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The CP and split CP cross-linguistically1

Elly van Gelderen, February 2003

In this article, I first argue that languages differ as to whether their clausal complements constitute CPs or split CPs in the sense of Rizzi (1997). Then, I show that complements to factive verbs (e.g. regret) are typically split CPs whereas those to non-factive verbs often are not. Thus, in Dutch and German, only complements to factive verbs are split CPs; in Italian and English, complements to all verbs are. English, however, has the added problem that the split CPs with factive verbs are non-transparant.

As many have shown, even as early as Kiparsky & Kiparsky's (1970) original article on factives, factives can divided into emotives (e.g. regret) and non-emotives (e.g. discover) and the latter pattern with the non-factives (e.g. believe). In work by Hooper & Thompson (1973), that group is referred to as assertives. I then reformulate my proposal on split CPs in these terms. Non-assertives (regret) may have a split CP complement, whereas assertives (discover and believe) have a single one in most languages. As mentioned, in English and Italian, the CP is always split.

The outline is as follows. Section 1 provides some background on the split CP by looking at Rizzi (1997; 2001) and Cinque (1999). Section 2 examines cross-linguistic differences as to the presence of the split CP, whereas section 3 shows that matrix verbs also influence the selection of a split CP. Section 4 shows that the split CP is introduced in Middle English but that not until the 19th century did clauses become intransparent.

1 Background: the split CP

A relatively `traditional' notion of the clause is that it consists of three layers: the C(omplementizer) P(hrase), the I(nflection) P(hrase), and the V(erb) P(hrase). The CP provides a connection to a matrix sentence or contains an indication of speaker attitude; the IP includes grammatical information such as

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tense and agreement; and the VP accomodates the arguments. The tree for this, as in (1), is very familiar by now accounting for the word order in languages across the world:

1. CP. C'

C IP. I'

I VP

Each of the layers in (1) has been argued to be split. The VP is split in Larson (1988), the IP is in Pollock (1989), and the CP in Rizzi (1997). An extreme position is Cinque (1999) who has 40 or so levels in a clause.

In 1.1, I will briefly review the reasons for assuming expanded CPs. I also show there is evidence of movement of a complementizer and wh-element from the lower part of the CP to the higher part. In 1.2, I examine Cinque's expanded structure, and justify the use of Rizzi (1997).

1.1 Rizzi (1997) and the expanded CPIn Lasnik & Saito (1992) and McCloskey (1991), topics and sentence adverbs are seen as adjoined to the main clause. Adjunction is not very restrained and therefore it is good to eliminate it from the grammar. One way to do this is to think of the `adjoined' elements as occupying separate functional categories, as part of an expanded CP. During the last decade, Hoekstra (1993), Rizzi (1997; 2001), and Cinque (1999), to name but a few, have suggested such an expanded functional projection to accommodate the complementizer and other material appearing on the left edge of the sentence, as in (2):

2. ... Force ... (Topic) ... (Focus) ... Fin IP(from Rizzi 1997: 288)

Rizzi (2001: 289) assumes (3), where Int is interrogative. However, some of the Topic positions can be eliminated by allowing a head to move to the

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different head positions:

3. Force (Top*) Int (Top*) Foc (Top*) Fin IP

As is well-known, topics do not trigger V-movement in English, as (4) shows, whereas they do in the other Germanic languages, e.g. (5) from Swedish:

4. a. Stewed pears we always avoid.b. *Stewed pears avoid we always.

5. Kompott äter vi aldrigStewed-fruit eat we never

This difference receives a nice explanation under a more expanded CP, as in (2): in English, the head of topic need not be filled, but in Swedish, it does. Recent work using a split CP to account for Verb movement is e.g. den Dikken (2002). It also accounts for the fact that even though topics generally precede wh-elements, in embedded sentences the reverse holds (e.g. Kiss 1995: 12), as (6) shows:

6. ?I don't know whati to Mary ti we should give ti

(from Den Dikken, p. 4, but my traces are added)

This may mean that the wh-element moves from a lower to a higher position in embedded sentences such as (6). This move to the ForceP will be shown to result in wh-clauses being able to follow prepositions. As will be shown below, in language change, the complementizer that also changes from being in the lower part of CP to the higher part.

Rizzi (1997: 283) argues that "the complementizer system [is] the interface between a propositional content (expressed by the IP) and the superordinate structure (a higher clause or, possibly, the articulation of discourse, if we consider a root clause)". Therefore, the CP contains elements that look outside which he calls Force (following Chomsky 1995), and those

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that look inside, which he refers to as Finite. In addition, the CP in (2) (optionally) accommodates Topic and Focus. I am assuming a topic is old information, and a focus is new, but not much hinges on this since there are very few sentences with both in the CP. See Rizzi (1997) for more. Languages in which both topic and focus can appear sentence-initially display the sequence of (2), e.g. (7), from Zulgo, a Chadic language, and (8) from Modern Greek:

7. mekele ka, gat na azla sigwe yamekele TOP he FOC he-took money FOC`As for Mekele, it is he who took the money' (from Haller & Watters 1984: 30, but tones left out)

8. Ti ðoulje mu se kanenan ðen tin embistevomethe work mine to noone not it entrust`I don't entrust my work to anyone' (from Condoravdi & Kiparsky 2002, p. 4).

