, helpers in the kitchen, and

nurses. On the other hand, males led exciting lives as fighters, explorers, and

adventurers.

In an attempt to help a group of elementary school students identify and explore the


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impact of gender discrimination, Jett-Simpson & Masland (1993) asked students to

finish a story about a girl who at first couldn't play on a team but who, in the end,

was able to join. The elementary school boys wrote that the girl in the story was

successful in the end because of her own determination and much practice, but the

girls wrote that the boys in the story finally gave in and let her play. This suggests

that the girls here felt they were under control of their male counterparts.

In a 1973 study (cited in Fox, 1993), 85% of the main characters in storybooks for

children were male. According to Fox, "it's alarming to consider that by 5 years of

age, children mentally enforce a sex change in a literary female protagonist because

they find the idea of an active, interesting, self-respecting, female main character

simply unthinkable" (1993, p. 84). Both girls and boys have to be free from gender

stereotypes in order to enjoy their full human potential.

Gender Stereotypes in Japanese Children's Books

I began my research on Japanese children's books by Japanese authors by selecting

books with the help of a young Japanese mother. We randomly chose 70

contemporary childrens books from the public library, most of which were for

children ages 3 to 12, and published between 1980 and 1997 (See Appendix for the

list of 70 books).

First, I looked at the male characters. In those 70 books, 45 stories (64%) had male

main characters. Boys were described as follows: energetic, adventurous,

mischievous, courageous, honest, cooperative, bullying, dependable, and curious. In

six stories, boys displayed characteristics such as sweetness, shyness, loneliness and

a liking to be babied. In Ta-kun[The boy, Ta] (Machida, 1987), the 7-year-old boywas portrayed as a very mischievous, bullying kindergarten child. However, one

rainy day, he offered his umbrella to a girl in his class. In another story

(Otokonokode gomen) [Sorry that I am a boy] (Yamashita, 1994), this 7-year old

boy cried when his friend (a girl) pulled his hair. The boy sometimes wondered

whether all his family were disappointed that he was born as a boy not as a girl.

These examples suggest that boys can sometimes be liberated from stereotypes: it is

all right for boys to cry and to show sensitivity.

Next, I compared male and female authors' depictions of their boy and girl

characters. There was not much difference between male authors' depiction of boys

and female authorsdepiction of boys. Most boy protagonists were small-framed,energetic children who loved to play, were good at sports but not at studying, and

often got into fights. This is a common stereotypical image of how little boys should

behave in Japan.

Main character boys often competed with other boys they didn't like: those who

were described as good at studying, who were class-leaders, or who were well-liked

by girls and teachers. In only one of the 45 boy protagonist stories,Himitsuno neko

nikki[The secret diary on cats] (Kamijyo, 1995), was the hero depicted as a very

intelligent, hard worker who cared only about passing the entrance examination to a

private junior high school. This type of boy accurately reflects boys in today's

society in Japan, where entrance exams control education.


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There were differences between male and female authors' depictions of girls. Only 6

out of 25 stories with girl main characters were written by male authors. In these

stories and others with girls in supporting roles, girls described by male authors

were caring towards their friends and families, curious about cooking, sweet, and

timid. In stories by male authors, boy main characters had younger sisters whom

they looked after.

Girls in books by female authors were described variously as adventurous, curious,

dependable, cheerful, sweet, friendly, mean, careful, imaginative, a little afraid,

responsible, and self-centered. For example, in GogatsunoFushigina Tomodachi[A

strange friend in May] (Yamamoto, 1993), Mei, the girl protagonist, was confronted

with the news that her mother had had a bicycle accident and had to be hospitalized.

Knowing she couldn't count on her father's help because he was always too busy at

work, Mei attended to her mother all by herself. Mei was described as very mature,

independent, and also courageous as she tried to find the "offender" in her mother's

accident by herself.

From examining these contemporary children's books, it is clear that male main

characters dominate. Further, male authors tend to stereotype girl characters (i.e., in

traditional female characters and roles), while female authors generally do not.

Four other points are worth noting. First, in stories where the main male characters

were vigorous, mischievous, and a bit too rough, there were usually female figures

who were lenient or gentle. For example, inKaminari Dodoon [Loud Thunderbolt]

(Goto, 1997), a boy named Gon-chan was a little bully. When he forgot to bring his

homework to class, he raised an uproar. However, his female teacher accepted his

behavior with a sweet smile. In another story, Ganbattemasu Seiji-kun [The Boy,Seiji, Is Trying Hard] (Yoshimoto, 1985), when the father of two children was

hospitalized and the mother was busy taking care of him, the little sister encouraged

her brother by saying that since he was a boy, he had to be dependable.

Second, of the 70 books, four characters, all female, were either sickly,

handicapped, or met with a tragic accident. The fact that no male character in the

stories examined experienced these hardships suggests that Japanese society

considers females to be weaker and less fortunate than males.

Third, mother characters appeared in stereotypical contexts: in kitchens, preparing

meals, at part-time jobs, at tea-time, doing laundry, making apple pies, and wearingaprons. Fathers were not much in evidence. Furthermore, the fathers' words and

behaviors were explained to the children in the stories by their mothers. Here, it was

surprising to see such traditional stereotypical roles for men and women. These

depictions show the reality of Japanese society, in which fathers play minor roles in

family affairs, and mothers have greater responsibility for the children.

Lastly, in 17 of the 70 stories, boys interacted with animals, monsters, or ogres, or

they themselves became mythical thunderbolts. In six stories, girl main characters

interacted with small animals and flowers, with neighbors in one story, with

grandmothers in three stories. In five stories, they interacted with mothers but had

little or no interaction with fathers. Again, this shows that boys were depicted asmore active, more competitive, and more adventurous. Girls were depicted as more


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passive, and more keen on female relationships, both of which are stereotypical

images of females.

Applications for Language Teachers

As a language arts teacher of college students, many of whom are planning to beteachers themselves, I see importance in presenting opportunities to identify and

explore the impact of gender issues. The following is a list of possible class

activities:

1. Students find and discuss gender-biased expressions and expectations in theirfirst language.

2. Students count the number of women and men in the field of sports, inhistory books, and other sources.

3. Students analyse the gender-biased expectations in English exercise books ortextbooks written by Japanese authors.

4. Students do "what-if?" writing, where they re-write a story (i.e., a fairy tale)by changing a main character's gender. Teachers can introduce new versions

of the story to the class or students can exchange and read others' stories.

Conclusion

I have briefly introduced the concepts of sexist language and gender stereotypes.

Through my observations of Japanese children's literature, I have demonstrated the

existence of gender stereotypes. I hope my research findings, however limited,

together with other research findings will be beneficial to teachers who are

interested in helping their students be watchful of gender stereotypes and rise abovethem.

Acknowledgement

The author would like to thank Rie Seki and Cheryl Benn for their help and advice

with this article.

References

Banfield, B. (1976).Human--and anti-human--values in children's books. New

York: Council on Interracial Books for Children, Inc.

Brouwer, D. (1993). Language and gender: Feminist linguistics. In R.Buikema& A.

Smelik (Eds.), Women's studies and culture: A feministintroduction(pp. 40-55).

Wiltshire, UK: Redwood Books.

Cherry, K. (1987). Womansword: What Japanese words say about women. Tokyo:

Kodansha International.

Eakins, B., & Eakins, R. (1978). Sex differences in human communication. Boston,

MA: Houghton Mifflin Co.

Fanselow, K., & Kameda, A. (1994). Women's education and gender roles in Japan.


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In Gelb & Palley (Eds.), Women of Japan and Korea (pp. 45-59). Philadelphia:

Temple University Press.

Fox, M. (1993). Men who weep, boys who dance: The gender agenda between the

lines in children's literature.Language Arts, 70, 84-89.

