Alternation 20,2 (2013) 236 - 256 ISSN 1023-1757 236

Gender, Culture and Exclusion of

Women in Educational Leadership

Irene Muzvidziwa

Abstract Generally women are the majority in the teaching field especially in primary

schools, yet they constitute the least number in positions of authority within

the education system. This article examines, the underlying reasons for this

under representation of women through a gendered analytical framework,

focusing on an empirical research of women deputy heads that was conducted

in one of the provinces in Zimbabwe using qualitative interviews. Despite

efforts to increase the representation of women in school leadership positions,

their numbers have remained very low. Research that I have conducted in the

last ten years do show that gender roles, culture and gender relations

influence women’s rise into leadership positions. Arising from these

observations are questions such as: why do women’s numbers in managerial

and leadership positions continue to be low? What messages do women

aspiring for leadership positions get from their female counterparts who act

as their role models? The issues that emerged from the study and literature

included lack of acceptance of women leaders by both male and female

teaching staff, the assumption that leadership is for men was supposedly

linked to women’s lack of aspiration. The possible barriers to women’s

advancement and the strategies that create opportunities for more women in

educational leadership was linked to cultural constraints from both the society

and organisational institutions thus including the challenges women face as

educational leaders.

Keywords: Gender, leadership, socialisation, under-representation,

organisation

Women in Educational Leadership

237

Introduction Socialisation allows for the transmission of culture from one generation to

another. Schools and teachers play a major role in transmitting societal values

to a nation. For instance children ‘mirror themselves in the characters and

roles that they see or read about and learn’ and at times inspire to be like

those people portrayed (Mutare Teacher’s College 2009:35).Certain

adjustments with regards to division of labour in society have to be made if

women are to receive equal employment opportunities. While the underlying

reasons for the under representation of women in educational leadership are

diverse and contested, research shows that gender roles, cultural norms and

gender relations influence women’s advancement into leadership positions

(Rogers 2009). This is done and made possible through socialisation, since it

is a society’s culture and the way people are socialised that women are often

steered away from leadership positions. For instance, it cannot be argued that

leadership and managerial role requires appropriate behaviour, however, what

can be contested is who defines what is considered appropriate. Mutare

Teacher’s College (2009:35) argued that ‘school curricula’ and the ‘values’

associated with it … ‘have a role to play in raising awareness of gender

sensitivity’ particularly within patriarchal societies. Teachers as agents of

change are the key instruments in reshaping attitudes and perceptions of

young pupils towards the issue of gender role socialisation. It is important to

use a similar process to prepare individuals for the roles they are to play, and

to provide them with necessary skills, ‘repertoire of habits, beliefs and

values’ (Mutare Teacher’s College 2009). Sharing gender roles in both

domestic and private spheres and consciousness-raising within the

community for people to appreciate the work of women is critical, if the

problem of women’s disadvantage and under-representation is to be

improved or overcome (Mumba 1997). One of the most important stages in

this socialisation is the early childhood developmental stage. According to

McFadden (1997), men are socialised not only to be public holders of power,

but to own and control the major resources of society in which women are

taken to be a critical part of those resources. Literature also shows that

women are not expected to aspire to the same high professional and

occupational status as men (Gaidzanwa 1993; Addi-Raccah 2002;

Shakeshaft, Brown, Irby, Grogan & Ballenger 2007) and as such lack support

and encouragement even when they assume the leadership positions.

Irene Muzvidziwa

238

The study from which this article drew was carried out in Marondera

district, about seventy kilometres away from the eastern side of Harare in

Zimbabwe. Out of the eight schools two women heads of school were from

urban primaries, two from peri urban, two from rural and the other two were

from farm schools. Like other developing countries, Zimbabwe has a rich

diversity of cultures with political, social and economic features rooted in

tradition and patriarchal values (Jayaweera 1997). Schools in Zimbabwe are

classified as:

Government schools or non-Government schools and in such other

categories as the Minister may determine, taking into account the

social and economic standards of the communities in which the

schools concerned are situated (Education Act 1996:619).

In the field of education in Zimbabwe, there is the School Development

Committee (SDC) for non-government school and School Development

Association (SDA) for government schools. These committees mobilise

parents in the building of schools, the paying of levies and they see to it that

the school fulfils its function. The SDC is a committee that provides and

assists the operation and development of the school within a non-

governmental school. It promotes the welfare of the school for the benefit of

its present and future pupils and their parents and teachers. It is charged with

control of the financial affairs of the school for which it has established. In

the exercise of its functions a School Development Committee has the power

to employ, hire or fire the staff in order to serve the needs of the school, and

this power is exercised with the approval of the Minister.

The School Development Association provides the same services as

that for the SDC committee with only small differences since the SDA

represents Government schools. SDA members are elected parents of the

pupils enrolled at the school and the teachers employed at those schools. This

body serves to promote and encourage the development and maintenance of

the school, and assists in the advancement of moral, cultural and intellectual

welfare of pupils at the school.

