gender issues during post-conflict recovery: the case of nwoya district, northern uganda

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Gender issues during post-conflictrecovery: the case of Nwoya district,northern UgandaJulius Omona a & Jennifer Rose Aduo ba Department of Social Work and Social Administration , MakerereUniversity , P.O. Box 7062, Kampala , Ugandab Information Technology Department , Uganda ManagementInstitute , P.O Box 20131, Kampala , UgandaPublished online: 30 May 2013.

To cite this article: Julius Omona & Jennifer Rose Aduo (2013) Gender issues during post-conflictrecovery: the case of Nwoya district, northern Uganda, Journal of Gender Studies, 22:2, 119-136,DOI: 10.1080/09589236.2012.723359

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RESEARCH ARTICLE

Gender issues during post-conflict recovery: the case of Nwoya district,northern Uganda

Julius Omonaa* and Jennifer Rose Aduob

aDepartment of Social Work and Social Administration, Makerere University, P.O. Box 7062,Kampala, Uganda; bInformation Technology Department, Uganda Management Institute, P.O Box20131, Kampala, Uganda

(Received 11 January 2011; final version received 27 January 2012)

This study sought to investigate issues arising during the post-conflict recovery period innorthernUganda as differentiated by gender. The studywas exploratory and descriptive,employing both qualitative and quantitative approaches, and the theoretical frameworkofGreenberg andZuckerman (2004, 2009) predominantly guided it. The key findingwasthat needs of citizens during recovery varied by gender and the time that had elapsedsince the conflict. A plethora of agencies participated in the post-conflict recovery effortsand many challenges affect the mainstreaming of gender issues into these programmes,especially in a patriarchal society such as the study area. In practical terms, duringpost-conflict recovery efforts, all stakeholders need to effectively consider analysis ofneed by gender in their programmes if sustainable PC-PPP (post-conflict, peace,participation and prosperity) is to be realised. This research has contributed to thecontinuous debate on, and search for, a gender-sensitive post-conflict recovery theory.

Keywords: gender; needs; post-conflict; internally displaced persons; returnees; Uganda

Introduction and background

Nwoya district is one of several districts in northern Uganda (Acholi sub-region) in which

the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) insurgency continued from 1986 until 2006, when

the Cessation and Hostility Agreement (CHA) was signed at Juba between the LRA and

the Government of Uganda. A rebel group (the LRA), led by Joseph Kony, had opposed

the government of President Yoweri Museveni, who had overthrown the leadership of

General Tito Okello (1986). After leading a guerrilla war, Museveni ruled as a military

leader until 1996 when general elections took place; these were characterised by

allegations of electoral malpractice. Museveni is one of the longest serving heads of state

in the world and despite a transformation in the economy of the region, his government has

been accused of corruption and creating regional instability.

The period of conflict up until 2006 manifested itself in many ways: untold brutality on

the civilian population and the destruction of homes and communities. The Acholi tribal

group was the most affected by hostilities. Internally displaced persons (IDPs) were placed

in camps by the government in order, they stated, to protect them from abduction and other

atrocities by the LRA. The guerrilla group terrorised anyone perceived to be sympathetic

q 2013 Taylor & Francis

*Corresponding author. Email: [email protected]

Journal of Gender Studies, 2013

Vol. 22, No. 2, 119–136, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09589236.2012.723359

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to the government by cutting off their hands, breasts, lips or ears and abducting and forcing

children to be child soldiers or to work as slaves of the rebel commanders.1 Women

suffered considerably as sex was used as a weapon, where many were raped and girl-child

soldiers had unwanted babies by rebels while in captivity.2

At its peak in the early 2000s, there were around 1.6 million IDPs in this region (OCHA

2008),3 who lived in squalid camp conditions which put them at greater risk of disease,

exploitation, abuse and malnutrition.4 The insurgency witnessed a period of gender role

transformation as women took new roles or stepped into the vacuum left by men during

emergencies, transition and early recovery from conflict.5 Traditionally, Acholi society is a

patriarchal one where the interests of men are prioritised over those of women. Men will

take multiple wives as they deem fit. Boys are valued more than girls who will often be

married off at an early age to generate income for her family – a dowry being paid in the

form of money, livestock and other gifts. Many girls are taught that they cannot achieve

anything without a man, and this fuels early marriages and there are also many unplanned

pregnancies. Many girls rush into marriage to escape the stigma associated with being

unmarried. However, as evidenced in the current research, these patriarchal values are being

challenged, as gender roles are affected by the culture in the camps.

Many NGOs have intervened to provide services in the camps, including empowering

women to know their rights. Life in the more controlled camps exposed many households

to semi-urban values, which conflicted with some of the old/traditional values. For

example, whereas the patriarchal culture put men above women, the empowerment of

women by NGOs made them aware of their rights and consider how to demand them.6

With the signing of the CHA and the launching of the peace, recovery and development

plan (PRDP),7 there was a massive return of IDPs from the camps to their original homes.

Though a few of the returnees returned voluntarily, some did so through planned programmes

and activities.8 A pre-survey visit to the area by the researchers established that some

extremely vulnerable individuals refused to return to their homes, while others returned but

with hardly any services or goods to support them. Some returned to their original homes

briefly, only to return to the camps after a short while. The cause of this behaviour was in part

due to a lack of awareness how the needs of returnees might vary by gender, leading to an

uneven or misplaced provision of services. This was adduced by a pre-survey visit and

consultation with the community by the researchers. From the point of view of agencies

providing services, there were also the challenges of mainstreaming gender issues into

programmes. This research was motivated by the need to explore these areas. Gender

mainstreaming refers to the process by which gender concerns are raised routinely within the

everyday operation of an organisation – normalisingwomen’s presence on an equitable basis

with men (in terms of the power wielded, control over resources and priorities being set).