Rizzi maintains that, in Italian, the finite complementizer che is in Force. The evidence for this comes from topicalization and left dislocation. The finite complementizer precedes the Topic, as in (9), from Rizzi (1997: 288):

9. Credo che il tuo libro, loro lo apprezzerebbero moltobelieve that the your book they it appreciate much`I believe that they would appreciate your book a lot'.

A tree for a sentence such as (9) would look like (10):

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10. VPV ForceP

. Force'Force TopicP

. Topic'Topic IP

credo queil tuo libro loro lo ....

Poletto (2000: 129) says that speakers accept che on the other side of the topic as well, which may mean optional movement of che from Fin to Force. She (2000: 174) argues either verb or complementizer move this way depending on the setting features of the matrix verb. This is reminiscent of movement of what in (6) and shows some clauses are split.

The English finite complementizers that and for behave like che, as (11) (taken from McCloskey 1991) and (12) show. This is less true for factive verbs, as in (13), a fact which will become important later on in section 4:

11. She maintains that Irish stew she sort of likes t.12. ... for Irish stew I sort of like.13. ?I regret that Irish stew she sort of likes t.

This means that and finite for are in Force not in Fin2. Historically, this has probably always been the case for finite for, which is first attested as a finite complementizer around 1200, as in (14) and (15). Since topics and adverbs follow for, the latter is in Force. That is now in Force but in Fin probably till about 1500, as (16) and (17) show:

14. For hardely I hym heetefor indeed I threaten him (York, 11, 286)

15. For frenshippe we haue foune. (York, 10,12)16. She loved Arcite so

That [when that he was absent any throwe],

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Anon her thoghte her herte brast a-two (Chaucer, Benson p. 377: 93-5)17. and forþi we clepeð him fader for þat he us feide here

`and therefor we ... him father because he ...'(Trinity Homilies HC-ME1)

The historical change of that from Fin to Force is compatible with contemporary ones such as that of che, as described by Poletto, and Modern Greek, as in (44) below.

1.2 The `cartographic' approachIn this section, I briefly review Cinque and show why a less expanded CP is preferable.

Cinque (1999), in what has been coined the `cartographic' approach (see e.g. Cinque 2002), argues that CP and IP do not suffice because adverbs need to be accomodated. The CP needs to accomodate speech act (frankly, honestly), evaluative ((un)fortunately), evidential adverbials (allegedly, evidently), and modal affixes in certain languages. The full range of the three CP-adverbials is given in (18). I have added an IP-adverbial as well, namely the epistemic one:

18. Mood speech act Mood evaluativeMood evidential Mod epistemic frankly fortunately allegedly probably(from Cinque 1999: 107)

Cinque (1999) does not use Rizzi's categories, unfortunately, but testing the compatibility of these adverbs with topics and focus, one finds (19) and (20). Even though (19) seems slightly odd, it is acceptable to native speakers with honestly in ForceP and those books in the topic. (20) nevertheless presents a problem in Cinque's approach, since frankly is higher in the tree than surprisingly, but the two cannot occur together as in (20):

19. ?Honestly, those books, he should have read before class.20. *Frankly, surprisingly, he read those books.

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The examples Cinque gives with multiple adverbs are as in (21), but one of the adverbs is inside the IP:

21. Honestly, I am unfortunately unable to help you. (p. 33)

This suggests that the English CP is restricted.Corpus data show the same as judgement data. In the 100 million word

British National Corpus (hence BNC), frankly and fortunately never cooccur; neither do fortunately and allegedly; or allegedly and frankly (even though the adverbs occur frequently by themselves). Thus, matrix CPs such as (24) and (25) show that the CP contains a ForceP with the sentence adverb and a TopicP with a topic.

Cinque says very little about subordinating conjunctions, which is surprising since these originally motivated the use of C and CP (Chomsky 1986). The BNC gives three instances of that preceding frankly, as in (22):3

22. She has told Paul that frankly she's lapping up the attention (BNC KBF 8830)

This should not be possible under Cinque's approach since the Specifier of the Speech Act adverb, frankly, should be highest, and in (22), the complementizer that is.

Sentences such as (22) are perfectly compatible with Rizzi's account where that is in Force and the adverb in the topic position. The ungrammaticality of (24) and (25) above is again in accordance with Rizzi but not with Cinque.