The exclusion of women can be traced back from the past to the

present factors at both the individual and societal levels where the teaching

starts at home, with the mother trying to interact with her infant, who in-turn

responds with certain movements and some form of smiles and cries. It is

Women in Educational Leadership

239

through this initial stage that the child learns to follow simple instructions and

commands through the process of interaction and this forms part of the very

primary socialisation (Mutare Teacher’s College 2009). Even through

observation, the child is able to distinguish between acceptable and

unacceptable behaviour. An infant’s social relation starts with his/her mother

and those norms and values are extended to other members of the family and

society at large. Although this may sound primitive and issues of the past,

what is clear is that women still experiences challenges emanating from both

cultural forces and human practices.

The debate is about gender, culture and the exclusion of women in

Educational leadership. In Zimbabwe boys and girls perform different duties

and are always reminded to behave like a human, suggesting that some

unacceptable behaviour outside the norm has been observed. The school then

serves as agents of the society by transmitting the values of society to pupils

and thus bringing in Bourdieu’s (1997) concept of cultural capital and

cultural reproduction. For Bourdieu, cultural capital can be identified in three

forms which are: ‘the embodied state’ (mind and body) ‘the objectified state’

(cultural goods such as books, pictures and others) and the ‘institutionalised

state’ which can be viewed as the final product which is the educational

qualification(Bourdieu’s 1997:47).The writer in this article points to this form

of capital which is acquired through agents of society such as the family and

the school, and argue that the type of socialisation can thus be revisited and

transformed.

This article focuses on gender and the influence of culture on women

and leadership within the field of education. To pursue on this issue, the

article discusses the family as the initial institution where much of the social

construction of gender takes place. The purpose is to reflect on how cultural

norms emphasise gender differences which result in strengthening men’s

dominance in educational leadership. By presenting a brief review of

literature on gender and education, I provide the backdrop to the study that

will help us understand the mechanism that serves as exclusionary measures

for more women to be in leadership positions. In addition, the mainstream

leadership theory will be examined. Literature shows that the dominating

leadership and management theory has shaped the assumptions, beliefs and

values that have become the underpinning of organisational theory Addi-

Raccah 2002; Ford, 2005; Shakeshaft, Brown, Irby, Grogan and Ballenger

2007).

Irene Muzvidziwa

240

Social Construction of Gender Much of the construction of gender takes place within the family particularly

in the area of parenting. Raditloaneng (2011: 202) defined gender as ‘a socio-

culturally constructed notion of the roles of men and women in any society’.

It is the psychological, social and cultural differences in access to vocational

education between man and women. Muthivhi, 2010 investigating South

Africa children’s acquisition and development of thinking and concepts,

highlighted the impact of a child’s participation in social roles and activities

with regards to his/her cognitive development. The findings confirmed that

the social and cultural context have direct impact on a child performance

which in turn determines career opportunities. The issue of opportunities

relating to girls and women has been well articulated by Okin (1989) who

had a strong feeling that the family to a large extent determines children’s life

opportunities of what they can become of. Her belief was that almost every

person in society starts life in a family of some sort and while the family

varies it is where socialisation takes place. On the other hand, Rawls (2003)

sees the family as the foundation for building and/or developing children’s

capacities and opportunities for their future roles and careers. It should not be

taken for granted that child development does not only happen through

socialisation of verbal interaction, but by observation and imitation.

Traditionally in Zimbabwe, like any other African countries, girls

were mostly prepared for marriage, and hence their education was restricted

to lower levels of learning till after the 1980 when issues of inequalities were

being observed. Mutare Teachers’ College (2009), Challenged the family as

agents of socialisation for the young child, suggesting that parents and

guardian’s beliefs and value are influential to the child’s career path and at

times their life-style. What was the trend in developing countries was to value

sons more than daughters. Parents saw their sons’ education as an

investment; they were not just educating their children. Parents expected to

receive greater returns from educating sons. This seems why for instance

King and Hill (1993:27) pointed out that ‘unless daughters transfer part of

their future income to their parent, who must bear some of the costs of their

education, parents may not have sufficient incentive to send them to school’.

While this is not true to every family, it confirms Okin’s (1989:16)

observation that ‘the opportunities of girls and women are centrally affected

by the structure and practices of family life’. It can be acknowledged that

Women in Educational Leadership

241

people are beginning to realise the importance of every child. However, what

parents value in relation to their children’s futures partly, determines the level

of education the child gets and the kind of individual (socially and morally)

that child will be as an adult person. Eagly and Carli (2007) commented on

how women become leaders, noted that gender stereotyping and attributes

such as assertiveness, control and confidence more often ascribed to men than

women, emanate from cultural beliefs and have an impact on how both of

them are perceived. In-fact such stereotype thinking generate feelings and

attitudes within a society that excludes more than include women. Although

for some people, the valuing of sons’ education more than that of daughter’

seems to be a thing of the past, the issue still exists and is a global phenol-

menon.