Aims of this study

Three objectives were addressed here and these were: to assess the long- and short-term

needs of men and women as perceived by the community during the IDPs’ return; to

identify the agencies and programmes provided; and to establish the challenges that are

affecting effective mainstreaming of gender issues into programmes and activities during

this recovery period. The key question ‘Is there a relationship between gender and the

needs of the returnees?’ was the key theme explored here.

This study was undertaken to inform the ongoing policies, programmes and activities

available to returnees in Uganda as well as other conflict areas in the region. It was also

intended to empower the affected communities with empirical data to enable them to

120 J. Omona and J.R. Aduo

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advance their needs in current and subsequent development initiatives. The study was

undertaken cognisant of the fact that gender mainstreaming has been identified as

important for sustainable PC-PPP (post-conflict peace, participation and prosperity) (King

2001, Caprioli 2003).

Literature review and theoretical issues

In the literature, gender issues have become central to concepts of economic development.

A recent study indicates that countries with better opportunities for women and girls can

boost productivity and development (World Bank 2012). Yet, the marginalisation of

women in the development process is generally noted the world over (ibid.).

Consequently, the development experiences of policy makers and activists have given

rise to revised theoretical formulations of development and feminist concerns (Molyneux

1985, Moser 1989, Connelly et al. 2000). From the women and armed conflict agenda in

the Beijing Platform for Action (BPA) (UN 1996) (which focused on the sharing of power

and responsibility throughout society), through government commitments in the June

2000 five-year BPA Review, to Security Council Resolution 1325 (SC1325) (UN 2000),

the international community has recognised that the consideration of gender is essential

for achieving sustainable peace (Greenberg and Zuckerman 2009).

Theoretical and practical issues on post-conflict gender mainstreaming

In theory, the framing of gender dimensions in the PC phase through the work of

Greenberg and Zuckerman (2009), Greenberg and Zuckerman (2004) and other gender

specialists has been broadly done in three areas: women-focused activities, gender-aware

programming and gender-oriented social transformation. This has become an acceptable

framework for analysis of PC reconstruction by gender.9

Women-focused activities

This framework emphasises women’s rights to (i) participate fully and effectively in

decision making, (ii) own property, (iii) work without discrimination and (iv) live free of

violence.

In respect of political rights, it states that post-conflict recovery (PCR) should ensure

that women’s political rights are fully exercised. Many PC countries have taken steps to

increase women’s political participation (Greenberg and Zuckerman 2009). Unfortu-

nately, women’s representation in some PC parliaments remains discouragingly low

(Greenberg and Zuckerman 2004).

The framework states that PC efforts should involve addressing property ownership,

including lawmaking around property rights and mechanisms for privatising homes,

land and businesses. One of the activities to expedite this is the promulgation of laws

promoting gender equality, where they previously did not exist. Unfortunately, even where

such laws have been promulgated, as in Eretria, Namibia, Rwanda and Uganda, gender-

biased practices continue to prevail (Greenberg 1998, Greenberg 2001a, Kibreab 2003).

According to the aforementioned framework, non-discriminatory livelihood

opportunities are a feature that encompasses economic reconstruction, development and

poverty reduction, including the shift from humanitarian assistance, and these aspirations

should be included in PCR initiatives. While PC countries often pass new laws forbidding

discrimination, employers frequently ignore them. For example, following wars of

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liberation, the Chinese and Vietnamese governments passed such laws, but compliance

was weak (cf. Zuckerman 2000a, Vladisavljevic and Zuckerman 2004).

Life free from violence is difficult to promote and protect, yet is essential if women’s

ability to engage freely and effectively in their families and communities is to be ensured.

People should be free to work in their gardens, access markets, and move to and from work

without fear of attacks or gender-based violence (Greenberg 1998, Greenberg and

Zuckerman 2009).

Gender-aware programming

Macroeconomic and microeconomic development activities as well as other initiatives are

central during gender-aware programming. Macroeconomic activities which impact

differently by gender of recipients include spending reallocation, privatisation of state-

owned enterprises, price and trade liberalisation, civil service streamlining and

governance decentralisation (Zuckerman 2000b, Greenberg and Okani 2001, Greenberg

2001b, Vladisavljevic and Zuckerman 2004). The focus here should be on the poor (whom

donors claim to target to meet their poverty reduction objective) and the extent to which

donor projects undertake an analysis of need by gender. A World Bank public sector

reform project for Rwanda approved in 2004 that involved expenditure cutbacks did not

consider how needs varied by gender. Consequently, allocation of funds away from social

services deprived former recipients, many of whom were widows and single mothers, of

much needed services (Greenberg and Zuckerman 2009).

Microeconomic activities raise issues regarding the beneficiaries of resources, human

capital investment and opportunities – and of how women and men may, or may not,

engage effectively with them. One of the most popular microeconomic issues during PCR

is access to credit and the skills to start or maintain a business. Yet most PC programmes

do not target women at all, and in areas where programmes provide micro-credit, most

women’s enterprises fail for lack of training and guidance (Greenberg 2001a). One

positive example, however, is a World Bank agriculture project for Sri Lankan war-

affected households that targeted women with village-level revolving funds, thus

providing one of the avenues for promoting gender equality within households and

communities (Greenberg and Zuckerman 2009).