2 Crosslinguistic Differences regarding the split CP

In this section, I will show that there is quite some variation in whether or not languages expand the CP or not. Non-finite clauses typically do not, even

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though they do in Rizzi's account, since they are reduced clauses (section 2.1). There is quite a lot of other variety, e.g. in whether topics are incorporated (section 2.2), and whether there are multiple complementizers (section 2.3). In concluding (table 1), I make a distinction between evidence for the split CP from actual complementizers and from topic/focus material present in the CP.

2.1 InfinitivalsAs to infinitival complements, Rizzi (1997; 2001: 288) argues that the infinitival di occupies Fin, since it follows the topic, as in (23), from Rizzi:

23. Credo, il tuo libro, di apprezzarlo moltobelieve the your book for appreciate-it much

My focus is not Italian but other non-split possibilities exist, e.g. having di in I. Rizzi (2001: 287) allows for the possibility of a single head in CP: "[w]e may think of Force and Finiteness as two distinct heads closing off the complementizer system upward and downward respectively (and perhaps coalescing into a single head in the simple cases)".

In English, the infinitival complementizer for in (24) is similar to Italian di in (23) in that a topic cannot follow it. The reason is that for needs to be adjacent to the subject for Case reasons. However, it is unlike di in that a topic cannot precede it either, as the ungrammaticality of (25) shows. This is unexpected if for is in Fin:

24. *I expect for [his work] the president to do.25. *I expected [his work] for the president to do.

If we test the position with other non-finite complementizers, the result is the same, i.e. topics cannot precede them. Sentence (26) is taken from the BNC as a typical instance of in order to. When transformed into (27), it becomes ungrammatical. Other topicalizations are impossible as well. The same is true with non-finite whether, as in (28) and (29), formed from (30):

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26. There are several hurdles that must be overcome in order to successfully enter the UK job market (BNC HCO 74).

27. *... that must be overcome in order [the job market] to successfully enter.28. *The Office of Fair Trading considered [these takeovers] whether to

refer to the Monopolies and Mergers Commission.29. *The Office of Fair Trading considered whether [these takeovers] to

refer to the Monopolies and Mergers Commission.30. The Office of Fair Trading considered whether to refer these takeovers

to the Monopolies and Mergers Commission (BNC ALV 695).

Thus, non-finite complementizers in English do not fit readily in the expanded CP. Only the non-finite complementizer can be present, not a topic or focus4. This is not unexpected given their reduced clausal status.

2.2 Differences in finite clauses: incorporation of topicsNot all languages have such an expanded CP as in (10) above and I'll briefly look at that now where topics are concerned.

Abraham (1997: 39) argues that there is no TopP or FocP between CP and IP in German, whether the C is finite or non-finite. In Dutch, the same is true, and I will just give the Dutch examples: (31) is comparable to (9), but neither order of complementizer and topic is acceptable, and so is (32) with an adverbial clause, and (33) a factive verb complement which will be shown to more readily allow split CPs in a number of languages:

31. a. *Ik geloof dat jouw boek ze waarderenI believe that your book they appreciate

b. *Ik geloof jouw boek dat ze waarderenI believe your book that they appreciate`I believe they appreciate your book very much'.

32. *Ik ging naar de winkel dat boek om te kopenI went to the store that book for to buy

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33. a. *Ik vergat dat jouw boek ze waarderenI forgot that your book they appreciate

b. *Ik vergat jouw boek dat ze waarderenI forgot your book that they appreciate`I forgot they appreciate your book very much'.

The ungrammaticality of these sentences changes when the complementizer dat is left out. This is only possible with non-factives, as in (34), the complementizer-less counterpart of (31), where the subject (but any topic could go) moves to Spec CP and the verb moves to C. This confirms single CP status. I'll come back to this in section 3:

34. Ik geloof ze waarderen jouw boek.I believe they appreciate your book

2.3 Double ComplementizersEven though embedded topics, as in (31), are limited in Dutch, there is still evidence for a split CP in that multiple complementizers occur, as in (35). Extraction is possible, as in (36):

35. Ik weet niet wie of dat 't gedaan heeft.I know not who if that it done has

36. Wie weet ik niet of dat 't gedaan heeft?Who know I not if that it done has5

Double complementizers are only possible with verbs such as vergeten `forget', betwijfelen `doubt', and afvragen `wonder'. Like for in English, it seems quite restricted and indicates a doubt or unreal situation, as in (37):

37. Ze gedraagt zich of dat ze hier de baas isShe behaves herself as-if that she here the boss is`She behaves as if she is the boss' (from ANS 664 but with dat added).

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Even though Dutch does not allow embedded topics, as (31) shows, it has a small class of verbs that allows a split CP.