In the United States and other developed countries, schooling for

girls was also designed to prepare them to be better wives and mothers and

for a better life in their private spheres, which was the home (Schmuck 1996;

Sperandio 2010; Bissessar 2011). Thus women’s oppression was and is still

reinforced by the way in which ‘we are positioned by our own parents’ and

the society as a whole. Parents in developing countries such as Zimbabwe

believe that girls would eventually marry and leave their natal homes hence

the women’s disadvantage is perpetuated through the traditional culture and

the certain values of society. Although there are shifting norms and standards,

gender blindness in policy analysis concerning women and education reveals

itself as not much has been done through curriculum modification, to

sensitise learners and the communities. Mapolisa and Madziyire (2012)

acknowledge that the progress of women has been impacted negatively by

tradition and the way women are socialised. It is through schooling that

specific definitions of gender are constructed, modified and transmitted to

each new generation. Gender awareness in schools is therefore important

since it is a stage when people are informed and come to know of the

existence of gender differences in the roles of men and women. Raditloaneng

(2011:207) acknowledged that ‘gender sensitivity entails not only awareness

but taking requisite steps to bridge the gender gaps’. This statement

challenges the curriculum development designers that promote skills,

knowledge and attitudes towards employment. Attitude can be negative or

positive hence, the importance of curriculum designers to portray images that

create in both girls and boys, positive attitudes towards taking different

responsibilities, including leadership and management in schools.

Irene Muzvidziwa

242

Gender, Education and the Exclusion of Women Educational institutions tend to reproduce the gender order in different forms.

The school as one of the key institutions for the construction of gender is seen

as the prime site for socialisation (Mutare Teacher’ College 2009). In

examining further how schooling reproduces gender and social order,

(MacDonald 1980; Riddell 1992) it is important to reflect on gender codes

and the teachers’ construction of masculinity and femininity. As mentioned

before, gender identity and gender roles are constructed under the

classification of the school system. Moreover such classifications tend to set

boundaries of what is termed appropriate activities for the different sexes. A

prevailing culture can privilege some above others. In Zimbabwean textbooks

women and men are portrayed according to culturally accepted gender roles:

that is women as mothers and housewives, and men performing outdoors

activities. Commenting on such portrayals, Rutherford (2001:371-372) noted

that ‘cultures exclude as well as include’. These are some of the taken for

granted, and even today some people tend to believe that, since gender

policies have been designed issues of inequality or exclusion of women no

longer exist.

Even though there are policies that should be addressing subtle

practices, discrimination and exclusion of women in the work place, Moorosi

(2010) commenting on the South African context , observed that there is little

change that has happed. This has been acknowledged by Lumby and Azaola

(2011) when they pointed out how in South Africa, the women educational

leaders were persistently prejudiced. Teachers tend to reinforce the notion of

masculinity and femininity in the classroom by making use of comments that

are evaluative of and places boundaries between future work and what is seen

as appropriate. Such comments become part of the hidden curriculum which

in the process of interaction, act as exclusionary measures to other carrier

avenues leading to positions such as school leadership.

The issue of the curriculum has been noted by Colley (1998) who

indicated that the choice of educational routes and achievement in different

subject areas are influenced by many factors including stereotypes of male

and female abilities, social roles, family backgrounds and teacher beliefs

which forms part of the hidden curriculum. Taking further the above

argument, Riddell (1992) focusing on pupils’ understanding of school

subjects and their perception of the gender appropriateness of particular

Women in Educational Leadership

243

subjects, found out that girls perceived technical subjects as bearing no future

for them as they believed that these subjects belonged to masculine areas of

the curriculum. On a similar note Mthethwa (2011) referring to Swaziland

observed that schools are one of the agents of socialisation that contribute to

the social construction of gender inequalities through the curriculum which is

also gender biased. Ramaili, (2011) also referring to teacher beliefs and

approaches to curriculum implementation, argued that the hidden curriculum

plays a crucial role in the development of students from their primary,

through to secondary, tertiary and as adults and professionals. The hidden

curriculum is the unstated norms, values and beliefs that pupils learn

consciously or unconsciously. The reasons why there are few women in

educational leadership vary.

In Zimbabwe Gordon 1994 found that girls were channelled into

traditionally feminine curriculum areas such as typing, cookery and

needlework, in preparation for adult domestic and occupational roles. This

resulted in most women being involved in less skilled and less intensive

activities such as food and vegetable vending and hence their under-

representation in professional and administrative positions. There were

numerous obstacles that women faced that contributed to their lack of rise

and occupation of top management positions. However the elimination of

gender stereotype in textbook and the production of gender sensitive material

is not easy. This was acknowledged by Kobia (2009) who examined the

portrayal of gender images in primary school English textbooks in Kenya,

and found that males were depicted as superior in all spheres of life while

females were attributed as inferior. Similar studies were in Hungarian

textbooks, Kereszty (2009), Philippine textbooks Tan (2009) and Panday

(2006) confirmed that socio-cultural values are reproduced and reinforce,

influence and shape the behaviour and attitudes of boys and girls in the

society.