Health is an issue that needs to be considered during programming because conflicts

cause demographic changes (such as the loss of men in combat, rural–urban migration and

out-migration, and an increase in the number of orphans and elderly survivors). The

consequences (in terms of gender difference) include increased female–male ratios,

female-headed households and young women living alone (de Sousa 2003). Many health

projects have sought to cover PC population but widely neglect gendered needs. Zuckerman

and Wu (2003) report that the World Bank post-conflict ‘ . . . emergency health project for

Iraq approved in 2004 neither analysed nor addressed any gender issues whatsoever except

for obstetric that is by definition a female issue’ (p. 18).

Education and life skills are critically important in the PC environment to address the

human capacity shortfalls caused by interrupted schooling, the scarcity of teachers (often

exacerbated by HIV/AIDS attrition) and destroyed school infrastructures. Investment in

education for both men and women is essential for ensuring political participation and for

building capacity in state and economic institutions. Analyses that consider the gender of

the subjects under investigation are important for detecting disparities in access to

education and skill building and for structuring programmes (Greenberg and Zuckerman

2009).


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Livelihood and employment opportunities are top priorities for constructing a viable,

functional and sustainable PC economy, for the realisation of PPP, and for reducing

unemployment, especially among the youth. Unfortunately, most PC formal sector

employment training programmes target mainly male ex-combatants. According to

Zuckerman et al. (2007), ‘These measures restore stereotyped division of labour and

institutionalised gender inequality’ (p. 10).

Much as PC reconstruction rebuilds destroyed infrastructure, it nearly always requires

decisions about priorities. According to Zuckerman et al.:

Men, for example, prioritise highways for long-distance travel and movement between therural and urban centres. In contrast, women whose travel may be closer to home and relates toreaching markets, water, fuel, schools, health facilities and other essential services prefer ruralroads. (2007, p. 19)

Therefore, infrastructure project design done strategically in consultation also with women

can result in the rehabilitation of basic water, transportation, health and educational

infrastructure, which helps reduce women’s labour time (Greenberg et al. 1997).

However, the billions of dollars invested in roads, water and sanitation have not relieved

females of their onerous daily water- and fuel-carrying burden that steals time as well as

undermines employment and schooling opportunities (Greenberg and Zuckerman 2009).

Gender role transformation

The task of Gender role transformation is recognising the importance of changing

gender roles to heal trauma, build social capital and further the goal of gender equality.

The challenge is how to make peace more profitable than war, and how to counter the

spoilers. Doing this is essential for transforming a society, so as to overcome conflict

legacies for sustainable reconstruction (Strickland and Duvvury 2003). To break violent

cycles, PC reconstruction programmes must support measures to heal gender-focused

trauma, through assisting traumatised family members, child soldiers, victims of gender-

based violence and returnees unaccustomed to families or communities, who harbour

anger, yearn for vengeance, lack purpose, suffer depression, boredom and frustration


Rebuilding social capital is important because, along with physical destruction,

conflict destroys trust throughout society, thereby undermining and breaking the bonds of

positive social capital (McMillian and Greenberg 1998). This social capital involves the

establishment of stable relationships and trust, and must begin with the family. Rebuilding

positive social capital involves a gender-aware approach that defines new roles and

responsibilities and has the potential to enhance respect and collaboration, thereby

strengthening new household structures (Greenberg and Zuckerman 2009).

Addressing gender inequality relies much on the work of Caprioli (2003), which

argues that gender inequality increases the likelihood that a state will experience internal

conflict. It is, therefore, important that during PCR, gender equality and conflict resolution

approaches be integrated throughout PC programmes seeking to construct sustainable

peace, and should involve addressing the ramifications of changing gender roles.

Challenges to gender mainstreaming

Sociocultural factors are perhaps the most important impairment to gender mainstreaming.

Research has established that in PCR, evenwhen gender roles have changed during conflict,

men revert to patriarchal traditions to reclaim masculinity and resist change to gender roles


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that would give women more power (El-Bushra 2003). Gell (1999) states that in PC

societies, ‘ . . . as gender roles begin to shift, giving womenmore authority and control, they

may face a violent backlash from men who feel that their power is being usurped’ (p. 41).

Baden’s (1997) study in Mozambique shows that many men threatened or divorced their

wives if they took up public jobs during and after the war, because wives were seen to be

undermining the ‘traditional male breadwinner model’ (p. 12). Mozambican men resisted

their wives driving because they felt it showed husbands’ ‘lack of direct control over their

wives’ (Silva and Andrade 2000, p. 32), and they blamed women for social problems, such

as unemployment as well as natural disasters (e.g. famine and drought) as a product of

women’s failure to perform their traditional duties (Nakamura 2004). Existing customs,

traditional practices and norms that further reinforce and perpetuate inherent discrimination

and inequalities are hindrances to gender mainstreaming (UNDP 2001).

Inability to engage in political activity is a significant obstacle to gender equality.

Political institutions tend to perpetuate an exclusionary attitude and as a result, many

women around the world have chosen to work outside formal politics within various civil

society organisations and political parties that advocate social and political change (UNDP

2001). Even where women participate, the quality of their participation is low, to the

extent that they are not heard and rarely influence decision making (Greenberg and

Zuckerman 2009). Nakamura (2004) suggests that there must be gender-sensitive political

activities such as institutional action by states and other agencies to promote women’s

effective political engagement.

Economically, there is a big challenge to women-focused activities gaining sufficient

funding; as a result, women-focused programming is almost always under-resourced.

Because of such developments, in late 2003, Serbia’s first poverty reduction strategy paper

allocated only e7 million to develop women’s potential (Vladisavljevic and Zuckerman

2004). However, the challenge is not only in initial funding but also in sustainability.

There is always the danger of a precipitous drop in funding for women’s initiatives once

the initial urgency passes. As both PC institution-building and social change take time, the

challenge is to ensure ongoing support (Greenberg and Zuckerman 2009). Alongside the

above, Nakamura (2004) suggests that there must be gender-sensitive economic activities

such as providing men and women with equal employment opportunities.