Barbiers (2002) argues that in Dutch, there is a ForceP in factives which allows wh-embedding, as in (38), but not in non-factives, as in (39):

38. Jan zal meedelen welke boeken dat Marie leest.Jan will announce which books that Mary reads

39. *Jan zal denken welke boeken dat Marie leest. Jan will think which books that Mary reads (Barbiers 2002: 50-51)

He correlates the ForceP with the presence of the complementizer of `whether' in factives, as in (40) and their absence of non-factives, as in (41):

40. Jan zal meedelen of (dat) Marie deze boeken leest.Jan will announce if that Mary these books reads

41. *Jan zal denken of (dat) Marie deze boeken leest.Jan will think if that Mary these books reads (Barbiers 2002: 50-51)

I will come back on the use of factives but I think (38) and the others are a subclass of factives. ANS (p. 645; 1151ff) talks about the difference between dat and of as certain versus uncertain, so factive versus non-factive. This can also be seen in (37) above, and (42) with verb-second:

42. Het scheelde geen haar of hij was verdronkenIt missed no hair or he was drowned`He had almost drowned' (ANS 648).

Adding a topic by changing (42) into (43) results in a grammatical construction. This shows that the verb has moved to Fin and of is in Force:

43. Het scheelde geen haar of gisteren was hij verdronkenIt missed no hair or yesterday was he drowned

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So, Dutch allows an expanded CP with those matrix verbs that have a double C. These are not regular factives, however, in that rather than expressing an emotion, they express doubt.

2.4 To Split or to notBecause of the incompatibility of topics with non-finite for, as in (24) and (25) above, I assume Modern English non-finite CPs have only one CP, with only the head filled. For finite constructions, Rizzi's structure provides insight since finite for is in Force in (12), preceding the topic, as is that in (11). Older English has two complementizers, as in (17), in the same way as Dutch, one in Force and one in Fin. Dutch does not allow embedded topics in the way Modern and older English do.

There is some evidence that in Modern Greek, there are three Cs, as argued in Roussou (2000). Since oti can either precede or follow the topic/focus in sentences with tha in the lowest C, there may be three Cs in (44), or tha may be in T:

44. nomizo (ta mila) oti (ta mila) ðen tha ta fai o petrosthink-1S (the apples) that (the apples) not future eat-3S the Peter`I think that Peter won't eat the apples'. (Roussou 2000: 76).

It may also be the case that oti moves from Fin to Force. Thus when it follows the topic, it is in Fin and when it precedes, it is in Force. This is similar to what happens historically with English that, with wh-clauses as in (6) above, and in Italian varieties with che.

In table 1, I summarize the possibilities. There is in principle a `no-no' setting, but not in the languages reviewed here:____________________________________________________________

Italian/English Dutch Greek/Middle English__________________________________________

multiple Cs no yes yestopics in CP yes no yes

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____________________________________________________________Table 3.1: Split CPs

3 Complement selection

Matrix verbs (partly) determine the structure of the verb in the complement. Thus, cross-linguistically, causatives do not have CP complements and verbs of saying do not have VP-complements. This is of course not completely true since languages choose to be more CP, IP, or VP oriented. In the present section, I examine a possible relationship between the meaning of a verb and the presence of a split CP.

In 3.1, I'll first look at the traditional effects of factive and non-factive matrix verbs on the structure of their complements, as argued early on in the work of Kiparsky & Kiparsky (1970), hence K&K. K&K divide factives into emotives and non-emotives, mainly because of the ability of the former to have a for-to and subjunctive complement. I discuss several characteristics of factives, such as harder to move out of it through passivization, raising, and wh-movement (hence loosely called non-bridge verbs), but, using arguments put forward by Hooper & Thompson (1973) and others and using the BNC, I show these characteristics typically appear with emotive factives, but not with the non-emotives (also called semifactives). H&T suggest `assertion' is the relevant distinction between verb groups. None of these use the split CP to account for the differences: a split CP, in particular one that can have the fact that, creates more barriers in the complements of emotive factive verbs.

3.1 Factives, non-factives, emotives, and non-emotivesThe distinction between factives and non-factives is well-known since the work by K&K (1970). I will provide some background on these, as well as on K&K's distinction for factives between emotives and non-emotives that has been accepted in a number of later works. I then relate the difference to the split CP.

K&K (1970: 159), talking about complements to factive verbs, call their

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independence a "syntactic insulation". They (1970: 162) show that the complements to factive verbs are more insolating than those of non-factives. The difference between them is both semantic and syntactic. With factive verbs, as in (45), the truth of the complement clause is presupposed by the speaker, unlike with non-factives, as in (46):

45. I forgot that he left a key.46. I believe that he left a key.

A partial list of factive and non-factives is given in (47):

47. Factive: regret, be aware of, grasp, comprehend, ignore, forget, make clear, resent, know, realize, deplore, see.Non-factive: suppose, assert, allege, assume, claim, believe, conclude, say, think, assume, deem, be possible, be true.Both: anticipate, acknowledge, suspect, report, remember, admit.(cf. Kiparsky & Kiparsky 1970: 145; 163).

Some syntactic differences involve it-pronominalization (with factives), ECM-constructions (with non-factives), paraphrasing through the fact that (with factives), passive raising (with factives), embedded topics (marginal with factives), and wh-extraction of the subject and adjunct (with non-factives). I'll argue that certain factives have a split CP with one of the layers blocking extraction.