The above information coincided with what was echoed by one of the

retired teachers interviewed by the Zimbabwe Herald (1998:13) who

acknowledged an incident of the past, that ‘teaching conditions were difficult

for early women teachers. They were paid less even when they had the same

qualifications’. Thus a reflection of social injustice revealed itself and was

being exercised in a patriarchal society. Although this situation disappeared

after Zimbabwe’s independence, a similar incident developed in which

women were heavily taxed based on their husbands’ salaries. The more the

Irene Muzvidziwa

244

husbands earned the more the wife was taxed. This move disempowered

women and contributed to strained marriage relationships. This was a

reflection of a typical patriarchal society with a culture of exclusionary

mechanisms that predominantly positioned women as subordinates and

marginal to their counterparts, creating even bigger gaps between male and

female educational leaders. The cultural norm was that men were perceived

as breadwinners hence this strategy to preserve their status became a source

of oppression and disadvantage for the women.

Promotional Chances for Female Leadership Studies in New Zealand (Court 1993; 1994), Australia, and Canada

(Blackmore 1992) show that women’s promotional chances were diminished

by breaks in services such as maternity leave as their previous work

experience was not taken into account. On their return to teaching they were

not recognised as experienced employees who were previously in the service

before the break. This type of exclusionary measures was also echoed by

Sperandio (2010) highlighting the problem of promotional practices which

are gender neutral.On the other hand women, for instance in the United

States, had to have at least twenty years of teaching experience to qualify for

appointment to educational administrative positions(Shakeshaft 1987). In

some countries, it was the state policies, that female teachers were required to

resign from permanent employment as soon as they got married or were

raising children (Patrickson, Hartmann & McCarron 1994). These conditions

meant that women had less opportunity for leadership in schools (Edson

1988; Jones 1990). Similar situations affected women in educational

employment in Zimbabwe.

The devaluing of women by men and other members of society, and

the negative attitudes towards women by those who are involved in

recruitment, contribute to the under-representation of women in school

leadership positions (Alkhalifa 1989; Hackney 2010; Shakeshaft 1987).

Sometimes women are excluded from decision-making positions due to the

recruitment strategies that make advertising a formality when in-fact, a

person has already been identified to fill the position (Mumba 1997). On

another note, the masculine image of management explains the reluctance of

some women teachers to take up leadership positions. The negative attitudes

towards women leadership also become discriminatory actions and barriers to

Women in Educational Leadership

245

women aspiring for administrative posts as many of those already in positions

receive little or no support from the communities. This is due to the lack of

recognition of women leadership which is possibly influenced by a traditional

culture which tends to devalue women, and view male leadership as the norm

(Shakeshaft 1987; Shakeshaft et al.).

Theoretical/ Conceptual Framework The framework for this study is based on the recognition that women and

men are different and acknowledges the role of socialisation in determining

leadership. Within this framework, the argument raised in this article is that

the theories that privilege the heroic behaviours, and considers leadership as

innate to the male species alone, are promoting patriarchal mechanisms and

exclusionary practices that have since marginalised and excluded women

from leadership opportunities (Rutherford 2001; Applebaum, Audet & Miller

2002). Concurrent with this thinking is McGregor’s (2010) concern about

frameworks, suggesting that the choice be based on an understanding of

women’s status in senior management and in all forms of employment. The

framework that includes and caters for both male and female is the one opted

for in this study.

For instance, ‘The Great man’ leadership model excluded the female

experience in that the development of theory was limited to males who

dominated the area of study in the early years. The earliest work in leadership

research examined leadership traits, the approach to leadership that

emphasised the innate rather than learned psychological differences.

Researchers using this approach ‘attempt to isolate specific traits that endow

leaders with unique qualities that differentiate them from their followers’

(Hoy & Miskel 1987:271) and such traits include physical characteristics

(height, weight), a host of personality factors, values, charisma and energy.

Hoy and Miskel (1996:376) argued that ‘many individuals still believe, as

Aristotle did centuries ago, that from the hour of birth some are marked for

subjection, others for rule’ suggesting that the trait approach is by no means

dead and gone. Aristotle thought that individuals were born with

characteristics that would make them leaders and leaders according to Hoy

and Miskel were generally regarded as superior individuals who, because of

their fortune inheritance or social circumstances (for instance the males),

possessed qualities and abilities that differentiated them from people in

Irene Muzvidziwa

246

general (in this case the females). This theory dominated the field of

leadership until the 1950s.

Even the language mostly defined leadership in male terms. Irby,

Brown, Duffy and Trautman (2002:306) noted how ‘theories were

generalised to both males and female even though they did not take into

account the female experience or significantly include females in the sample

population for development’. Gender divergence and gender subordination

cannot be explored using a seemingly rigid and universal approach. The need

to provide a way of understanding cultural and historical deference is

reflected in research findings such as those by Irby et al. (2002) and Bissessar

(2011) which show how the mechanisms of excluding women perpetuated the

under-representation of women in management positions.

The concept of management is seen to be rooted in Taylor’s

background and experience as a labourer, clerk machinist and chief engineer

whose belief was that, individuals could be programmed to be efficient

machines (Hoy & Miskel 1987:8); hence management of schooling can be

seen to be directed toward the achievement of certain educational objectives.