Use of information and communication technology also influences the effectiveness of

PC gender mainstreaming. Poudyal (2000) and Gordon (1998) suggest that in PC societies

where gender identities are not well defined, bringing about new gender identities might be

facilitated through use of the media. Gender mainstreaming also requires the use of well-

informed personnel able to consult with women, able to recognise the opportunities in

project design and who can ensure attention to gender throughout implementation


Concluding remarks on the literature review

It can be concluded that the work of Greenberg, Zuckerman and others provides a

significant insight into PC gender analysis. However, there are some drawbacks in the

conceptual framework; it does little to reflect on the variation of needs over time.Moreover,

many of the analyses appear to assume that it is only women who are marginalised during

PCR, not their male counterparts. The research cited predominantly analysedWorld Bank-

related programmes; we believe that more research needs to be done longitudinally to build

a theory of gender analysis in PC situations. Accordingly, the current research specifically

looked at variation of need by gender over time in an area of PC Uganda.


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Research methods

This is a descriptive and exploratory study. Both qualitative and quantitative approaches

have been employed. The study was conducted in Anaka sub-county, Nwoya district in

northern Uganda in 2010. It focused on two parishes: Ywaya and Paduny. The study

population consisted of returnees, local civic leaders, politicians, government departments

and NGOs. These provided the information and data that have been used to investigate the

needs of women and men and the challenges of returning them from the IDP camps.

The study involved 15 focus groups (FGs), 15 NGOs and 30 key informant

interviewees (KIIs) from the two parishes. The FGs were proportionately selected as

follows: six women’s groups (mature), three youth groups (mixed) and six groups of

mature mixed adults. A total of 195 group members participated in the research. The key

informants were purposively selected and this included the Local Council chairpersons at

the appropriate levels in the two parishes and in the county, sub-county chiefs and heads of

some government agencies.

Data were collected by the authors and two research assistants working in the field for

30 days. The research assistants collected data from the FGs and the authors interviewed

the ‘key informants’ (local leaders, government officials and NGOs). For these latter

interviews, structured and semi-structured questionnaires were employed and adminis-

tered directly.

Statistical and methodological information for other researchers

(This section is intended for researchers seeking to determine the reliability of the data

and method – interdisciplinary readers may wish to resume reading at the results section.)

The validity of the research instruments was determined by pre-testing using subject

experts on gender issues to ensure clarity and the accuracy of the instruments. This was done

so that the data collected would give meaningful results representing variables in the study

(Mugenda and Mugenda 1999). The different categories of the instruments were pilot-

surveyed with respondents from Koch Ongako, outside the study area. The coefficient of

validity index (CVI) was computed and the items that were rated relevant were 244 out of

300. This yielded a CVI of 0.813. According to Amin (2005), a coefficient is regarded

as acceptable if it is within the statistical range of .0.5 , 1. The reliability of the

questionnaire was determined using Cronbach’s a scale (Omona 2003).10 Both measures

determined the clarity of the instruments and the accuracy of the findings, respectively.

A dichotomous x 2 test was also conducted to answer the question: ‘There is no relationship

between gender and needs of the returnees’, with the level of significance set at a ¼ 0.05.

The quantitative and qualitative data were analysed separately but later triangulated

during report writing. The raw data generated from the questionnaires were corrected,

coded and statistically analysed using the Statistical Package for Social Scientists

(SPSS 12). The qualitative data were analysed and categorised based on patterns,

repetitions and commonalities of key gender and related returnee issues.

Results

Community needs by gender

Upon return from the camps, the needs of the community can be packaged as follows:

gender-neutral, gender-specific and time-bound needs. The gender-neutral basic needs

were around food, household items such as utensils and bedding, transport, clean water

and access to schooling for children. Other time-neutral and gender-neutral needs were:


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community roads, houses for the needy, medical facilities, farm implements, seeds and

security. People also required that their dead be exhumed from the camps and buried in the

communities of their families. Up to 100% of the groups, the key informants and those

engaged in the in-depth interviews mentioned these needs. In 80% of the groups, food

items and security were the first to be mentioned as the basic needs.

The needs that were predominantly11 peculiar to males during the period of return

were in two categories: needs that would serve long-term and those that would serve short-

term welfare goals. In the former category, the following were included: informal

education, training in group formation and animal traction; the need for citrus seedlings,

soft wood seedlings, bee farming and permanent housing. Also included in this category

were needs for investment in a community food storage facility, energy, industries and

good roads. In the latter category the following were included: food, household utensils,

bicycles, sanitation digging kits, wheelbarrows, building materials such as iron sheets,

cement and money.

The short-term needs predominantly peculiar to women were housing, utensils,

bedding, children’s clothing, sickles and cooking oil. Women’s long-term needs included:

having a modern market, grinding machines, business skills and a credit facility, and

investment in poultry. Women’s needs that were time-neutral were protection from

domestic violence, as well as support for group formation. It was found that both males

and females needed both marital counselling and adult literacy.

As for the youth, in addition to including some of the basic needs mentioned by adults,

they stated the following as their immediate needs: mosquito nets, exorcism of evil spirits,

footwear, houses for child-headed families, tools for clearing compounds, AIDS

awareness, school fees, items for cultural dances and training in livelihood skills. The

long-term needs for youth were schools within walking distance, vocational education and

having an association such as a soccer club. Many of these needs did not differ by gender

among the youth, except for tools for clearing compounds, which 100% of the boys

mentioned, and the need for sanitary materials, which 100% of the girls mentioned. Up to

80% of the girls mentioned the need for vocational schools – the girls looked forward to

acquiring skills in sewing, cookery and crafts. Irrespective of the time factor, the youth

needed vocational training, counselling on HIV/AIDS and health kits.