K&K divide the factives in emotives and non-emotives, as in (48):

48. Emotive:factives: regret, resent, deplore, be importantnon-factives: intend, prefer, be unlikely

Non-emotive:factives (later called semi-factives): forget, be clear, be aware ofnon-factives: say, suppose, conclude, seem, be likely (K&K 169-

170)

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The main reason for this is that emotive complements can be for - to clauses or have subjunctives, even though, as I'll show later, not all of them do.

Starting with it-pronominalization and paraphrasing through the fact that, these are possible with factives, as in (49) and (50):

49 a. They regret it that Hittite is extinct (no examples in the BNC)b. *They believed it that Hedwig had brought that message.

50 a. Many Americans regret the fact that they now discuss sport with the passion that 200 years ago they brought to every day debates... (BNC-ABD 752)

b. *Many Americans believe the fact that they now discuss ...

Hooper & Thompson (1973: 481) show that the subclass identified by K&K as non-emotives cannot have these, as (51) and (52) show:

51. *I see the fact that the Bruins lost.52. *I know the fact that you're not speaking to me.

(from H&T 481)

A search in the BNC confirms this for see but not for other non-emotives such as realize and discover where two instances of each occur, as in (53) and (54):

53. ... was quick to realize the fact that Cubism had not been the product of ... (BNC GUJ 863)

54. I thought that Sarah had discovered the fact that we were both, ..., being unfaithful to her (BNC HD6 746)

ECM-constructions and passive raising occur with non-factives, as in (55) and (56), and embedded topics are mostly ungrammatical with factives, but grammatical with non-factives, as in (57):

55 a. I believe him to be nice.

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b. *I regret him to be nice.56 a. He was believed to be pro-French. (BNC-CRK 998)

b. *He was regretted to be pro-French.57 a. John believes that this book Mary read often.

b. *John regrets that this book Mary read often.

Again, not all factives work alike. The non-emotive know allows ECM, as in (58), which occurs very frequently, but not the non-emotive forget:

58. nor did I ever know him to be disloyal (BNC CD9 1620)59. *I forgot him to have done that.

Emotives can have subjunctive and for-to clauses, as (60) and (61) show:

60. Asserting, what was palpably untrue, that `There are probably few people in India who do not sincerely regret that you should have made it impossible for any government to leave you at liberty', he ... (BNC C90 1004)

61. I regret for you to be in this fix (KK 169)

Having shown that factives versus non-factives is too broad, I'll discuss the assertive versus non-assertive difference.

2.2 AssertiveIt has long been noted (Vikner 1995: 70 for an overview; Haider 1986) that non-factives allow verb-second (V2) order in their complements in German, but that factives don't. The same is true in Dutch, as (62) shows:

62. ik geloof/*betreur gisteren is ie gevallenI believe/regret yesterday is he fallen

This is similar to English topics, in (57) above, repeated here as (63). They are

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allowed with non-factives, but disallowed with factives:

63 a. John believes that this book Mary has read many times.b. ?/*John regrets that this book Mary has read many times.

In English (63a), the complementizer that appears in Force and this book in the topic. This is true in Danish as well, as in (64) from Vikner (1995: 67):

64. Vi ved at denne bog har Bo ikke læst.We know that that book has Bo not read

This means Danish has a split CP with at in Force and har in Fin. Since English doesn't allow V2, and the topic would have to be in a separate position in the expanded CP, it means that the CP is split in these cases. In German and Dutch, many argue that V2 is movement of the topic to the Spec of CP and of the finite verb to Fin. Therefore, (62) could have that structure too, i.e. of a single CP. This would mean complements to non-factive verbs in German and Dutch would be a single CP, but complements to factive ones would be split and allow for double Cs6.

Meinunger (2002) shows that the verbs that allow V2 complements in (62) above are those of saying, thinking, and the non-emotive factives (verbs of `discovery'). The ones that don't are emotive factives, negative verbs, such as nicht glauben, imperatives, questions, and causative verbs, such as verursachen, schaffen. He follows H&T in referring to these as assertive versus non-assertive. The volitional verbs, he argues, show the characteristics of the non-assertive verbs. He relates this to H&T's observations on root transformations in English. These are allowed with almost the same matrix verbs except that verbs of wanting are left out. I agree with this distinction, even though it may be hard to fit assertion in a non-split CP (it would be typically something of ForceP). Meinunger's verb classes end up as follows with semi-factive an alternative name for non-emotive factives7:

Assertive: Non-assertive:

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saying emotive factive (resent, regret)thinking negative verbssemi-factive causative

volition

Assertive verbs allow V2, lack subjunctives, and display root transformations; non-assertive verbs show the opposite characteristics.