While leadership is a process of influencing colleagues in setting and

achieving goals of an organisation or a school, the above mentioned approach

to management does not reflect gender awareness component of women’s

approaches and experience. Current literature however, shows that

empowering employees is a key factor in managerial and organisational

effectiveness (Moye, Henkin & Eagley 2005), a recent understanding that

moves the concept to what may accommodate the different genders. One of

the feminists writers regard trait thinking as by nature ‘gender stereotypic’

since the approach assumes innate differences and the construct of leadership

tend to exhibit the desired traits (Blackmore 1998:102).

Leach (2003) observed that Gender Analysis Frameworks, while they

have been designed for different purposes, they are a guide and give room for

thinking about for instance the context that shapes the relationships and

dynamics of both males and females. Women use interactive approaches to

leadership and thus facilitate communication between and among followers.

Women’ tendency to use power that comes through sharing ideas and

information, though perceived as feminine characteristics, reflect the qualities

of transformational leaders and even goes beyond. Transformational leaders

inspire others to perform beyond expectation (Hau Siu Chow 2005). This

approach to leadership empowers others and therefore assumes the qualities

Women in Educational Leadership

247

that would facilitate for more women to aspire for leadership positions. By

adopting skills that provide individuals with self-interest in doing good and,

by showing empathy and being good listeners, female leaders show respect

for human dignity and hence display qualities of empowering in leadership.

Although transformational leadership is challenged for not being gender

sensitive in some areas, communication as one of the gender analysis tool

help us understand that one can share information, train people even to

further steps and sensitise them to gender issues. I therefore content that these

two augur well and are useful lenses.

Design and Methodology The chosen design for this study was qualitative within the interpretivist

paradigm. 8 women deputy heads of schools were identified using snowball

sampling. The first person was purposively chosen who then identified the

next member for inclusion in the sample and like a ball rolling the sample

grew (Patton 2002). Snowball sampling is an approach for locating

‘information-rich key informants’ and the criteria for selection was based on

experience, understanding of the phenomenon and willingness to be involved.

In-depth interviews were used as a means of generating data. This approach

allows for free interaction between the researcher and the interviewer.

Qualitative approach is concerned with detailed descriptions of situations and

events (Patton 2002), hence the importance of this methodology in finding

out people’s experiences of the world. The research examined how women

deputy heads in primary schools in Zimbabwe perceived their role as women

educational leaders in relation to: the demand s of their role, the promotional

chances for more women to be in leadership, the support systems and the

attitudes of school community, their personal aspirations and barriers. Gender

analysis is adopted for this study.

Findings and Discussion

The Women’s Backgrounds Of the eight women deputy heads only one was in a school which had a

woman as a head. Six of the women were located in rural schools (two

worked in communal areas and four in farms schools). The other two deputy

Irene Muzvidziwa

248

school heads were located in a peri-urban and urban areas. The women’s ages

ranged from thirty-six to fifty-five years. All except one were married and

had children ranging from primary to University. Six of the women did their

teacher training after their O-level examination. The other two trained after

standard six and junior certificate respectively. One of the women deputies

did a secretarial course before joining teacher training, while the other started

as untrained teacher for at least a year. At the time of research, three of the

participant had just completed the Bachelor of Education degree (BEd)

programme in administration through part-time studies. Two were still work-

ing to complete their degrees and the other three were still deciding about fu-

ture study. These participants were given pseudonyms with title ‘Mrs’ which

is culturally appropriate for representing a married woman in Zimbabwe.

Some of the names were Ivy, Enita, Lonkina, Linda, Bute, Gomo, Muza.

Ambition for Headship and Expectations When the women became teachers, only one had the ambition of becoming a

head-teacher. One of the women thought that she had no leadership qualities.

Other women had different reasons for their lack of ambition such as feeling

of rejection, that teachers and children might not respect them, another one

thought, that since she had a tiny body people might also not respect her as

their leader. Initially, the other women who did not have the ambition to

become heads and deputy heads perceived leadership to be for men and it

was natural in their sight. This was one of the reasons given for their lack of

motivation to apply for a deputy head-ship post. The fact that the schools in

which they were to be deployed were mostly in rural areas made some to be

reluctant to apply. Of all the women interviewed, only one was encouraged

by her husband to apply. In fact Mrs Gomo and her husband contested at the

same time for the posts of school deputy and were both appointed to different

schools. Interestingly, they were treated differently. Mrs Gomo spent eight

years as a deputy, while her husband got promoted to the post of head within

five years of being a deputy.

The other women indicated that their husbands had negative feelings

about their wives seeking promotion to school headship positions. Mrs Bute

noted, ‘When I was appointed to this post, my husband thought that I would

head the home as well. He assumed there might be a change in the way we

live’. A single woman deputy-head was encouraged to apply for the position

Women in Educational Leadership

249

by her mother, who wished her to be a teacher, when she was initially doing

secretarial course. Another participant, Mrs Muza still on ambition

commented, ‘ I was just trying luck; I thought I had no leadership qualities’.