Goto, R. (1997). Kaminari dodoon [Loud thunderbolt]. Tokyo: Popura-sha.

Hildreth, K. (1979). Sexism in elementary physical education literature: Acontent

analysis. Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School at The

University of North Carolina at Greensboro.

Jett-Simpson, M., & Masland, S. (1993). Girls are not dodo birds! Exploring gender

equity issue in the language arts classroom.Language Arts, 70, 104-108.

Kamijyo, S (1995).Himitsuno neko nikki [The secret diary on cats]. Tokyo: Junior

Bungakukan.

Machida, H. (1987). Ta-kun[The boy, Ta]. Tokyo: Kaisei-sha.

Rutledge, M. (1997). Reading the subtext on gender.Education Leadership, 54, 71-

73.

Temple, C. (1993). "What if beauty had been ugly?" Reading against the grain of

gender bias in children's books.Language Arts, 70, 89-93.

Yamamoto, Y. (1993). Gogatsu no fushigina tomodachi[The strange friend inMay]. Tokyo: Kaisei-sha.

Yamanaka, T. (1994).Mukamuka no isshukan[The upsetting week]. Tokyo: Kinno

Hoshisha.

Yamashita, K. (1994). Otokonoko de gomen[Sorry that I'm a boy]. Tokyo: Popura-

sha.

Yoda, I. (1992). Tenjou ura no himitsu[The secret in the ceiling]. Shizuoka:

Hikumano Shuppan.

Yoshimoto, N. (1985). Ganbattemasu Seijikun [Seiji is trying hard]. Tokyo: Popura-

sha.

Appendix

Books with male main characters (in alphabetical order by title) N=45

Title /Author /YearA-da jiisan to Co-da jiisan(Grandpas Arda and Koda) N. Tatara 1995

Atarashii tomodachi(A new friend) Y. Kimura 1991

Bokuno epuron wa sorairo(My apron is blue) M. Yamamoto 1989

Bokuwa yujadazo(I am a brave boy) M. Sato 1997Boku kyanpuni ittanda(I went camping) S. Watanabe 1981


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Daichan no aoitsuki(The blue moon and the boy, Dai) T. Yoshida 1988

Doronko youchien(muddy kindergarten) Nagasaki, G 1986

Ensokun kishani noru (The boy, Enso, rides a train) Suzuki, K 1986

Fushigina kotowa buranko kara(A strange thing happens in a swing)M. Sano 1985

Futon danukino bouken(The adventure of futon raccoon) A. Yoshihara 1991

Ganbattemasu Seiji-kun(Seiji is trying hard) N. Yoshimoto 1985Haru ichiban no okyakusama(The guest in spring) A. Yamashita 1994

Henna tenkousei ga yattekita(A unique new student came) T.Shimizu 1992

Himitsuno neko nikki(The secret diary of cats) S. Kamijyo 1995

Itazura ponkotsukun(The naughty used car) H. Tominaga 1978

Kaminari dodoon (Loud thunderbolt) R. Goto 1997

Kyaputen nikki(The diary of the captain) S. Yamamoto 1991

Kumatakunnchi no jidousha(Kumata familys car) S. Watanabe 1986

Mafin obasanno panya(Auntie Muffin's bakery) A. Takebayashi 1981

Moeru tanima(The burning valley) T. Yoshida 1989

Moujiki ichinensei (Soon I'll be a first grader) G. Nagasaki 1984

Mukamuka no isshukan (The upsetting week) T. Yamanaka 1994

Nakayoshi(Good friends) K. Souma 1996

Noromana ososan daihenshin(The slow father has changed much)M. Yokoyama

1992

Obachan yureininaru (The grandma became a ghost) M. Nasu 1986

Obake to asobou(Let's play with a ghost) K. Asuka 1989

Otokonokode gomen(Sorry that I'm a boy) Y. Yamashita 1994

Otosanto saikuling (Went cycling with my father) T. Takahashi 1989

Ousama daiboukenn(King's adventure) I. Okamoto 1991

Ousama uranai ooatari(The king's predictions came true) T. Teramura 1997

Ousamano pan wa daietto pan(The king's diet bread) N. Takashima 1997Pengin yamano aisu hoteru(Penguin mountain's ice hotel) Y. Watanabe 1995

Poporokun no sentakuya-san (Poporo, a laundryman) M. Ryou 1991

Pukkun no youchien(The boy, Pukkun's kindergarten) K. Funasaki 1988

Sanpokun no tabi (Sanpo's trip) N. Tatara 1994

Soreike Annpanman(Go, Anpan man) T. Yanase 1988

Suiyoubiwa gyunyu no hi(Wednesday is milk day) I. Yoda 1992

Ta-kun(The boy, Ta) H. Masho 1987

Takoyaki Mantoman(Takoyaki Mantman) H. Takada 1994

Temo karadamo araeruyo (I can wash my hands and body) K. Iwase 1993

Tenjyou ura no himitsu(The secret in the ceiling) I. Yoda 1992

Tatsuo gonennsei(Tatsuo, the fifth grader) T. Yoshida 1981Uchuu sukeito (Skating in the space) S. Tamura 1991

Uchuujinn ga yattekita(The alien came over) N. Matsui 1996

Yukino onitaiji (Yuki chased demons away) K. Seiya 1997

Books with female main characters (in alphabetical order by title) N=25

Title /Author /YearAkai sandaru(Red sandals) K. Yoneda 1987

Ashitamo asoboune(Let's play again tomorrow) K. Aman 1987

Ecchan no namae(The name of the girl, Ecchan) N. Akaza 1990

Fuchan to chulip(The girl Fu and a tulip) M. Imaki 1990

Gogatsu no fushigina tomodachi (The strange friend in May) Y. Yamamoto 1993

Itazura majyokko to ijiwaru rukuchihimeM. Fuji 1997(The naughty witch and the mean princess Rukuchi)


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Itaiha tondeike(Go away aching tooth!) S. Saito 1987

Kakochan no otetsudai(Kako helps housework) H. Yamanaka 1990

Karin doubutsuen e iku(Karin goes to the zoo) Y. Souma 1991

Kiraitte iwanaide(Don't say you don't like me) H. Abe 1990

Majono takkyubin(Witch's express delivery) E. Kadono 1989

Mitemite omeme(Look at my eyes) S.Umeda 1990Momode genki (Pink means fine) K. Jyanbo 1991

Natsu yasumi wa majo no kennkyuY. Yamamoto 1992

(Study about witches during a summer vacation)

Nazonazo Amichan (riddles and the girl Ami) S. Murayama 1995

Nemurino kunino majyokko(The little witch in a sleeping country)M. Fuji 1995

Nikyu mahotsukai kurobarasan(The second-rated witch) A. Sueyoshi 1981

Rusuban (Housesitting) W. Sato 1995

Shikkari dakko(Hold me tight, Mom) C. Natori 1996

Tanjyoukai ga hajimaruyo (Your birthday party will begin) K. Miyazaki 1995

Tenohira no pi-ko(Pi-ko on a palm) E. Kishikawa 1989

Wagamama Ma-ma hime(The selfish princess Ma-ma) H. Saito 1997

Watashiga kobutadatta koro (When I was a piggy) S. Umeda 1992

Watashimo ensoku(I'll go on an excursion, too) S. Umeda 1986

Yuzuchan (The girl, Yuzu) H. Hida 1995

Article copyright 1998 by the author.

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Gender roles in children's literature: A review of non-award-winning "easy-to-read" books.Link/Page Citation

Abstract. This study replicates the work of Crabb and Bielawski (1994), who analyzed genderdifferences in character representation found in Caldecott award-winning children's literature, inrelation to the utilization of production, household, and leisure artifacts. This study examines non-award-winning "easy-to-read" books. The data showed that both female and male characters are mostlikely to be pictured in a leisure activity. Otherwise, male characters are apt to be seen with aproduction artifact, while few are shown with a household artifact. For female characters, if they arenot in a leisure activity, they are equally likely to be seen with either a household or production artifact.The real difference in character depiction lies with male characters not being featured in householdactivities. These findings were different from Crabb and Bielawski's study. They found that femalecharacters were most likely represented utilizing a household artifact, while male characters wereprimarily depicted with production artifacts.