How does this new division fare with K&K's prototypical features, such as the fact that and it after the verb. A (semi-)factive such as see should have the fact that under K&K's account. In the BNC, there are 115,200 instances of see but none where a form of see is followed by the fact that. Realize(d), another (semi-)factive, has two instances, and the other semi-factives have some too. This is problematic for the division, any division in fact. I would like to suggest that, as in the case of which verbs select for to, there is an element of chance, as to whether and how the ForceP is filled.

Meinunger doesn't rely on a split CP, but I'll argue that the (finite) CP is always split with non-assertive predicates, such as regret, and that there is a the fact that blocking the ForceP. This ForceP would also block movement to the topic position in English, perhaps because the entire proposition is presupposed, i.e. the topic. English complements to assertives would also be split since topicalization is allowed after that, but Dutch and German complements are single CPs since topics cannot appear after dat/daB, as in (65) and (66):

65. *Ik geloof dat deze boeken zij niet waarderenI believe that these books they no appreciate

66. *Ik geloof dat deze boeken waarderen zij niet

If German and Dutch assertive complements also had split CPs, (65) and (66) wouldn't be ungrammatical.

3.3 A structureA structure of emotive factives is given in (67), with the ForceP `blocked' by a

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covert or overt element. This structure is a hybrid between a nominal and a clausal structure, and is proposed for it with extraposed clauses in e.g. Stroik (1991):

67. ForcePSpec Force'(the fact) Force ...(it) that

(64) would account for (49) and (50) readily. It would also connect the fact that both wh-clauses, as in (68), with the wh in Spec ForceP (see (6) above), and the fact that/it that, as in (69), occur as prepositional objects:

68. I was aware of what he said.69. I was aware of the fact/it that he resigned.

Infinitival complements are reduced clauses, but in the case of emotive factives that have a structure as in (67), they will never reduce to an IP completely. This explains why ECM-verbs and passives are impossible (cf. e.g. Massam 1986), but for-to infinitives and subjunctives are. Thus, him in (55a) but not in (55b) can be Case marked; he in (56a) can move to the subject position of the main clause since there is no double CP boundary in between, but not in (56b). Volition verbs do not have a structure as in (67) but one where the CP is nevertheless never reducible since an irrealis/future marker for is present.

To recap the English situation, factives (all real factives and some semi-factives) occur with the fact that and it that. This shows their structure is as in (67). The other verbs do not. ECM is typical for non-factives except verbs of saying which never reduce (say, claim, assert). Within the ECM verbs, there are two kinds, verbs of belief lack a C in the infinitive and those of volition have one:

Assertive Non-Assertive

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semifactive think say factive volition(discover) (believe) (regret) (want, intend)

the fact some no no yes noit that some no no yes noEmb Top yes yes yes no noECM yes yes no no yesRaising yes yes yes no noSubjunctive no no no/yes yes yesfor-to no no no yes yes

Table 2: English complements

4 The split CP in the History of English

In Old English, there is not much evidence for a split CP: there are no double complementizers8 or embedded topics. In this section, I provide some evidence for when the split CP is introduced. Double complementizers start to appear in the 13th century (see (17) above); embedded topics and prepositions followed by that-clauses appear a little later in the 15th century. This typically occurs in adjunct positions. The fact that, as in (50) above, and it that do not appear regularly till the 19th century.

4.1 Evidence for a split CP?The first instance of for as a C that the OED provides is from 1123 (from the Peterborough Chronicle). Not long thereafter, combinations such as for that, as in (17) above and (70), till that, if that, while that start to occur:

70. I trowe I loved hym best, for that he Was of his love dangerous to me(Chaucer, Benson p. 112)

This means for is in Force and that remains in Fin, but the CP is split.It is harder to date the introduction of embedded topics exactly. There

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are many in Chaucer (lC14) and in the York plays (lC15). Again, these first appear in adjunct position, as in (71) to (73):

71. But of his face I can not seyn the hewe/ For sikerly his face shone so bryghte (Chaucer, Benson, p. 594, ll. 162-3)

72. Ther may swich cause ben .../ That hardily thou wolt thiselven saye (Idem, p. 577, ll. 1305-6)

73. And thus I lyved ful many a day/ That trewely I hadde no ned (Idem, p. 345 ll. 1252-3)

So by 1400, that may move to Force.The introduction of complements starting with the fact that is quite late.