Mrs Muza expressed shock at her first appointment day when she discovered

that every member had been given the same time for the interview

appointment. While she was waiting to be interviewed she found herself and

everyone else who was there being allocated schools. Among the eight

women, six were appointed to the job after having been interviewed. The

other two were among the group that was not interviewed, but were all

allocated schools. The normal trend in Zimbabwe however was that the posts

would be advertised and people apply, get short listed and if called, they are

all interviewed, which was not the case in the findings of this study.

The women expected a change in their salaries, however three of the

women indicated that the increments they got were meaningless given the

fact that they were already at the top end of their senior teacher grade.

Advancement of Women into Leadership Positions The findings showed that promotions within the Ministry of Education did

not reflect the female character or any sensitivity of women status.

Considering that promotion in Zimbabwe is determined by seniority and

given that the career breaks by women taking maternity leave required them

to resign first, their return was nothing more than just a new teacher. This

meant that women teachers remained at a junior level until they are over the

age of child-bearing, resulting in fewer opportunities for leadership in

schools. This seems why for instance Sperandio (2010:720) argued that

‘gender neutral promotion practice appears to favour men. Women ... during

a career for childrearing will rank much lower than male counterparts on the

seniority scale and thus get offered a leadership position much later in her

career’

Quite often this meant that junior male colleagues were promoted

ahead of their senior female counterparts and that was a good example of

how different mechanisms of gender and exclusion worked.

This kind of scenarios is now changing. The added requirement that

those who seek promotion must first be appointed in rural settings also

eliminated many eligible females who are tied down by family

responsibilities. The requirement for going to a rural school first was one of

Irene Muzvidziwa

250

the key barriers that discouraged many women from aspiring to be heads of

deputy heads. Many urban based women teachers, especially those with

families, found it difficult to leave their families behind. While there is the

assumption that advancement opportunities for women are now open, gender

stereotyping remains another key barrier. Some of the policies did not take

into consideration Bulani’s (1996) observation that women start on a ‘deficit

balance of opportunity’. In Zimbabwe, caring for children is a woman’s duty

which sometimes makes it difficult for women to set it aside in order to go

for a promotion or handle the two at the same time – especially if it involves

major transfers. In the past men benefited through policies that discriminated

women as far as promotion were concerned and today they continue to

benefit by setting conditions which are not gender sensitive, that have the

effect of shutting many women out of the competition.

Despite the existence of the promotional policy that sought to

increase the number of women in administrative positions, the women

considered that their promotional chances were still limited. Certainly, as the

experience of women shows, balancing a family and career can challenge

even the best leader (Manning & Haddock 1989). Before applying for the

post, the women had to think twice, calculate the benefits and compare

whether it was worth going for the post. The salary difference in itself was

de-motivating given the costs of shifting and setting up a new home, many

potential women leaders were steered away. An understanding of the

constraints limiting the number of women to be in leadership positions is thus

essential if the situation is to be rectified.

Attitudes of Community The women noted that it was the general perception of many people in school

settings to regard as problematic, women who aspired for positions of

authority. My findings show that the women school heads were victimised or

oppressed by some individual school leaders who took advantage of those

normative elements to pursue their own agenda or will in the name of culture.

Rutherford (2001:372) noted that ‘cultures embody systems of meaning’ and

at times ‘people form attachments to their cultures which explains why there

is always a lot of resistance to culture change’. One of the participants Enita

was ‘by-passed’ and ‘over-ruled’ when she first became a deputy. The head

of her school had strong feelings of resentment, reflected in his behaviour.

Women in Educational Leadership

251

The extent to which this behaviour affected Enita’s self-esteem is noticed in

how she described her feelings when she said: ‘I was more of a rubber stamp’

and her indication that she was not given the opportunity nor was she

involved in decision making of school activities.

From my findings it is clear that women experienced resistance when

they first entered the field of leadership. The participants’ descriptions show

that their initial entry in schools as women school leaders was a challenge

and change of culture, resulting in what they called ‘culture shock’. However,

Enita believes in working with the community towards a common goal. She

feels that progress can only be achieved if everyone is actively involved. She

describes how she managed to address the problem of children’s in-

discipline:

I held meetings with the teachers … (A10) Dialogue continued and I

interacted with … until everyone was actively involved. (A11) … these

meetings were particularly targeted for improving discipline problems and in

the process student performance.

An alternative paradigm shift brought about by women in their

efforts to deal with challenging situations was creativity. For instance, in the

case of an acting head who refused to surrender the keys, Ivy designed a

strategy that could be seen as less hierarchical, less authoritative, that’s

creating what Jamali et al. (2006) would call a post-bureaucratic school or

organisation. Ivy acknowledged that ‘moving around, passing on good

comments and sharing information on how the acting head did some of his

work must have enhanced the acting head’s perception of himself’. Ivy

believes that the man felt encouraged and honoured since he finally relocated

himself, without anyone’s command or order (authority). In this case, culture

could indeed be said, ‘is built through the every-day interactions’ of members

of the organisation (Saphier & King 1985:72). What Ivy did could be

perceived as creating a positive atmosphere within the school, and this can be

perceived as part of a given school culture. Just like Enita’s belief in the

creation of conducive atmosphere for the children at her school was being

creative. The culture of her school could be seen as changed from one where

bullying was tolerated to one where children show respect for others.