The needs listed regardless of gender or timing included security (80%), training in

environmental issues, access to justice, knowledge of income-generating activities as well

as improved ventilated latrines, protection from domestic violence and civic education.

Other long-term needs expressed without gender bias were a community food store, a

power plant, industries and a tarmac road between Anaka township and Gulu town.

Interview results confirmed similar patterns of needs.

The dichotomous tests, to ascertain the change of a relationship between gender and

need, generated the statistics shown in Tables 1 and 2. The p-value is, 0.05 at r ¼ 0.694,

Table 1. Contingency table on gender and levels of needs.

Needs

Gender Short-term needs Long-term needs Total

Male 63 47 110Female 97 52 149

Total 160 99 259


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suggesting that there is a 69.4% chance that there is a statistical relationship between

gender and the levels of needs. The association reinforces the view that there were neutral

needs both in terms of gender and time.

Agencies and services provided

The nature of problems and the needs by gender provided a basis for intervention for a

plethora of agencies over a multitude of support types. The agencies involved and their

associated services are as follows: UNICEF and Canadian Physicians for Aid and Relief

(CPAR) provided some communities with jerricans for fetching water. Cooking oil was

provided by the World Food Program (WFP) and saucepans by the American Refugee

Council (ARC) and the International Committee of the Red Cross. Training on animal

traction, provision of clean water through the installation of boreholes and sanitation-

related interventions were provided by Action Against Hunger. The provision of

agricultural tools such as hoes, axes and panga machetes was made by CPAR and the

International Institute for Rural Reconstruction (IIRR), followed by the provision of seeds

by the northern Uganda Social Action Fund (NUSAF), northern Uganda Rehabilitation

Programme and the IIRR. Community roads were constructed by the Agency for

Technical Cooperation and Development (ACTED) and the IIRR. Interventions relating to

training in animal traction were made by the IIRR and the ARC, whereas citrus plant

seedlings were provided byWorld Vision (WV). Straight Talk engaged in tree planting for

environmental/conservation purposes.

Mosquito nets were provided by Population Services International; houses were

constructed for some child-headed families by the ARC; an AIDS awareness campaign was

conducted by the ARC and the northern Uganda Youth Development Centre in some

communities; and school fees were provided by the Anaka Foundation to their clientele. The

Gulu Support the Children Organisation provided dancing costumes to one youth group in

Paduny.Concerned ParentsAssociation provided uniforms for youth cultural groups and also

trained girls in livelihood skills. In some communities, the northern Uganda Transition

Initiative provided the logistics for burying thosewho had not been given a recognised formal

burial, potentially addressing some of the ‘spiritual’ needs of the youth. The Anaka

Foundation provided scholastic materials to its clients. WV constructed and renovated

schools in Patira and Pidati. NUSAF constructed a school at Todora. ACTED constructed

community roads. All of these served the youth’s long-term needs. The Catholic Relief and

Development Agency focused on community empowerment, regardless of the point in time

(in relation to the cessation ofmilitary hostilities) and howneeds vary bygender.Government

departments, such as agriculture, education, health, security and local administration,

continued with the gender-neutral services they used to provide from their respective

locations; the onus, in most cases, was on the household/individual to look for the services

regardless of the distance to be covered to gain access to them. It can be observed that poor

Table 2. x2 test results.

Value df Asymp. sig. (two-sided)

Pearson x2 0.021a 1 0.694Likelihood ratio 0.10 1 0.694No. of valid cases 259

a Two cells have an expected count of less than 5. The minimum expected count is 1.88.


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coordination led to overlap of service provisions both by agencies and by spatial locations as

well as a general failure to address certain time-sensitive and gender-sensitive needs.

Gender-related challenges during the period of return

Stakeholders were asked to identify the obstacles to mainstreaming gender issues into their

plans and programmes during this period of returning from the camp, and the majority of

respondents indicated the sociocultural barriers as the most prominent. The sub-county

chief remarked that a

negative attitude against women by men due to cultural stereotypes make women even believethey are inferior and thus not want to participate in decision making on a par with their malecounterparts.

A local leader of Paduny observed that

Illiteracy among women has made them even ignorant of their rights, thus they are unable todemand services that could improve their welfare.

Another local leader revealed of the detail of women’s lives when he lamented that

‘Women are not supposed to eat chicken’ (chicken has, until recently, been a delicacy

enjoyed solely by men, but women are eating this more widely in the Acholi community).

It was not surprising, therefore, to find that in some women’s groups, it was men who

provided leadership, though this encountered a certain amount of resistance from some

women. For example, in one of the groups, a man was permitted to lead the group

temporarily and only on condition that he would be replaced when one of the potential

female group leaders had completed the adult literacy class she was undertaking at the

time of the study.

When the service providers were asked what obstacles were there to mainstreaming

gender issues into their projects, 100% mentioned sociocultural factors: negative

cultural/biased attitude towards women, making women feel inferior (45% KIIs and 55%

in-depth interviewees); illiteracy and low level of education (100% in-depth

interviewees); lack of education of women and access to information that made them

less able to participate in decision making (50% KIIs and 50% in-depth interviewees);

discrimination and oppression by men (100% in-depth interviewees) and role conflicts due

to changing gender roles (50% KIIs and 50% in-depth interviewees).

On the economic front, poverty was mentioned by 66.7% of the key informants and

those involved in in-depth interviews. Inequality in access to economic assets such as

agriculture (50% of in-depth interviewees); low participation in economic decision

making (56% of in-depth interviewees) and lack of access to land (70% of in-depth

interviews) are some of the key economic issues that were deemed to challenge gender

mainstreaming.