According to the OED, the phenomenon starts in the 19th century, and the first instances are factive, as in (74) to (76), but slow to get started (e.g. none in Darwin's Origin of Species or in Jane Austen's novels):

74. I would not agree to the fact that ennui prevailed (1803, from OED entry for fact)

75. ... ought to be made aware of the fact that among the reigning Sovereigns, [they] have not ... (1851, from OED entry for fact)

76. We cannot ignore the fact that aeroplaning is beginning to progress as a pastime (Observer 1927, from OED entry for aeroplane)

There are, however, some early instances, as in (77). The texts in which these occur interestingly have a that-clause after a preposition, as in (78). This provides some evidence for the beginning of a structure as in (67) above in the 15th century:

77. We have done evyll that we have not taken surete (1489 Caxton, from OED entry for that)

78. I shalle not leue the goo, withoute that thow hold to me (1484 Caxton, from OED entry for that)

79. After that I understande by your wordes (1475 Caxton, entry for after)

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When do sentences with an it, as in (49) above, start appearing? Heralding objects occur in OE, as Visser calls them, but are problematic in terms of their analysis. Considering Visser's examples (p. 460) they occur with all kinds of verbs, as with the semi-factive understand in (80), and others such as hear and believe, as in (81). This is unexpected if they are really like the structure in (49). In addition, the heralding objects typically precede the verb, as in (81), and hence do not contribute to an expanded CP:

80. and þæt georne understandan, þæt ðær symble heofonlicra engla neawest biðand that eagerly understand, that there feast of-heavenly angels nearest is (Wulfstan Polity 252.15, from Visser 460)

81. þæt ne gelyfdon þte liffruma ... ahafen wurde. that not believed that giving ... elevated was (Crist 656 from Visser 460)

If OE is a more paratactic language than its modern counterpart, one expects an independent object with a separate clause. Sentences such as (80) are therefore not like (49) above, but contain two separate clauses. The introduction of the modern variant of (80), one that provides evidence for (67) is quite late. It doesn't occur in the Early Modern English section (up to 1710) of the HC; in Shakespeare's First Folio (1623), there are none, but there is an instance of a prepositional object as in (82):

82. I will swear by it that you loue mee (Much Ado)

So, by 1400, a split CP is present: double complementizers occur since the 13th century, embedded topics since the late 14th century, and prepositions precede that-clauses since the 15th century. The Spec of ForceP is not `filled' up with it/the fact until later.

4.2 Do matrix verbs matter?Having shown that the split CP started with adjuncts in Middle English, I'll

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show that assertive and non-assertive complements are very similar in OE in terms of whether they take an indicative or subjunctive complement. It isn't until Late ME when non-assertives start to allow for-to complements and, as shown above, not until the 19th century that the fact that appears in the complement clause.

The core set of non-assertives, the emotives, in English consists of loans from French, e.g. resent, regret, deplore. OE counterparts are sorgian `be sad' and sweorcan `be troubled'. When they occur with CP complements, these are either indicative or subjunctive:

83. hi þa sorgodon þæt hi sceoldon heora gewunan forlætanthey then grieved that they should their ... leave (DOE, seg 30)

Volitional and causative verbs are also non-assertive and show single CPs, as in (84) and (85). In OE, they have a CP complement, as in (84) and (85), which for both can be either indicative, as in (84), or subjunctive, as in (85):

84. Ic gedo ðæt ðu forgitst`I make you forget'. (Alfred, CP 207/11)

85. Ic wille ... þæt þu forgyte þæt ic þe nu secge I want you to forget ... (Byrhtferth's Manual 154/14, Visser 841)

Assertive complements such as to the semi-factive forgietan occur with a clausal complement in the indicative, as in (86), and subjunctive, as in (87):

86. hig forgæton ðæt hig hlafas namonThe forgot that they breads took (from Visser 832)

87. ðæt hie forgieten hwider hie scylen that they forget whither they should-SUBJ [go] (Pastoral Care 387.8, HC)

Another semi-factive is ongietan `to understand'. Looking through the Dictionary of OE texts, it occurs most often in the Pastoral Care, and is often

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complemented by a that clause. There is one instance where it might have a structure as in (67) with willan comparable to fact in Modern English:

88. he ongiete ðone ufancundan willan ðæt he ...(Pastoral Care 51.7)

Perception verbs are assertive. In OE, see occurs mainly as a mental perception verb, as in (89), or with a `see to it' meaning, as in (90):

89. Gesihst þu nu þæt þa rihtwisan sint laþe 7 forþrycteSeest thou now that the virtuous are hated and oppressed (Boethius, III, 4)

90. Gesih ðu þæt nænigum menn ðu coeðeSee you that (to) man you talk (Lindisfarne MK I, 44, from Visser 838)

These complements are subjunctive. There is a possible 13th century direct perception example, i.e. (91), but it is interesting that the first form of `see', sehe, is in the subjunctive and hence the `seeing' is less direct. The second form, seoð, is a present plural which is more direct:

91. Hwa þat sehe þenne hu þe engles beoð isweamed, þat seoð hare suster swa sorhfulliche afalletWho should see that the angles are grieved and who see their sister so sorrowfully overthrown (Hali M Titus 23, 233-5)

A last class of assertives I'll look at is the class of saying. Verbs of saying occur with a subjunctive (as well as indicative) complement in OE, as in (76), unexpected under the division proposed above:

92. þæt hi cwædon þæt he God wærethat they said that they God were (Hom I 190.32, from Mitchell I: 8)

Farkas (1992): 70) notes the same for Romance languages, and says there is

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a change of meaning, e.g. between (93) and (94) from Romanian:

93. Ion a spus ca Maria qa plecatIon has said that Maria has left

94. Ion a spus ca Maria sa plece imediatIon has said that Maria SUBJ leave immediately (from Farkas 1992: 70)

1. In this paper, I use several electronic copora and texts. The British National Corpus (BNC) is a 100-million word corpus of written and spoken contemporary British English. It is available on the web, as well as on CD. I also use the Helsinki Corpus (HC), the Dictionary of Old English texts (DOE), and the OED online. In cases where I don't take the examples from the OED or from Visser, I have provided references.