The transmission of culture through language is a powerful tool (Greif 1980; Weitzman, Eifler, Hokada,& Ross, 1971). Nevertheless, its impact is often taken lightly when selecting books for young childrento read or have read to them (Allen, Allen, & Sigler, 1993; Maher, Wade, & Moore, 1994; Peterson &Lach, 1990). In many cultures, the most effective way of transmitting values and attitudes is throughstorytelling. In literate cultures this process includes the reading of children's books (Carter &McCloskey, 1983-1984; Carter & Patterson, 1982; Creany 1995; Davis, 1984; Kinder, Smith,& Gerard,1976). Gender role-stereotyped behavior, presented through the text and/or illustrations of children'sliterature, is effectively transmitted to children (Kolbe & LaVoie, 1981; Peterson& Lach, 1990). Aschildren's books reflect the gender stereotypes of the culture, it is therefore important to betterunderstand what children are reading and seeing in the illustrations (Albers, 1996; Creany, 1995;Weitzman et al., 1971).
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Fox (1993) argues that the primary restriction preventing women from fulfilling their potential is thelanguage barrier. She contends that gender "stereotypes in literature prevent the fullness of femalehuman potential from being realized by depriving girls of a range of strong, alternative role models"(Fox, 1993, p. 84). Weitzman et al. (1971) also argue that role models in children's literature not onlypresent children with possible future images of self, but also influence their aspirations and goals. Both

women and men should "be allowed to be as real in literature as they are in life" (Fox, 1993, p. 87).

Several studies over the past 30 years have looked at award-winning books available to educatorsand children through schools and public libraries (Albers, 1996; Bauer, 1993; Bowker, 1996; Collins,Ingoldsby,& Dellman 1984; Dellman-Jenkins, Florjancic, & Swadener, 1993; Dougherty & Engel, 1987;Ernst, 1995; Gerasimova, Troyan, & Zdravomyslova, 1996; Grauerholz & Pescosolido, 1989; Kolbe &LaVoie, 1981; Kortenhaus & Demarest, 1993; Purcell & Stewart, 1990; Temple 1993; Wellhousen1996). The Caldecott Medal winners are a favorite selection to analyze (Creany, 1995; Davis, 1984;Dougherty et al., 1987; Engel, 1981; Kolbe & LaVoie, 1981; Kortenhaus & Demarest, 1993; Nilsen,1978; Weitzman et 31., 1971). The Caldecott Medal is awarded by the Children's Service Committeeof the American Library Association (ALA) for the most distinguished picture book of the year; winnersare recognized solely for illustrations, not for literary content. The medal, according to Weitzman et al.(1971), is the most coveted prize fo r children's books.

The current work replicates Crabb and Bielawski's (1994) study, which analyzed the representationand utilization of household, production, and personal artifacts by characters depicted in pictures inchildren's "easy-to-read" literature. The difference lies in the selection process for the sample of booksto be analyzed. Crabb and Bielawski (1994) analyzed Caldecott Medal Award winners. Because thereis only one Caldecott book winner each year and since so much research already has focused onthese books, the current work utilizes randomly selected non-award-winning books (that are part of aseries) from a large regional public library. A series, for the purpose of this study, consists of at leasttwo books by the same author with a similar theme or central character(s). The ultimate purpose ofthis study was to better understand what gender messages are contained in the "easy-to-read"literature that children ages 4 to 7 are exposed to when they are just learning to read.

Early work by Weitzman et al. (1971) found that Caldecott Medal books published between the years

1966-1971 notably lacked representation of women, especially of women working outside the home.Allen et al. (1993) also analyzed 13 Caldecott Medal award books published between the years 1938-1940 and 9 Caldecott medal-winning books and runners-up published from 1986-1988. Although theirwork also shows an under-representation of female characters, this trend was less prominent thanwhat Weitzman et al. (1971) had reported. Notably, Allen et al. (1993) found that more traditional rolestereotyping existed in books published between the years 1986-1988 than in the earlier period (1938-40). In their work, Kolbe and LaVoie (1981) analyzed Caldecott award-winning books publishedbetween 1972 to 1979. They observed that when female characters were portrayed, their activitieswere typically traditional in nature. They also noted that female-authored books were as stereotypedas those written by male authors.

Nilsen's (1978) work showed a decline of female representation in pictures between 1951 and 1975.Nilsen looked at 98 books that were either Caldecott Medal winners or Honor Books. Nilsen found

"that in the latest five-year period (1971-1975) the percentage of female characters had shrunk to22%, [which] is all the more startling considering the attention that the growing feminist movement hasfocused on the problem of equality in the treatment of male and females in school materials" (p. 225).

Engel (1981), in using the same counting method as Nilsen (1978), analyzed 19 Caldecott Medal andHonor books published between 1976-1980 and showed that female characters represented only 26%of all characters. Engel (1981) further believed that children's literature presents a "limited view ofwomen's real activities, whereas the roles of male characters were shown closer to reality" (p. 649).Creany (1995) recognized a similar trend and noted, regarding the Caldecott award-winning books,that "the gender roles played by male and female characters still reflected and thus transmittedtraditional gender roles" (p. 292).

Crabb and Bielawski (1994) also examined the gender-typed portrayal of material culture in Caldecott

Award-winning books published between 1937 and 1989. They analyzed the pictures in these booksand what type of artifacts the characters employed. Their work showed that a greater proportion of


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female characters were represented utilizing household artifacts, while a larger proportion of malecharacters were depicted using non-domestic production artifacts. Bandura (1986) argues that thegender representation of these artifacts molds a child into specific gender roles for specific gendermarking. This gender marking, according to Crabb and Bielawski (1994), indicates that a givenhousehold or production artifact is most appropriately used by either females or males, thereby linkingthe world of human-made things with gender categories.

The work of Tognoli, Pullen, and Lieber (1994) supports Crabb and Bielawski's (1994) findings. Theirwork found that the norm for males was to be identified with the rugged outdoors, away from theconfinement of "feminized space of home and family life" (p. 273). If not outdoors, men were found inthe workforce in a variety of occupations, while women were limited to the confines of the home andresponsibilities that included family roles. Notably, Crabb and Bielawski (1994) showed an increase inthe representation of male characters using household artifacts over time. They suggest that a culturallag may explain the lack of progress in representing female characters using production-type artifacts.

Data and Methods

The sample of books selected for this study was drawn from a large regional public library. The librarykeeps a hard-copy list of books that appear in a series, sorted by the author's last name. The library's

list was initially used to identify each series, but other series were added later. A series, for thepurpose of this study, consists of at least two books by the same author with a similar theme or centralcharacter(s). The sample was restricted to "series" books because the researchers believe the authorsof these books generally exert more influence on young readers than do authors who have publishedonly one book. Publishing books in a series repeatedly exposes young readers to a particular themeor series character(s). Furthermore, no one has focused on analyzing gender messages of books in aseries.

The 22 non-award storybooks were chosen by selecting one book from a series listed under eachletter of the alphabet in the children's section of easy readers (see Table 1). Beginning with the letter Aand working to the end of the alphabetical listing of books, a stratified sampling frame was compiled ofall books belonging to a series. Four letters of the alphabet were not repeated in the listing. Next, oneseries from each represented letter was randomly drawn. Thus, if "A" had 12 identified series, there

was a 1 in 12 chance of the series being selected in the sample. The final stage of sample selectioninvolved randomly selecting one book from each of the already randomly selected series.

