Gathering Antipathy: Irish Immigrants and Race in America's Age ofEmancipation

Kelly, B. (2018). Gathering Antipathy: Irish Immigrants and Race in America's Age of Emancipation. In M. Pierse,& J. Trew (Eds.), Rethinking the Irish Diaspora: After The Gathering (pp. 157-185). (Migration, Diasporas andCitizenship). Palgrave Macmillan. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-40784-5

Published in:Rethinking the Irish Diaspora: After The Gathering

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1

GatheringAntipathy:

IrishImmigrantsandRaceinAmerica’sAgeofEmancipation

BrianKelly,Queen’sUniversityBelfast

Historicalcommemorationisoftenfraughtwithtensionbetweenthedemandfor

afaithfulreconstructionofthepastandtheconflictingpressuresofthepresent.

Inthissense,atleast,thereisnothingexceptionalintheIrishstate’sattemptsto

claimitsplaceinthe‘reminiscenceindustry’thathasgrownuparoundthe150th

anniversaryoftheAmericanCivilWar.InMayof2015TaoiseachEndaKenny,

accompaniedbytheUSambassadorandanentourageoflesserdignitaries,

travelledtoSligotounveilamonumenttosome200,000Irishimmigrantswho

foughtinthatbloodyconflict.Unexpectedly,perhaps,theceremonywasmetby

‘angryscenes’whicheruptedwhenprotestorsincensedoverthegovernment’s

impositionofwaterchargesanditsacquiesceinallowingUSmilitaryflights

throughShannonairportheckledKennyandturnedtheirbackonthespeakers’

platform.Followingclashesbetweenprotestorsandgardaí,localpoliticians

worriedthatthedemonstrationmightspoilplansfor‘annualfestivities’atthe

sitewhere,theyhoped,‘busloadsofAmericantourists’would‘[swell]the

crowds.’FromNewYork,theinfluentialnewspapermanNiallO’Dowdbitterly

denouncedprotestorsfor‘sullyingthegoodnameofIreland’withtheir

‘remarkabledisplayofignoranceandarrogance’indisruptinganevent‘heldto

honorthemostpooranddesperateofIrishpeoplewhofledfamineandmisrule

andendedupfightingagainstslavery.’1

2

ThoughnoneoftheofficialsinvolvedinstagingtheSligocommemorationseem

dimlyawareofit,theirceremonyfor‘soldierswhoservedonbothsides’andthe

monumentthatwilloutlastitrepresentatransatlanticextensionofaquite

specificwayofinterpretingthemeaningoftheAmericanCivilWar—onein

which,asDavidBlighthaswritten,thedemandsfornationalreconciliationand

healingbetweenwhitesnorthandsouth‘overwhelmedtheemancipationist

vision’ofawarthatendedintheliberationoffourmillionslaves.Outside‘the

endearingmutualityofsacrificeamongsoldiersthatcametodominatenational

memory,’Blightinsists,‘anotherprocesswasatwork[:]theattemptederasureof

emancipationfromthenationalnarrative’.(Blight,2001,pps.2,5)Itwasnot

exactlytrue,asorganizersatBallymotesolemnlydeclared,thatthewarwas

universallyregardedas‘oneof[America’s]mostpainfulperiods’.Forthe

country’smostdowntroddenitheraldedinstead‘thecomingoftheLord’—a

reckoninglongoverdueandanessentialpreludetothe‘slaves’jubilee’.

Organisedpublicremembranceisalwaysandeverywhereaselectiveexercise,

andinanalysingcommemorationweneedtobeattentivenotonlytowhatis

includedinnarrativesconstructedoutofabroadrangeofpossiblerenderings

butalsotowhatisleftout.

BeyondthetransparentmannerinwhichtheBallymoteceremonywas

conceivedasanendorsementofincreasingpolitical,economicandsecurity

cooperationbetweentheUSandtheIrishstateduringaperiodofprofound

globalturbulence,theeventdrewuponstockelementsinafacileandwell‐worn,

teleologicalnarrativeofIrishAmericansuccess.Variationsofthishavecirculated

sincetheearly1960s,whentheKennedypresidencyseemedtoconsummatethe

3

ascentofIrishCatholicstothepinnacleofUSsociety,buttodayarenovated

versionperfectlycomplementstheentrepreneurialzeitgeistoftheneoliberalage.