Poor programme design characterised by gender insensitivity have also been partly

blamed. Most programmes ignored gender issues in their interventions (100% in-depth

interviewees), targeting of intervention (100% in depth), for example HIV/AIDS

intervention mostly targeted only women and excluded men and more women’s groups

were targeted by developers than their male counterparts.

It was established that interventions were influenced by local politics (40% in-depth

and 53% KIIs). Furthermore, it was confirmed that the long LRA conflict in this region has

had a military and political impact that has made programme intervention generally

ineffective (100% of in-depth interviewees remarked on how problems with security, poor

governance and corruption rendered much of the programmes ineffective).


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Technologically, the low level of information available to women due to the poor

communication channels used has contributed to the marginalisation of women in the

development process (100% of in-depth interviewees). Lack of gender-disaggregated data

for planning, monitoring and evaluation (100% of in-depth interviewees); language

barriers (45% of in-depth interviewees and 50% of KIIs) and poor state of infrastructure

have all hindered progress towards gender mainstreaming (70% of KIIs and 66% of

in-depth interviewees).

Discussion

Variation of needs by gender in returnees

The finding that needs existed and varied among the returnees by gender is not surprising.

However, the finding that certain needs were neutral in terms of both gender and over time

is significant. The finding that the need for household saucepans, farm implements and

seeds was gender-neutral might point to a potential decline of patriarchal values. In the

past, household saucepans would be associated with the kitchen and would, therefore, be

the preserve of women. Farm implements and seeds would predominantly be associated

with men. Certain needs were found to be women and men specific, though. Gender theory

states that because of women’s productive/reproductive roles, they are the ones who, for

example most utilise water and sanitation services (Sclater 2000). This perhaps explains

why water-related needs were predominantly found to be the expressed need of women.

A follow-up study might determine why men do not list this as a need.

Lending credence to our findings, El-Jack (2003) examined the long- and short-term

needs of returnees. El-Jack listed women’s immediate needs as food, water and health

services, and their longer term needs as including equal representation in decision making,

processes and leadership roles. The gender-neutral needs of returnees include emergency

loans, medical services, community organisations, protection, training and shelter,

clothing, household equipment, seeds, tools and food (El-Jack 2003). It should be noted that

providing immediate needs such as food, shelter and income-generating activities is

critically important to returnees, particularly for women who generally acquire new roles

during conflict, including the responsibility of providing for their families. However, long-

term needs are important, too, if sustainable peace and prosperity is to be achieved (El-Jack

2003). The findings here not only reinforce and supplement those of El-Jack’s, but also

remind us that we have some distance to travel in integrating findings into practice.

The security of returnees has been considered an important aspect of the needs to be

met during PCR (Greenberg 1998). Many reports on PC situations have confirmed that

order and security are essential in a PC setting (Greenberg and Zuckerman 2009). The

commonest form of insecurity reported in studies is gender-based violence. Violence, also,

has economic impacts as it affects women’s ability to generate income, either as heads of

households or as contributors to family income. For example, at the end of a day’s work in

the informal market, Angolan women were vulnerable to attackers stealing their earnings

(Greenberg 1998); security risks lurk around girls and women who have to walk long

distances alone to fetch firewood and water as well as girls travelling to school. There were

examples of domestic violence as husbands and wives clashed over decision making at

home that arose from the FG research here. In addition, some domestic violence against

men was also reported. Women accused such men of being ‘useless and good-for-nothing’

as reported by one women’s group, especially where the role of breadwinning had reverted

to a woman.


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The findings on domestic violence are similar to studies done previously. For example,

GoU (2009) found that 32.4% of women in northern Uganda have experienced sexual

violence, the majority first experiencing sexual violence during their childhood. Forty-five

per cent of women in the north have experienced physical violence since the age of 15.

Emotional, physical or sexual violence by their spouse or partner has been experienced by

66.8% of women and 46% of men in the north (GoU 2009). Though in this research, the

term ‘security’ is applied in a rather restricted manner, other gender-based PC reports

broadly applied it as ‘human security’ – to refer to economic security, food security,

health and environmental security (UNDP 2002, AWID 2002).

The need for social and physical infrastructure was amongst those expressed by the

respondents and provided in different magnitudes in different communities. Water points

were constructed or water containers supplied; health and educational facilities were made

available and road-related services were provided, both in the short and long run, in some

communities. Previous studies have also established that roads are particularly necessary

for both long- and short-distance travels (Greenberg and Zuckerman 2009).

The finding that agriculture-related needs, both in the short and long term, were

significant for this research is not surprising. Agriculture is the backbone of Uganda’s

economy and particularly in the study area. The returnees’ animal-related needs, such as

cows, goats, oxen, ox-ploughs as well as poultry, and plant-related needs, such as seeds

and seedlings of various types, are an indication of diverse agricultural-related community

needs.

Just as the current study found that there are youth-specific needs for returnees,

previous research came up with the same finding. Greenberg and Zuckerman (2009)

emphasise that gender analysis during the period of PCR should involve careful attention

being paid to the issues of boys and girls – such as those who took part in the war and have

a history of violence and disengagement from society. This requires rigorous recognition

of existent gender roles and how they are changing, including what happens to women’s

new-found roles generated by the absence of men during the conflict, and how men and

women relate to one another and negotiate new roles and partnerships in the aftermath of

conflict. However, the inability to precisely identify whether long- and short-term needs

differ partly due to the changing gender roles made some people misplace their demands

for services, with serious consequences. For example, some women, after having taken the

role of head of a household because of either the loss of a husband or otherwise, failed to

appreciate the significance of construction materials, only to realise later they were

essential during the return. Construction has traditionally been considered a male activity.