After selecting the 22 books to be included in the sample, all pictures were photocopied in black andwhite. The analysis was restricted to illustrations since that is what the Caldecott award recognizes.Obviously, this process omits an understanding of what gender messages children may pick up whenreading the text. The advantage, however, of limiting the analysis to illustrations is that it is easier tobe precise when coding icons in pictures than it is to decipher and interpret gender meanings in words.Nevertheless, by only coding illustrations, the study only focused on one part of a book's manymessages.

Using the copies, a content analysis was performed on each page, in line with Crabb and Bielawski'swork (1994). Again, artifacts used by each of the characters were coded as: male or female with a

production artifact, female or male with a household artifact, and female or male with a personalartifact.

For the purpose of this study, the artifacts used by characters may be defined as production,household, or personal. Crabb and Bielawski (1994) offer the following definitions. Production artifactsare "objects used to produce effects outside the household, including artifacts used in construction,agriculture, transportation and all other work outside the home" (p. 73). For example, if an adultcharacter was depicted as a doctor, with a medical instrument in hand, that artifact would be coded asone of production. Household artifacts were defined as "human-made objects used to produce effectsin the home, including artifacts used in food preparation, cleaning, repair, family care and homemanufacture." Thus, if a character appeared in the kitchen and was using a mixer, then that artifactwas coded in the household category. Personal artifacts are "human-made objects not employed inlabor and used to produce effects on the immediate person of the user, including artifacts used for

grooming, protection from the elements, and leisure" (Crabb & Bielawski 1994). Should a character becombing his hair, this artifact would be listed under personal artifacts.


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To ensure the reliability of the coding process, cross-rater analysis was performed. Three volunteerscompleted a content analysis of 15 books using the instructions and code sheet provided by theresearchers. Both the researchers and the volunteers wrote in red ink, directly on the copied pages,next to each character to avoid ambiguity in identifying the artifacts. The coding of the volunteers forthese 15 books was compared to the coding by the researchers. There was a 91.27% reliability

between the cross-raters and the researchers.

In addition, the title of each book, the copyright date, the author's gender, and the total number of maleand female characters represented in pictures of each book were noted. Several variables werecreated. Production (PROD) is the percent of characters with production artifacts divided by the total ofall female and male characters in the sample. Household (HOUSE) is the percent of characters withhousehold artifacts divided by the total of all female and male characters in the sample. LEISURE isthe percent of characters with personal artifacts divided by the total of all female and male charactersin the sample. MALE is the percent of all male characters in all categories divided by all the femaleand male characters in the sample.

Results

The sample contained 467 female characters and 693 males represented in 662 pictures (see Table 1for a list of books). This is a ratio of female to male characters of 1:1.5. The books in the sample werepublished between the years 1963-1995. The sample included 12 female and 9 male authors. Most(13) of the books did not contain a gendered name in the title. Of the books that did, eight had a boy'sname in the title and one book had both a female and male name in the title. None of the books in thissample had only a female name as part of the title.

Fewer female (108) than male characters (175) were shown using production artifacts (see Table 2).The female to male character representation utilizing production artifacts was a ratio of 1:1.6. Morefemale (101) than male (60) characters were shown with household artifacts. The ratio of female tomale characters depicted with household artifacts was 1.7:1. Fewer female (149) than male (267)characters were shown with personal artifacts. There was a female to male ratio of 1:1.8 for personalartifacts. The most common personal artifacts represented in the children's books in this study were

related to leisure activities.

Next, the percentage of characters with production artifacts (PROD) was regressed on the percentageof male characters in the books, the gender of the author, and the copyright date. The results arereported in Table 3. For every one percentage change of males shown in a book, there will be a .34%decrease of male characters pictured utilizing a production artifact (p = .04). This is because malecharacters were most likely to be pictured in a leisure activity. If the author is male, 24% morecharacters will be shown with a production artifact. Overtime, the percentage of characters havingproduction artifacts increased at the rate of 1.2% a year.

The percentage of characters utilizing a household artifact (HOUSE) was regressed on the percentageof male characters in the books, the gender of the author, and the copyright dates. The results arereported in Table 4. Male authors are less likely to depict characters utilizing household artifacts (p =

.05). The percentage of characters utilizing household artifacts is 19% lower for male authors than forfemale authors. Only 60 pictures featured male characters with a household artifact compared to 101pictures of female characters with such artifacts. Unlike Crabb and Bielawski (1994), there was nosignificant increase in the representation of male characters using household artifacts over time.

Finally, the percentage of characters pictured with a personal artifact (LEISURE) was regressed on thepercentage of male characters in the books, the gender of the author, and the copyright dates. Theseresults are reported in Table 5. For every one percentage change of males shown in a book, there is a.43% increase of male characters pictured with a leisure artifact. However, the later the copyright datein this study, the less likely (1.3% per year) it is that a character will be shown in a leisure activity (p =.05).

Both female and male characters are most likely to be pictured in a leisure activity rather than in a

productive or household role. If a male character is not pictured at leisure, then he is most apt to beseen with a production artifact (few men are featured with a household artifact). For female characters,


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if they are not in a leisure activity, they are equally likely to be seen with either a household orproduction artifact. The real difference in character depiction lies with male characters not beingfeatured in household activities.

Conclusion

This study of non-award-winning books supports the findings of others showing the overall depiction ofmore male than female characters. However, the difference was not as drastic as previously reported.The 22 books (a total of 662 pages) analyzed showed that females represented 40% of all thecharacters. This is higher than Nilsen's (1978) finding of 22% or Engels's (1981) report of 26%. Giventhat most of the books analyzed were published after the late 1980s, perhaps this finding points to areal change in the number of female characters depicted in illustrations in children's literature.

The ratio of male characters to female characters coded as utilizing a production artifact was 2:1. Thisfinding supports work by Crabb and Bielawski (1994) showing that males were identified with therugged outdoors, in a working environment, or operating a motor vehicle or other form oftransportation more often than females. It also supports the finding by Creany (1995) that "the genderroles played by male and female characters still reflect and thus transmit traditional gender roles" (p.292). This study also supports the findings of Weitzman et al. (1971) that children's books lack

representation of working women. While the female characters were shown more often outside thehome, utilizing production artifacts, it was either as a teacher or in a leisure activity.

Female characters were depicted with household artifacts far more often than were male characters.Although male characters were shown in a variety of household activities, this was the least likelyartifact employed by male characters. Furthermore, male authors were not as likely as female authorsto picture male characters in the realm of domestic production.

Although gender role stereotyping does exist in this sample, the picture does not appear as bleak aspreviously reported. The representation of female characters is increasing overall, but more important,the representation of females with a production artifact, or in a role outside the home, is growing. Evenso, this study raises the question as to why children's books, especially award-winning books,continue to be gender stereotyped.

Future research in this area might aim to incorporate how children themselves understand messagesin books. Studies on the process by which children perceive images in illustrations in children'sliterature are sorely missing. Finally, it would be useful to learn how stereotyping in illustrations variescross-culturally.

References

Albers, P. (1996). Issues of representation: Caldecott Gold Medal Winners 1984-1995. The NewAdvocate, 9, 267-285.

Allen, A. M., Allen, D. N., & Sigler, G. (1993). Changes in sex-role stereotyping in Caldecott MedalAward Picture Books 1938-1988. Journal of Research in Childhood Education, 7, 67-73.

Bandura, A. (1986). Social foundations of thought and action: A social cognitive theory. EnglewoodCliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.

Bauer, M. D. (1993). Sexism and the world of children's books. The Horn Book Magazine, 69(September/October), 577-581.

Bowker, D. (1996). Gender stereotyped descriptors in children's picture books: Does "Curious Jane"exist in the literature? Sex Roles, 35, 461-488.