2. Notice that, unlike topicalization in (1), left dislocation is only possible in a main clause as in (i) and not in a subordinate as in (ii):

i. Those books, I read them.ii. *I know that those books I read them.

3. Native speaker judgements show that sentences such as (i) and (ii) are unacceptable:

i. *I know that frankly she leftii. *I know frankly that she left.

4. In the BNC, there are 3 instances of for followed by unfortunately, but these all involve finite for.

5. See also Hoekstra & Zwart (!!1994: 198) for similar sentences.

6. The Dutch translation of `the fact that' het feit dat is very rare in sentences comparable to (50). ANS does not mention this at all, and searching the Dutch newspapers in Lexis Nexis for the past 10 years, I find over 40 after betreuren `regret' but they all seem quite formal:

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So far I've shown that in OE assertive and non-assertive complements do not have a different form: neither take double complementizers or embedded objects and both allow subjunctives. In the remainder of this section, I show that when for-to complements start to occur, there is a difference and since for in finite clauses is in ForceP, this may be the reason that the CP is used for non-finites as well.

As is well-known from K&K (see section 3.1 above), emotive factives such as be important and regret allow for-to complements. This use "is hardly ever met with before" the late 19th century, according to Visser (2244-45). There are, however, instances he mentions, as in (95), and (96) from the OED. The ealiest I have found is (97):

95. and wishing for those hands to take off his melancholy bargain (1681 Dryden, from Visser 2248)

96. as I expect for my reward to be honoured with Miss Sophia's hand as a partner (1766 Goldsmith, from the OED entry for interest)

97. moche he lofde echn(e) cniht. þat lofde for to segg(e) riht`Much he loved every knight who loved for to say the truth'. (1275, Layamon, Otho, 5523)

The complement to each verb and adjective has to be looked at separately since they all differ. The history of important is interesting in that its use as a predicative adjective with a complement is very late. It too is a loanword from French but quite a late one, namely late 16th century (the verb import is from the early 16th century), and is initially only used attributively. Even 18th and

i. Het algemeen bestuur van de Gemeenschappelijke Regeling ... betreurt het feit dat de centrumgemeente Hulst ...`the central administration of the ... regrets the facts that the community of Hulst ...' (De Stem, 3 February 1994).

7. I ignore adjectival predicates such as be possible.

8. There are some instances of þæt followed by þe but these have been shown to be a Specifier followed by a Head.

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19th century texts, such as (Bishop) Berkeley, (David) Hume, (Emily) Bronte, and (Jane) Austen only contain attributive use, so the subjunctive use, as in (98), must have arisen late. Some early American texts (e.g. Samuel Adams' 18th century Writing) just have subjunctives, as in (98), not yet infinitival complements:

98. Some of our military gentlemen have, I fear, disgraced us; it is then important that every anecdote that concerns a man of real merit among them, and such I know there are, be improved, as far as decency will admit of it, to their advantage and to the honor of a colony, which, for its zeal in the great cause, well as its sufferings, deserves so much of America (Samuel Adams, letter to E Gerry 1775, Cushing ed, University of Virginia e-texts)

George Washington (in the 37 volumes of his work written between 1745 and 1799; University of Virginia E-text) uses important for with an infinitives seven times, as in (99):

99. 'Tis almost as important for us to know what does not happen as what does happen (1780, Vol 19)

Concluding section 4, I have shown that OE has no split but that it starts gradually in the 13th century by having double complementizers, then embedded topics in the late 14th, and for to very gradually from the 13th century. The relevance of prepositions preceding that-clauses is that this is possible at a time when the split CP comes in but, once it/the fact become available, they are needed.

5 Conclusion

Clauses consist of three layers: the CP, IP, and VP. In this paper, I have examined the structure of the CP more. It turns out that languages choose

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(`set their parameters') as to how expanded a particular layer is, in this case CP. I show that typically infinitival clauses are not split and that languages differ as to how to expand the CP, by double complementizers or through embedded topics. I suggest a structure to account both for verbs that have a more insulating complement clause, namely (67) above for English. This structure accounts for the presence of the fact/it that, impossibility of embedded topics, as well as for the properties of reduced clauses. Verbs that have a structure as in (67) reduce in a different manner from those that don't and typically those verbs are non-assertives.

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Notes