Agencies and programmes

It can be observed that a plethora of agencies have been involved in PCR, from

international agencies such as the WFP to a local agency such as the Anaka Foundation.

This gives some indication of the magnitude and diversity of the needs of people as they

emerge from war, which government cannot manage alone. The programmes ranged from

the provision of basic needs to long-term sustainable livelihood needs. However, one

weakness noted was the duplication of services as there was little coordination amongst

providers. For the same reasons, activities could be more concentrated in some areas than

others. For example, the Ywaya community had better access to training and water (24%)

than Paduny (16%). The female in Ywaya had more access to water (21%) and training

(29%) than their counterparts in Paduny (10% and 16%, respectively). Interventions

suggest a high bias towards agriculture, showing the intention of interventions to make the


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communities self-reliant in the long run. Other PCR efforts in other regions had similar

major agriculture-related components (Greenberg et al. 1997).

Challenges to gender mainstreaming

Though traditionally dominant patriarchal values are slowly declining, the finding that the

sociocultural factors are still a serious obstacle to gender mainstreaming is not surprising.

Making women subordinate to men in all aspects of life is still acceptable in so many

cultures. Women, including the girl child, are excluded from participating in decision

making regarding family affairs, and sociocultural barriers lockwomen out of opportunities

that wouldmake them active participants in their community, such as in the period just after

returning from the camps. Although sociocultural barriers are still strong in some

communities, they potentially weaken during the advent ofmodernisation and globalisation

where people adopt new lifestyle; for example the use of mobile phones enables women in

reporting domestic abuse to the police. Cultural habits have long been a deterrent to gender

mainstreaming (Kiryabwire 2000).

Economic inequality has been found to be a barrier to gender mainstreaming in the

research area and women are more disadvantaged. Naturally, when a woman is

disempowered, as the women in the study area are, she cannot favourably compete with

her male counterparts for open opportunities. Observation of the composition of jobs in

most of the organisations in the area of operation showed that men dominate in key

administrative, managerial and leadership positions.

One of the key challenges to gender mainstreaming is at the programming level. Most

agencies do not include, in their programme design, the issues of gender. This was noted in

this study where personnel functions in most agencies are in practice gender-blind. The

government-related programmes placed less emphasis on gender. Though NUSAF funds

were accessed on the basis of community-identified groups, more affirmative action needs

to be taken in respect of vulnerable groups such as boys and girls. Studies elsewhere

indicate that, though it is evident that impacts of macroeconomic interventions frequently

affect development outcomes, little attention is given to the intersection of

macroeconomic policies and gender (Zuckerman 2000b).

The politicisation of the development process is a challenge in this community. In most

cases, politicians advocate development in areas they have support for, with little or no

regard to the gendered impact of such intervention. This could partly explain the persistence

of the insurgency in the northern part of Uganda, where the community alleged that the

government is politically less committed to ending the war. The politicisation of

development is seen in the conceptualisation of NUSAF, NAADS and PRDP, which are

markedly politicised programmes with barely noticeable integration of gender concerns

into their designs. Though the President of Uganda, Museveni, announced, during the

launch of NUSAF 2, that there would be a focus on infrastructure, the impact of the

programme by gender needs to be evaluated.12 The creation of the current Nwoya district

out of Amuru and Gulu districts (both of them part of the Acholi sub-region in northern

Uganda) is one such political decision made without much analysis of its implications by

gender of those affected.

It is true that technology can be one of the challenges to gender mainstreaming. The low

level of information dissemination in the community frustrates effortsmade towards gender

mainstreaming and equity. Poor telecommunication services and poverty prevent people

from owning radios to benefit from information services in the region. Mobile phones are

only accessible to a few, mainly urban dwellers. The low level of technology is


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compounded by low literacy levels,13 which limit the information that is circulated and to

whom it reaches.

Synthesis and conclusions

Gender mainstreaming is important in PCR efforts. As already noted, increasing the

participation of both men and women in the development process can increase the pace and

intensity of development (World Bank 2012). Research by Ministry of Finance, Economic

Development and Planning (MoFEDP) (2009) found that increasing the participation of

women in more productive sectors in Uganda would increase real GDP by 0.4% on an

annual basis over the period 2008–2016. Ensuring that both genders participate in the

development process, as opposed to non-distributive and nominal participation, has already

yielded better results in the Philippine’s decentralised management structure (Tomasito

2000). We also conclude that there are challenges to gender mainstreaming during this

recovery period. This study concurs with the work of King (2001) and Caprioli (2003) that

gender mainstreaming and analysis are important for sustainable PC-PPP to be achieved.

In particular, this study noted the importance of how the needs of IDPs vary over time with

gender and the need to consider this when intervening in PCR.

Policy recommendations

For a sustainable PC-PPP, all stakeholders should consider the following:

. Ongoing recovery efforts should recognise that needs vary by gender and time. All

interventions should conduct gender analysis of their programmes to enhance the

relevance of their interventions.

. Future interventions in any PCR efforts should note that the basic needs are crucial

during return and should be the first line of defence during the process of return by

IDPs to their homes. Many of these are gender-neutral.

. PCR interventions should be cognisant of the fact that with the semi-urban lifestyles

that evolved in camps and the impact of globalisation, there are changes to gender

roles, with women taking on more responsibilities that used to be exclusively male

dominated and the tensions that may arise from this.

. How the voices of the young might be facilitated during PCR.

. Effective coordination of interventions is still needed to avoid overlaps in support

and marginalisation of some communities.