Carter, D. B., & McCloskey, L. A. (1983-1984). Peers and the maintenance of sex-typed behavior: Thedevelopment of children's conceptions of cross-gender behavior in their peers. Social Cognition, 2,294-314.

Carter, D. B., & Patterson, C. J. (1982). Sex roles as social conventions: The development of


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children's conceptions of sex-role stereotypes. Developmental Psychology, 18, 812-824.

Collins, L. J., Ingoldsby, C. J., & Dellmann, M. (1984). Sex-role stereotyping in children's literature.Childhood Education, 60, 278-285.

Crabb, P. B., & Bielawski, D. (1994). The social representation of material culture and gender in

children's books. Sex Roles, 30, 69-79.

Creany, A. D. (1995). The appearance of gender in award-winning children's books. (ERIC DocumentReproduction Service No. ED 391 510)

Davis, A. J. (1984). Sex-differentiated behaviors in non-sexist picture books. Sex Roles, 11, 1-15.

Dougherty, W. H., & Engel, R. E. (1987). An 80s look for sex equality in Caldecott winners and honorbooks. The Reading Teacher, 40, 394-398.

Engel, R. E. (1981). Is unequal treatment of females diminishing in children's picture books? TheReading Teacher, 34, 647-652.

Ernst, S. B. (1995). Gender issues in books for children and young adults. In S. Lehr (Ed.), Battlingdragons: Issues and controversy in children's literature. Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann.

Fox, M. (1993). Men who weep, boys who dance: The gender agenda between the lines in children'sliterature. Language Arts, 70, 84-88.

Gerasimova, K, Troyan, N., & Zdravomsylova, E. (1996). Gender stereotypes in preschool children'sliterature. In A. Rotkierh& E. H. Manila (Eds.), Russia today. Vermont: Dartmouth Publishing.

Grauerholz, E., & Pescosolido, B. A. (1989). Gender representation in children's literature: 1900-1984.Gender and Society, 3, 113-125.

Grief, E. B. (1980). Sex differences in parent-child conversations. Women's Studies International

Quarterly, 3, 253-258.

Dellmann-Jenkins, M. D., Florjancic, L., & Swadener, E. B. (1993). Sex roles and cultural diversity inrecent award winning picture books for young children. Journal of Research in Childhood Education, 7,74-82.

Kinder, D. R., Smith, T., & Gerard, H. B. (1976). The attitude-labeling process outside of thelaboratory. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 33, 480-491.

Kolbe, R., & LaVoie, J. C. (1981). Sex-role stereotyping in preschool children's picture books. SocialPsychology Quarterly, 44, 369-374.

Kortenhaus, C. M., & Demarest, J. (1993). Gender role stereotyping in children's literature: An update.

Sex Roles, 28, 219-233.

Maher, A., Wade, B., & Moore, M. (1994). Goslob is a boy's name. English in Education, 31, 24-35.

Nilsen, A. P. (1978). Five factors contributing to the unequal treatment of females in children's picturebooks. Top of the News Spring, 2, 255-258.

Peterson, S. B., & Lach, M.A. (1990). Gender stereotypes in Cchildren's books: Their prevalence andinfluence on cognitive and affective development. Gender and Education, 2, 185-197.

Purcell, P., & Stewart, L. (1990). Dick and Jane in 1989. Sex Roles, 22, 177-185.

Temple, C. (1993). What if beauty had been ugly? Reading against the grain of gender bias in

children's books. Language Arts, 70, 89-93.


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Tognoli, J., Pullen, J., & Lieber, J. (1994). The privilege of place: Domestic and work locations ofcharacters in children's books. Children's Environments, 11, 272-280.

Weitzman, L J., Eifler, D., Hokada, E., & Ross, C. (1971). Sex-role socialization in picture books forpreschool children. American Journal of Sociology, 77, 1125-1149.

Wellhousen, K. (1996). Girls can be bull riders, too! Supporting children's understanding of genderroles through children's literature. Young Children, 51, 79-83.Table 1

Titles of Children's Books Included in Sample

Allard, Harry. (1981). The stupids die. Boston: Houghton Mifflin.

Bridwell, Norman. (1963). Clifford the big red dog. New York:

Scholastic.

Carlstrom, Nancy White. (1988). Better not get wet, Jesse Bear. New

York: McMillan.

Donnelly, Liza. (1994). Dinosaur valentine. New York: Scholastic.

Evans, Katie. (1992). Hunky Dory ate it. New York: Dutton Children's

Books.

Fleischman, Sid. (1971). McBroom's ghost. New York: Grossett & Dunlap.

Graham, Amanda, & Gynell, Donna. (1987). Educating Arthur. Wisconsin:

Gareth Stevens.

Hayes, Sarah, & Craig, Helen. (1988). This is the bear and the picnic

lunch. London: Walker Books.

Luttrell, Ida. (1993). Mattie's little possum pet. New York: Atheneum.

Nerlove, Miriam. (1989). Easter. Niles, IL: Albert Whitman & Company.

Oxenbury, Helen. (1988). Tom and Pippo make a mess. London: Walker

Books.

Polisar, Barry Louis. (1987). Snakes and the boy who was afraid of

them. New York: Independent Publishers Group.

Reinach, Jacquelyn. (1977). Quail can't decide. Toronto: Hold, Rinehart

and Winston of Canada, Limited.

Apple, Margot. (1994). Sheep take a hike. Boston: Houghton Mifflin.

Thaler, Mike. (1989). The teacher from the Black Lagoon. New York:

Scholastic.

Viorst, Judith. (1995). Alexander, who's not going to move. New York:

Simon & Schuster.

Wells, Rosemary. (1991). Max's dragon shirt. New York: Dial Books.

Iwamura, Kazuo. (1980). Ton and Pon. New York: Bradbury Press.

Kellogg, Steven. (1988). Prehistoric Pinkerton. New York: Dial Books.

Johnson, Doug. (1995). Never ride your elephant to school. New York:


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Henry Holt and Company.

Yolen, Jane. (1987). Piggins. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich.

Marshall, James. (1992). The cut-ups crack up. New York: Viking

Children's Books.

Table 2

Number and Percentage of Male and Female Characters Depicted With

Production, Household, and Personal Artifacts

% of Male Characters % of Female Characters Total

Depicted With Artifact Depicted With Artifact

Production 62.8% (175) 38.2% (108) 283

Household 37.3% ( 60) 62.7% (101) 161

Personal 64.2% (267) 35.8% (149) 416

Table 3

Regression of Production Artifacts of Independent Variables

Variable Beta Standard Error Prob>(T)

Intercept -23.54 8.95 .02

Male -.34 .16 .04

Gender/Author .24 .08 .01

Date .01 .00 .02

[R.sup.2] .5139

Table 4

Regression of Household Artifacts on independent Variables


Intercept -2.24 11.41 .03

Male .08 .18 .65


Date -.00 .00 .82

[R.sup.2] .2612

Table 5

Regression of Personal Artifacts on Independent Variables


Intercept 26.78 11.41 .03

Male .43 .20 .05


Date .13 .01 .03

[R.sup.2] .3573COPYRIGHT 2001 Association for Childhood Education InternationalNo portion of this article can be reproduced without the express written permission from the copyright holder.

Copyright 2001, Gale Group. All rights reserved. Gale Group is a Thomson Corporation Company.

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Gender issues in young children's literature.In recent decades, extensive studies from diverse disciplines have focused on children'sdevelopmental awareness of different gender roles and the relationships between genders. Amongthese studies, researchers agree that children's picture books have an increasingly significant place inchildren's development because these books are a widely available cultural resource, offering youngchildren a multitude of opportunities to gain information, become familiar with the printed pictures, beentertained, and experience perspectives other than their own. In such books, males are habituallydescribed as active and domineering, while females rarely reveal their identities and very frequentlyare represented as meek and mild. This valuable venue for children's gender development thusunfortunately reflects engrained societal attitudes and biases in the available choices and expectationsassigned to different genders. This discriminatory portrayal in many children's picture books also runsthe risk of leading children toward a misrepresented and misguided realization of their true potential intheir expanding world.