Learning In Linda’s approach, Jamali’s (2006:1) view of schools as organisations also

Irene Muzvidziwa

252

features with people continually expanding their capacity and where ‘new

patterns of thinking are nurtured’. This can also be perceived as re-shaping

the culture of a school from dominating ideas to sharing ideas. However, the

women’s descriptions tended to reflect a holistic approach – a

phenomenological view which links the organisation with its people and

respects the values of others. Linda believed in both leading and learning. She

believed that by accepting ‘criticism’ one is able to learn

Linda’s decision comes as a result of shared ideas. She enjoys working

collectively sharing knowledge. Linda has become so used to ‘working as a

team’ that she does not see herself as separate from others (B4). She feels she

cannot work alone (B36). ‘I plan together with …deputy and senior teacher

all activities’ (B27).

Conclusion Through socialisation, a society’s culture and the way people perceive one

another as human beings can be improved. The article argued that despite

efforts to increase the representation of women in school leadership positions,

their numbers have remained very low. Research shows that one’s culture,

gender roles, and society’s’ values tend to influence women’s choice of

career advancement and leadership opportunities. Certain adjustments with

regards to division of labour in society need to be made if women are to

receive equal employment opportunities. Although a few talked about

affirmative action programmes as seeking to promote more women into

school leadership positions, other women leaders perceived it as a male

conspiracy to keep women in subordinate positions. Despite the limited

number of research participants which makes it difficult to generalise the

findings, it is hoped that the women’s descriptive accounts offer valuable

insights into challenges women face in their struggle for better career

opportunities and senior leadership positions.

References Addi-Raccah, A & H Ayalon 2002. Gender Inequity in Leadership Positions

of Teachers. British Journal of Sociology of Education 23,2:157 - 177.

Women in Educational Leadership

253

Al-Khalifa, E 1989. Management by Halves: Women Teachers and School

Management. In Delyon, Hilary & Frances Widdowson Mignioulo (eds):

Women Teachers Issues and Experiences. Milton Keynes: Open

University Press.

Blackmore, J 1992. Making Educational History: A Feminist Perspective.

Melbourne: Deakins University Press.

Bissessar, C 2011. Empowering Future Women Leaders through GATE: The

Way Forward: Advancing Women in Leadership 31:79 - 85.

Bulan, L 1996. Women Principals’ Perceptions of Educational Leadership in

Sarawak, Malaysia. MEd dissertation, Hamilton: University of Waikato.

Court, M 1993. 1893-1993: How Far have we Come in Women’s

Employment in Education? New Zealand Annual Review of Education 3:

81 - 128.

Court, M 1994. Removing Macho Management: Lessons from the Field of

Education. Gender Work and Organisations 1,1:33 - 49.

Eagly, AH & LL Carli 2007. Through the Labyrinth; The Truth about How

Women become Leaders. Boston, MA. Harvard Business School Press.

Edson, S 1988. The Female Administrative Aspirants: Publishing the Limits.

New York: University of New York Press.

Ford, J 2005. Examining Leadership through Critical Feminist Readings.

Journal of Health Organisation and Management 19,3: 236 - 251.

Gaidzanwa, RB 1993. Gender Violence and Governance in Universities: The

University of Zimbabwe. Paper presented at the Southern Africa Day,

Utrecht University in December 1993

Gordon, R 1994. Education Policy and Gender in Zimbabwe. Gender and

Education 6,2: 131 - 139.

Gordon R, N Swainson, S Bondera & E Kadzamira 1998. Education

Research Promoting Girls’ Education in Africa: The Design and

Implementation of Policy Interventions. London: Department for

International Development (DFID).

Gupta, M 2009. India Takes Steps towards Gender Sensitivity Schooling.

Available at: http://southasia.oneworld.net/news/india-takes-steps-

towards-gender-sensitive-schooling.

Hackney CE 2010. Nigerian Women Leaders: Journeying Toward

Organisational Rebirth through Midwifery. Advancing Women in

Leadership Journal 30,19. Available at: http://advancingwomen.com/

awl/awl_wordpress/.

Irene Muzvidziwa

254

Hau-Siu-Chow, I 2005. Gender Differences in Perceived Leadership

Effectiveness in Hong Kong. Women in Management Review 20,4: 216-

233.

Hill, A & EM King 1993. Women’s Education in Developing Countries: An

Overview: In Hill, A & EM King (eds): Women’s Education in

Developing Countries: Barriers, Benefits and Policies. Baltimore, Md.:

Johns Hopkins University Press.

Hoy, KW & GC Miskel 1996. Educational Administration: Theory, Research

and Practice. New York: McGraw-Hill.