The challenges that affected gender mainstreaming must also be addressed during this

recovery period. For example, training that facilitates cultural change enabling both men

and women to effectively participate in the development process, and programmes

that encourage women to take on previously male-dominated responsibilities. At a

programming level, gender issues should be integrated into all stages of a programme with

the adoption of appropriate communication technologies. Expansion of the mobile

telecommunication network and radio services would appear to offer much to facilitate

communication between development partners and the community during PCR.

Research limitations and contribution

Limiting the research focus to two parishes perhaps led to missing out some salient gender

issues that could have been tapped if more or all the parishes in the sub-county had been

included. Most importantly, the research has contributed to continuous debates on, and the


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search for, a gender-sensitive PCR theory. Future research might investigate the long-term

impact of changing gender roles on the culture and tradition of the Acholis (and whether

this could be extended to PCR in other regions), the role played by globalisation in

changing gender roles, what type of training models might enable the deconstruction of

existent patriarchal traditions (without resulting in a backlash from those who feel that

their power is being usurped) and the impact of the LRA conflict on the youth, in

particular, in relation to future gender roles.

Acknowledgements

This research was done with support from the Norwegian Agency for Development (NORAD) forcapacity building and Makerere University, Uganda.

Notes

1. Patriarchal traditions and war pave way for spread of HIV in northern Uganda [online], postedby Apophia, A. Available from: http://www.globalpressinstitute.org/print/656 [Accessed on13 September 2011].

2. Girl soldiers – the cost of survival in northern Uganda by Mindy Kay Bricker (2009) [online].Available from: Women News Network, http://womennewsnetwork.net/2009/01/13/ugandagirlssoldier809 [Accessed 24 October 2011]. The site has more cases on the plight of women,especially the girl child.

3. UN Office of Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs: Uganda Humanitarian Situational Report,1–31 March, 2008.

4. A recent political development has been the creation of Nwoya district, where Anaka sub-countyis located, out of Amuru district. The research was conducted when Nwoya was a county in theAmuru district.

5. UNFPA (United Nations Population Fund) Uganda Consolidated Appeals Process, 2008.Available from: http://www.unfpa.org/emergencies [Accessed 13 October 2011). Moreinformation of UNFPA’s work in emergencies can be retrieved from the same site.

6. The action by ACORD (Agency for Corporation and Research in Development) played a pivotalrole to end the impunity on sexual gender-based violence, including protecting the rights ofwomen and girls survivors of sexual violence through appropriate training and sensitisation[online]. Available from: http://www.acordinternational.org/index.php/base/uganda [Accessed13 October 2011].

7. Resolve Uganda [online], 15 October 2007. Available from: http://resolveuganda.org/node/394[Accessed 01 May 2008].

8. Uganda’s Poverty Eradication Action Plan has five pillars (Uganda Poverty Status Report,2005).

9. TheWorld Bank uses this conceptual framework to address gender issues within its post-conflictreconstructions. For example, the analysis of the Bank’s 2006 grants indicated that a mere 3% ofthese projects comprising 3.8% of funds target women specifically [online]. Available from:http://www.genderaction.org/images/Genderaction%20PCR%20June2007.pdf [Accessed 14September 2011].

10. The (a) score was 0.82 – above the minimum acceptable level of 0.7 (Cavana et al. 2001,Pallant 2001, McMurry and Williams 2002). This was computed by the following formula:

a ¼K

K 2 112

PKi¼1s

2Yi

s2X

!;

where K is the number of components (K-items or testlets), s2X is the variance of the

observed total test scores for the current sample of persons, and s2Yiis the variance of

component i for the current sample of persons. Both measures determined the clarityof the instruments and the accuracy of the findings, respectively.

11. The term ‘predominantly’ is used when more men (more than 70%) than women mentionedthem, and for analytical purposes these are taken as male-specific needs and vice versa.


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12. Editor (2010).13. The northern part of Uganda, where the study was conducted has the highest percentages of

males (17%) and females (35%) with no education, in comparison to other regions (ranging from5.1% to 15%). More details can be obtained from ‘Child Protection and Recovery Strategy forNorthern Uganda 2009–2011’ from the Ministry of Gender, Labor and Social Development.

Notes on contributors

Julius Omona is a Lecturer in the Department of Social Work and Social Administration, MakerereUniversity, where he teaches policy analysis, education policy, planning and management, andorganisation and delivery of social services, at both undergraduate and postgraduate levels. He isalso the Executive Director of the Anaka Foundation – an indigenous NGO that works withvulnerable communities in northern Uganda. He received a Bachelor of Arts (BA) (social work andsocial administration) degree from Makerere University, Kampala (Uganda), in 1987; a Master ofArts (MA) degree in development studies (majoring in public policy and administration) from TheHague, the Netherlands, in 1999; and a PhD degree in public policy and management from VictoriaUniversity of Wellington, New Zealand, in 2004. He has a number of publications to his name, thelatest being on ‘Cooperative as a model of poverty alleviation in the 21st Century: Strategies foreffectiveness in Uganda’. His research interests include policy analysis, organisations, civil society,services to vulnerable communities, and gender and post-conflict issues.

Jennifer Rose Aduwo is a Principal Consultant and Head of the Information Technology Departmentat Uganda Management Institute. She is currently a PhD student in the Faculty of Computing andInformatics, Makerere University, Uganda. She received a Master of Science degree in computerscience from the National University of Science and Technology, Zimbabwe; a PostgraduateDiploma degree in computer science fromMakerere University, Kampala; and a Bachelor of Sciencedegree from Makerere University, Kampala. She is a member of the Machine Learning Group,Faculty of Computing and Informatics, Makerere University. Her research interests include machinelearning, data mining, knowledge management, management of information systems, businesssoftware applications, gender-related issues, computer ethics, and computer and Internet security.

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