**********

Gender bias as portrayed in children's literature is still as prevalent today as in past decades, andremains a problem in light of the fact that gender stereotypes and sexism in children's picture booksaffect the development of gender identity in young children (e.g.., Allen, Allen, & Sigler, 1993;Trepanier-Street & Romatowski, 1999). Numerous studies (e.g., Fox, 1993; Singh, 1998) of children'sliterature content indicate that male figures dominate the majority of books. This condition affectschildren's development and perceptions. Children adopt certain roles and behaviors as part of theirsocialization process. Many of these gender-based, behavioral roles arise from identification withothers. The development of gender-role identity is important to children's self-perception, andinfluences adults' and peers' treatment of children (Kortenhaus & Demarest, 1993). Gender affectsothers' expectations of children and youngsters often do not understand the expected behavior. Thepurpose of this article is to examine the current gender issues extensively revealed in children's

literature.

As mentioned, literature is one of the homes of gender stereotypes. The books that children read andthat are read to them have psycho-social uses at a time when children are continually constructingideas from information around them and assimilating new knowledge with previous knowledge (Elliker,2005). In general, children's literature is said to provide characters and events with which children canidentify and through which they can consider their own actions, beliefs, and emotions (Mendoza &Reese, 2001). The characters and situations in books introduce children to what the world may looklike through others' eyes, and offer opportunities for children to further construct their own views of selfand the world.

Strictly speaking, everything that children read contributes to the formation of self-images that help toconstruct children's self-identity. For example, girls can imagine themselves as women and boys can

imagine themselves as men (Singh, 1998). Images and specific language used in picture books havethe potential to affect children's developmental processes in various ways as a result of reading at
http://www.thefreelibrary.com/Gender+roles+in+children's+literature%3a+A+review+of+non-award-winning...-a080755788http://www.thefreelibrary.com/Gender+roles+in+children's+literature%3a+A+review+of+non-award-winning...-a080755788http://www.thefreelibrary.com/Gender+roles+in+children's+literature%3a+A+review+of+non-award-winning...-a080755788http://www.thefreelibrary.com/Gender+roles+in+children's+literature%3a+A+review+of+non-award-winning...-a080755788http://www.thefreelibrary.com/Gender+roles+in+children's+literature%3a+A+review+of+non-award-winning...-a080755788http://www.thefreelibrary.com/Gender+roles+in+children's+literature%3a+A+review+of+non-award-winning...-a080755788http://www.thefreelibrary.com/Gender+roles+in+children's+literature%3a+A+review+of+non-award-winning...-a080755788http://www.thefreelibrary.com/Gender+roles+in+children's+literature%3a+A+review+of+non-award-winning...-a080755788http://www.thefreelibrary.com/Gender+roles+in+children's+literature%3a+A+review+of+non-award-winning...-a080755788http://www.thefreelibrary.com/Gender+roles+in+children's+literature%3a+A+review+of+non-award-winning...-a080755788http://www.thefreelibrary.com/Gender+roles+in+children's+literature%3a+A+review+of+non-award-winning...-a080755788http://www.thefreelibrary.com/Gender+roles+in+children's+literature%3a+A+review+of+non-award-winning...-a080755788http://www.thefreelibrary.com/Gender+roles+in+children's+literature%3a+A+review+of+non-award-winning...-a080755788http://www.thefreelibrary.com/Gender+roles+in+children's+literature%3a+A+review+of+non-award-winning...-a080755788http://www.thefreelibrary.com/Gender+roles+in+children's+literature%3a+A+review+of+non-award-winning...-a080755788


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crucial stages of development (Kramer, 2001).

Besides being an important resource for developing children's language skills, children's books play asignificant part in transmitting a society's culture. Without question, children develop gender-roleidentities during their early years, and one factor that influences this identity is the literature thatchildren read or is read to them (Allen et al., 1993). Picture books also have a particular influence on

gender identities because they are viewed at a time when children are in the process of developingtheir individual identities. Moreover, gender identity is a pervasive social classification that isestablished early in childhood and is an important aspect of self-esteem.

The following parts of this article focus on: (a) the situation of gender bias and stereotypes in children'sliterature, and (b) selected research studies on trends relating to images of both men and women usedin pictures, titles, and central roles of children as characters in these books.

Gender Bias and Stereotypes in Children's Literature

The concern about sexism in children's literature is based on the contention that books influencechildren's behavior. Without question, the gender-roles portrayed in children's picture books influencetheir audiences, but the magnitude and generalization of this influence and its impact on behavior are

not completely understood. In addition, according to Kolbe and Voie (1981), children's books are notthe only influence on children's gender-role attitudes; nonetheless, they can play an important role ineliminating sexism by presenting egalitarian gender roles.

The impact of gender role stereotyping in children's literature has been examined in numerous studiesover the past decades. Many researchers have acknowledged that literature can influence the genderstereotypes of young children, and that gender bias is present in the content, language, andillustrations of many children's books (Kittelberger, 2002). In other words, children's books are animportant cultural mechanism for teaching gender roles to children (Taylor, 2003). The bias influencinggender stereotypical thinking may limit children's choices, interests, and abilities. In most children'spicture books, males characteristically dominate titles, pictures, and texts. Female characters, on theother hand, are not only under-represented in titles and central roles, but also appear unimportant.

According to researchers' findings (i.e., Fox, 1993; Kolbe & Voie, 1981), 85% of the main characters in

stories for children are male, and female characters rarely do anything. Examples of sexism are clearlyabundant, even from a quick glance at a dozen randomly selected books.

Gender stereotypes in literature prevent female human potential from being realized by depriving girlsof a range of strong, alternative role models. Moreover, present studies showed that female and malecharacters are not presented equally (Turner-Bowker, 1996). Female characters were found to bepresented significantly less often in pictures and titles than were male characters. Also consistent withgender stereotypes, male characters were more often described as potent, powerful, and more activethan female characters.

As mentioned, gender bias is easily found in the content, language, and illustrations of a large numberof children's books. This bias may be seen in the extent to which a main character represents agender in children's books and how that gender is portrayed. Moreover, Kramer (2001) asserted that

contemporary society often categorizes both genders with outdated and stereotypical images andbiased language, all of which are considered problems in children's literature.

According to Rudman (as cited in Kramer, 2001, p. 19):Books for children have reflected

societal attitudes in limiting choices

and maintaining discrimination.

Most traditional books show females

dressed in skirts or dresses even

when they are engaged in activities

inappropriate for this sort of costume.

Illustrations also have

conventionally placed females in

passive observer roles, while maleshave been pictured as active. Studies

have demonstrated time and time


18/45

again that illustrations confirm the

subordinate, less valued role for the

female, while stressing the active,

adventuresome, admirable role for

male.

In addition, most themes representedin children's book reflect the

expectation that male characters will

use their brains to effectively and

creatively solve problems, while

female characters are portrayed as

more concerned with appearance.

Females are depicted as dependent,

emotional, silly, clumsy, and lacking

intelligence. They are passive, gentle,

domestic, motherly, and

unassertive (Kramer, 2001). Males

typically are portrayed as competent

and achievement-oriented,while the image of females is that

they are limited in what they can do,

and are less competent in their ability

to accomplish things (Kortenhaus

& Demarest, 1993). That is to say,

female characters are involved in

few of the activities and assigned

few of the characteristics or goals

that are accorded prestige and

esteem in today's society. In reality,

women do pursue and achieve

goals, as well as engage in daily

business/professional activities.

Peterson and Lanch asserted that

gender development is a critical part

of the earliest and most important

learning experience of young children

(as cited in Narahara, 1998).