Jones, A 1990. The Attitudes of Men and Women Primary School Teachers

to Promotion and Educational Management. Educational Management

and Administration 18,3:11 - 16.

Irby, BJ, G Brown, JA Duffy & D Trautman 2002. The Synergistic

Leadership Theory. Journal of Educational Administration 40,4: 304-

322.

Kobia, JM 2009. Femininity and Masculinity in English Primary School

Textbooks in Kenya. The International Journal of Language Society and

Culture 28: 57.

Kereszty, O 2009. Gender in Textbooks. Practice and Theory in Systems of

Education 4,2:1 - 7.

Lumby, J, MC Azaola, A de Wet, H Skekrvin & A Williamson 2010. Women

School Principals in South Africa: Leading the Way. Southampton:

University of Southampton.

Leach, F 1998. Gender on the Aid Agenda: Men Women and Educational

Opportunity. In Drake, P & P Owen (eds): Gender and Management

Issues in Education. Stoke on Trent: Trentham Books.

MacDonald, M 1980. Socio-cultural Reproduction and Women’ Education.

In Deem, R (ed): Schooling for Women’s Work. London. Routledge.

Madziyire, N & T Mapolisa 2012. Female Leadership Dilemmas in Primary

Schools: A Case Study of 18 Primary Schools in Kambuzuma, Warren

Park and Kuwadzana Areas of Harare Province in Zimbabwe.

International Journal of Social Science and Education 23:447 - 460.

McFadden, P 1997. Issues of Power and Contestation in the Women’s

Movement. Woman Plus: Women in Decision Making. Zimbabwe

Woman’s Resource Centre and Network (ZWRCN). Harare: ZWRCN.

McGregor, J 2010. REFLECTIONS: Who Needs Gender Research and What

is its Role in the Twenty-first Century? A Personal Reflection. Gender in

Women in Educational Leadership

255

Management: An International Journal 25,4:269 - 274.

Moye, MJ, AB Henkin & RJ Egley 2005. Teacher-principal Relationships:

Exploring Linkages between Empowerment and Interpersonal Trust.

Journal of Educational Administration 43,3:260 - 277.

.Mumba, T 1997. Shattering the Glass Ceiling in the Private Sector. Woman

Plus: Women in Decision Making. Zimbabwe Woman’s Resource Centre

and Network (ZWRCN). Harare: ZWRCN.

Muthivhi, AE 2011. The Cultural Context of Development: Language as a

Mean for Thinking and Problem-solving. South African Journal of

Childhood Education 1,1:32 - 47.

Mutare Teacher’s College 2009. Gender Awareness in Teachers Education

Training Module. Harare: The Women’s Trust. Available at: www.

women.org.zw.

O’Callaghan, M & R Austin 1977. Southern Rhodesia: The Effects of a

Conquest Society on Education, Culture and Information. UNESCO.

Okin, SM 1989. Justice, Gender and the Family. New York: Basic Books.

Patton, MQ 2002. Qualitative Research and Evaluation Methods. Third

Edition. London: Sage.

Panday, K 2009. Gender Issues and Indian Textbooks. Available at:

http://live pdf. In fo /Read/- vp.d3d3LmNhZw4uaXvmbS5meq-

vp.slcolloque-iartem.sl-pdf.sl pandat.pdf.

Patrickson, M, L Hartmann & L McCarron 1994. Women in Education and

Early Retirement. Journal of Educational Administration 32,4:77 - 85.

Rawls, J 2003. Justice as Fairness: A Restatement. Cambridge: Harvard

University Press.

Riddell, S 1992. Gender and Politics of Curriculum. New York. Routledge.

Rutherford, R 2001. Organisational Cultures, Women Managers and

Exclusion. Women in Management Review 16,8: 371-382.

Shakeshaft, C 1987. Women in Educational Administration. London: Sage.

Smith, J 2011. Agency and Female Teachers’ Career Decisions: A Life

History Study of 40 Women. Educational Management Administration &

Leadership39,1:7 - 24.

Schmuck, PA 1996. Women’s Place in Educational Administration: Past

Present and Future. In Leithwood, K, J Chapman, D Corson, P Halinger

& A Hart (eds): International Handbook of Educational Leadership and

Administration. London: Kluwer Academic Publishers.

Sperandio, J 2010. Modelling Cultural Context for Aspiring Women Edu-

Irene Muzvidziwa

256

cational Leaders: Journal of Educational Administration 48,6:716 -726.

Tan, SM 2009. Gender Equality in Education: Revision of Philippine

Education Textbooks. See: United Nations Educational, Scientific and

Cultural Organisation UNESCO (2003). Gender and Education For All:

The Leap to Equality. Available at: http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/

0013/001325/132513e.pdf.

Zimunya, V 1998. Women’s Voices: They Celebrated Teachers Day at

Home. The Herald October, 29, Harare.

Irene Muzvidziwa

School of Education

University of KwaZulu Natal

Muzvidziwai@ukzn.ac.za