Children's picture books not only

possess an incomparable charm for

children, but also have a long-term

influence on their gender development.

That is, in addition to

entertainment, children's picture

books also communicate cultural

and social norms to young children.

Illustrations also have an equal

responsibility to tell the story

because characters' pictures evoke

feelings, emotions, and reactions as

young readers observe illustrated

facial expressions. Based on this

affirmation of importance, children's

picture books perform faithfully the

role of furthering the development

of children's gender identities.

Selected Research Studies Demonstrating Genders Inequalities


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Much has been written about children's literature and gender stereotyping, describing its influences onthe gender attitudes of children (e.g., Allen et al., 1993; Kortenhaus & Demarest, 1993; Martinez &Nash, 1993; Trepanier-Street & Romatowski, 1999). Gender role stereotypes affect how childrenperceive themselves. A negative portrayal of a child's own gender may affect that child's self-identityand self-esteem. Some researchers (e.g., Peterson & Lach, as cited in Narahara, 1998) found that anawareness of stereotypes changed children's attitudes. Yet children who were read non-sexist stories

over a sustained period of time reduced their notions of gender-role stereotypes. These children alsodeveloped fewer stereotypical attitudes about jobs after being read stories about people who foughtgender discrimination.

According to findings from the studies of Key and Wertzman (as cited in Kortenhaus & Demarest,1993), males predominated in situations with active mastery themes, such as cleverness andadventure, while females predominated in situations with "second-sex" themes, such as passivity andvictimization. Also, females were greatly underrepresented in titles and central roles. Furthermore, theillustrations in children's picture books depicted most activity being accomplished by males. Key andWertzman concluded that this trend in children's books is based on the premise that "boys do, girlsare," making gender stereotypes a strong influence affecting children's perceptions of the behaviorsand attitudes of each gender.

Also, Turner-Bowker (1996) found that the most commonly used female descriptors were beautiful,frightened, and worthless. In contrast, the most commonly used male descriptors were big, horrible,and fierce. However, she thought that this might be due to females fulfilling their stereotypical roles.Further, female characters were found significantly less frequently in pictures and titles. Conversely,she contended that, recently, their representation in central roles had increased in proportion to thosefor male characters.

Trepanier-Street and Romatowski (1999) found in their study that it was possible to influencechildren's gender attitudes through children's literature and related activities. They suggested that useof children's literature materials and interventions in children's literature must be sustained, focused,and intensive in order to effect change. In addition, Trepanier-Street and Romatowski suggested theimportance of investigating whether or not a change in gender attitudes may be generalized to a widernumber of occupational roles than those portrayed in the books used in re-examining young children's

gender attitudes and thinking about occupational roles.

Recent studies (e.g., Narahara, 1998; Trepanier-Street & Romatowski, 1999) on gender equality inchildren's literature found inequality in children's books. Although non-sexist books were more likelythan sexist books to portray female characters who adopted male-stereotypical characteristics androles, both types of books similarly portrayed the stereotypical female as a person devoted to domesticchores and leisure activities (Diekman & Murnen, 2004). Such portrayals may contribute to theperpetuation of gender inequality, particularly if touted as examples of equality.

Summary of Selected Research

As mentioned earlier, some conclusions can be drawn. First, gender development is a critical part ofthe earliest and most important learning experiences. For young children, picture books are important

because they provide role models for children in defining standards for feminine and masculinebehavior. Next, gender stereotypes and sexism limit children's potential growth and development.Nonsexist books, on the other hand, produce positive changes in self-concept, attitudes, and behavior(Narahara, 1998).

In other words, children's gender attitudes may be positively changed through the reading ofappropriate children's literature and other book-related activities (Trepanier-Street & Romatowski,1999). Moreover, Trepanier-Street and Romatowski suggested that young children's attitudes, whilestill generally stereotypical, are beginning to be more flexible regarding occupational roles for men andwomen. They also suggested that a valuable resource for influencing children's gender attitudes is thecareful selection of reading material and the use of books and related activities that promote gender-neutral attitudes.

Diekman and Murnen's study (2004) provided evidence that even books praised as non-sexistportrayed, at best, a narrow vision of gender equality in which women adopt stereotypically male


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attributes and roles. Most striking was the frequent portrayals of females in stereotypically commonpersonalities, domestic roles, and leisure roles.

Non-sexist books succeeded in portraying female characters as adopting the characteristics and rolesidentified with masculine gender roles. However, they did not portray male characters as adoptingaspects of feminine gender roles or female characters as shedding feminine gender roles. In addition,

these findings support the conceptualization of sexism as a multi-dimensional construct. Even in thedomain of children's literature, sexism manifests itself in diverse ways.

Conclusion

Children's reading materials are a widely available cultural resource that children may draw on tomake sense of gender. Books for children have reflected societal attitudes in limiting choices andmaintaining discrimination (Rudman, 1995). Most picture books show females dressed in skirts ordresses, even when they are engaged in activities for which the costumes are inappropriate.Illustrations have conventionally placed females in passive observer roles, while males have beenpictured as active. Illustrations confirm the subordinate, less valued role of the female and stress theactive, adventuresome, and admirable role of the male. When a female is permitted to retain activequalities, the message conveyed to children is that she is the notable exception because all other girls

in books are "normal."

Children's picture books have an increasingly significant place in children's development because theyoffer young children a multitude of opportunities to gain information, to become familiar with the printedpictures, to be entertained, and to experience perspectives other than their own (Mendoza & Reese,2001). Gender is perhaps the basic dimension through which children perceive their social world andtheir places in it (Taylor, 2003). Gender shapes social organization, influences how young childreninteract with each other, and even determines how young children evaluate themselves. Over the pastdecades, increased female representation in titles, central roles, and pictures appears to indicate thatmore and more authors of children's books are aware of and sensitive to women's changing roles.

In order to build a gender-equal literature learning environment, it is important to consider the attitudesof both authors and teachers when selecting children's books. Ideally, all children's books used in

classrooms should have well-rounded male and female characters. That is to say, teachers shouldselect books in which individuals have distinct personalities regardless of their genders. Characters'achievements should not be evaluated on the basis of gender, and females should not always beportrayed as weaker and more delicate than males. In addition, teachers may choose books that havecounter-sexist attitudes embedded in them. For example, feminist texts can help children recognizegender-stereotypical messages. Also, combining traditional and non-traditional books can sparkdiscussion of how genders are portrayed in different books that promote gender-neutral attitudes(Singh, 1998).

Teachers need to make a conscious effort to select books that reflect fairness to both genders. Sinceyoung children cannot yet make this choice, the responsibility must be the adults'. Moreover,increased effort is needed from publishers and authors to provide children with literature that moreclosely parallels the roles of males and females in contemporary society.

The growing literature on anti-bias in curricula and culturally inclusive pedagogy in the early years ofeducation provides many examples of the ways that programs can provide powerful messages aboutgender roles (Dellmann-Jenkins et al., 1993). The use of picture books that portray non-traditionalgender roles, including boys and men in nurturing or care-giving roles, as well as girls and women inactive, leadership roles, provides an important contrast to the commonly popular cultural messagesoften seen and heard by very young children. Hence, the use of appropriate children's literature mustbe well-timed as children construct their views of human diversity.

References

Allen, A., Allen, D., & Sigler, G. (1993). Changes in sex role stereotyping in Caldecott Medal Awardpicture books 1938-1988. Journal of Research in Childhood Education, 7, 67-73.

Diekman, A. B., & Murnen, S. K. (2004). Learning to be little women and little men: The inequitable


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gender equality of nonsexist children's literature. Sex Roles, 50(5/6), 373-385.

Elliker, M. J. (2005). The importance of gender roles in children's literature. Unpublished masterthesis, Pennsylvania State University, University Park, PA.

Fox, M. (1993). Men who weep, boys who dance: The gender agenda between the lines in children's

literature. Language Art, 70(2), 84-88.

Kittelberger, L. M. (2002). Gender bias: changes in portrayal of women in children's literature from1955-1960 to 1995-2000. Unpublished master's thesis, Pennsylvania State University, University Park,PA.

Kolbe, R., & Voie, J. C. L. (1981 ). Sex-role stereotyping in preschool children's picture books. SocialPsychology Quarterly, 44(4), 369-374.

Kortenhaus, C. M., & Demarest, J. (1993). Gender role stereotyping in children's literature: An update.Sex Roles, 28(3), 219-232.

Kramer, M. A. (2001). Sex-role stereotyping in children's literature. Unpublished master's thesis,

Pennsylvania State University, University Park, PA.

Martinez, M., & Nash, M. (1993). Exploring gender roles. Language Arts, 70, 128-134.

Mendoza, J., & Reese, D. (2001). Examining multicultural picture books for the early childhoodclassroom: Possibilities and pitfalls. Early Childhood Research & Practice, 3(2), 1-38.

Narahara, M. M. (1998). Gender stereotypes in children's picture hooks (Project). Long Beach, CA:University of California.

Rudman, M. K. (1995). Children's literature (3rd ed.).White Plains, NY: Longman.

Singh, M. (1998). Gender issues in children's literature. ERIC Digest. Retrieved April 02, 2007, from

ttp:t/www.kidsource.com/education/gender.issues.L.A.html

Taylor, F. (2003). Content analysis and gender stereotypes in children's books. Teaching Sociology,31(3), 300-311.

Trepanier-Street, M. L., & Romatowski, J. A. (1999). The influence of children's literature on genderrole perceptions: A reexamination. Early Childhood Education Journal, 26(3), 155-159.

Turner-Bowker, D. M. (1996). Gender stereotyped descriptors in children's picture books: Does"Curious Jane" exist in the literature? Sex Roles, 35(7-8), 461-487.COPYRIGHT 2008 Project Innovation (Alabama)No portion of this article can be reproduced without the express written permission from the copyright holder.

Copyright 2008 Gale, Cengage Learning. All rights reserved.

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Representations of material culture and gender inaward-winning children's books: a 20-year follow-up.

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rd-winning...-a0271882341

This study tested the hypothesis that children's books accurately reflect the gender-based division oflabor in the culture and historical period in which they were published. A content analysis was

performed on illustrations in books that won the Caldecott Medal or Honor between 1990 and 2009.The final sample included 490 illustrations in 68 of the 85 books. Character gender and type ofmaterial cultural artifact used (household, production) were coded. Larger proportions of femalecharacters in the books used household artifacts, whereas larger proportions of male characters usedproduction artifacts outside the home. The authors discuss the relationship of these representations tothe real world of gender, tools, and work, as well as implications for the socialization of children.

Keywords: children's books, gender schemas, material culture, technology, tool use, Caldecott Books,social representations

**********

One channel by which children are exposed to ideas about the appropriate gender of users of materialculture is illustrated children's books. In the current study, we report on a content analysis ofillustrations in award-winning children's books published in the United States during the 1990s and2000s. Our expectation was that representations in the children's books of those decades shouldmirror concurrent developments in U.S. society. Specifically, we hypothesized that because womencontinued during that period to do the bulk of housework, most female characters in children's bookswould reflect that gendered division of labor. However, because an increasing number of womenworked outside the home during those decades, we also expected that children's books would reflectthat change in the division of labor, as well. A broader assumption of the study was that in any culturein which children's books or other media are significant socialization channels for children, the waythat material culture and gender are portrayed may play a significant role in children's development ofbeliefs about, preferences for, and expertise in using the array of artifacts that are available. When asociety sends the tacit message that specific artifacts are gender marked as exclusively for use byeither females or males, those artifacts, and the activities they are used for, may be incorporated intonormative gender roles (Bandura, 1986).
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Material culture--that part of the environment that has been intentionally constructed for practicalpurposes according to culturally dictated plans (Schlereth, 1985)--routinely structures gender roles(Cockburn & Omrod, 1993; Liss, 1981; Lloyd & Duveen, 1990; Oldenziel, 2004; Wajcman, 1991,2004). One mechanism for this structuration is the construction and transmission of socialrepresentations that prescribe the appropriate gender of users of specific types of material cultural

artifacts. Social representations are classification systems used by members of societies to define andmake salient the things that are important, as well as the expected responses to those things(Moscovici, 1984). Social representations of material culture and gender are shared classificationsystems that link the array of human-made objects with gender categories. Numerous material culturalobjects have been shown to be gender marked, including toys, clothing, and names (Lloyd & Duveen,1990). An object's gender marking indicates that it should be used exclusively by either males or byfemales. Exposure to representations of gender marking presumably can influence gender roles bydifferentially directing girls and boys to adopt beliefs, expectations, social norms, and behavioralroutines pertaining to specific types of material cultural artifacts.

Based on these ideas, Crabb and Bielawski (1994) predicted that representations of material cultureand gender could be observed in mass media content. They examined children's picture books thathad won the prestigious Caldecott Medal or Honor between 1938 and 1989. The Caldecott awards are

given annually to the artists of the winning children's picture books published in the United States.Similar awards given to illustrated children's books in other countries are the Whitbread Awards (GreatBritain and Ireland), the Picture Book of the Year (Australia), and the Children's Book of the Year(Canada). Illustrations in children's books may be especially efficacious in transmitting informationabout gender, because children's visual attention is directed at pictures more than at text (Evans &Saint-Aubin, 2005; Shapiro, Anderson, & Anderson, 1997), parents or others who read to preliteratechildren may call children's attention to pictures more than to text (Bus, Belsky, IJzendoorn, & Crnic,1997), and children may ask more questions about pictures than about text (Yaden, Smolkin, &Conlon, 1989; Yaden, Smolkin, & MacGillivray, 1993) because they are better able to relate to theillustrations than to yet-unlearned words. The high profile that Caldecott books are given inbookstores, libraries, and book clubs makes them popular among teachers, parents, and children, andthus it is more likely that children will actually read the books or have them read to them.

Crabb and Bielawski (1994) performed a content analysis of illustrations in Caldecott books publishedover the five decades since the inception of the award and reported that a larger proportion of femalecharacters was shown using household artifacts (such as cooking utensils and cleaning tools) and thata larger proportion of male characters was shown using artifacts outside the home (such asagricultural tools and transportation vehicles). These findings were replicated by Poarch and Monk-Turner (2001) with a sample of non-award-winning illustrated children's books published in the UnitedStates between 1963 and 1995. Crabb and Bielawski also found that female characters' use ofhousehold artifacts did not change over the five decades examined. Crabb and Bielawski interpretedtheir findings as evidence that children's books promote a stereotypical gender-marking system anddivision of labor that were common during the earlier industrial era but that should have changed, asmost women in the late 20th century joined the workforce outside the home. Crabb and Bielawskispeculated that the representation of male characters as the typical users of production artifactsoutside the home may be due to a cultural lag (Ogburn, 1964), and that as society gained more

experience with women working outside the home with production tools, this lag would diminish ordisappear.

Since 1989, the last award date of the books examined by Crabb and Bielawski (1994), labor patternsof women and men in the United States have stayed the same in some ways and changed in others.Women continued to do the bulk of housework (Sayer, 2005, 2007), a pattern that is consistent acrosscultures and historical eras (Bittman, Rice, & Wajcman, 2004; Eagly, Wood, & Johannesen-Schmidt,2004; Murdock, 1937; Murdock & Provost, 1973; Ross, 1987), suggesting that household materialculture should continue to be associated primarily with women. Simultaneously, women's participationin the workforce out

gender stereotype and children's lit

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