Thefirstofthesethemes,aCelticvariationonthe‘rags‐to‐riches’fablesthat

circulatedwidelyinlatenineteenth‐centurydimenovels,emphasizesthe

famine‐eraimmigrants’triumphoveradversity.Thoughtheyarriveddestitute

andfriendless,muchofthestandardliteratureinsists,hardworkinalandof

opportunitywonfortheimmigrantIrishethnicandreligioustoleranceand

materialprosperity.(MacRaild,2001)Asecondstrandinpopularrepresentation

stressestheIrishcontributiontoAmericanfreedom.O’Dowd’sassertionthatthe

famineIrish‘endedupfightingagainstslavery’fallswithinthiscategory,though

hiscaseisunderminedbythefactthatuptoafifthofthe200,000soldierswhose

serviceisbeingmarkedfoughtinConfederateranks,inanarmyorganizedto

establishaslaveholders’republic.Morethanthat,itrequiresanimaginative

renderingofthehistoricalrecordtosuggestthattheIrishsoldieryinUnion

rankswerecommittedtoendingslavery.Scholarshavedetecteda‘palpable

bitternessandhatredforAfricanAmericans’inthelettersthesemensenthome

fromthebattlefield,andtheirmostprominentspiritualleaderofthetime

explicitlywarnedtheLincolnadministrationthatanyattempttocompelIrish

recruitsto‘fightfortheabolitionofslavery’wouldmakethem‘turnawayin

disgust’.(O’Driscoll,2016,p.4;Zanca,1994,p.247)

EvenasuperficialfamiliaritywiththistumultuousperiodinAmericanhistory

precludesthedepictionofmid‐nineteenthcenturyIrishimmigrantsasardent

fightersforblackemancipationwhorose,asanundifferentiatedbloc,to

prosperityandacceptanceintheaftermathoftheCivilWar.Turningthisfacile

4

storyofhardshipovercomeanddevotiontofreedomonitsheaddoesnotmove

ustowardacloserapproximationofthetruth,however.Thedestitutionand

materialhardshipfacedbythosefleeingfamine‐eraIrelandintheiradopted

homelandwasreal,aswasthepervasiveethnicandsectarianhostilitythat

confrontedthem.RelationsbetweenurbanIrishimmigrantsandthesmaller

AfricanAmericanpopulationsincitieslikePhiladelphia,NewYorkandBoston

werefrequentlytenseandoccasionallyexplosive.TheIrish—whoforreasonswe

willexplorewereheavilyinfluencedbytheintenseracismcirculatinginthemid‐

centuryAmerica—wereprominentinsomeoftheworstracialatrocitiesofthe

era,andwidelyportrayedasembracingaspecialanimustowardblacks.Butlike

allgeneralisationsthisconcealedamorecomplicatedandvariedrecordof

interactionwithAfricanAmericans.Thisessay,focussedontheIrishimmigrant

experienceintheantebellumNorth,exploresthecontextinwhichfamine‐era

immigrants’attitudestoraceandtheslaverycontroversytookshape.

TravelingacrosstheeasternUnitedStatesonalecturetourintheearly1880s,

theOxford‐trainedhistorianandEnglishLiberalpoliticianEdwardA.Freeman

founditdifficulttosuppresshisdisdainforthepromiscuousmixingofblackand

white,native‐bornandimmigrantthatconfrontedhimincitiesandtownsalong

hisitinerary.The‘reallyqueerthing,’Freemanexplainedtofriendsathome,and

thatwhichmorethananythingarousedhis‘Aryanprejudices,’wasthefrequent

sightof‘theniggerswhoswarmhere,’like‘bigmonkeysdressedupforagame.’

Ithadbeenamistake,hethought,tomakecitizensoftheformerslaves:‘Ifeela

creepwhenIthinkthatoneofthesegreatblackapesmay(intheory)be

5

President.Surelytreatyourhorsekindly,’headvised,‘butdon’tmakehim

consul.’2

Bytheearly1880s,Freeman’scoarsedenigrationofAfricanAmericans’capacity

forparticipationinAmericanlifematchedthedispositionamongmanyinhis

hostcountry.WhiteNorthernershadbyandlargerepudiatedtheabolitionist

legacyoftheCivilWaryears,retreatingfromthequalifiedembraceofracial

egalitarianismthathadbegun,tentatively,tounderminenorthernprejudice

duringandjustafterthewar.Butthetraveller’sdiscomfortwithAmerica’s

changingethniccompositionalsoreflectedadeepuneaseoverimmigrationthat

hadpermeatednationallifesincethelate1840s.Inthemobviolencethen

becomingrifeagainstChineseimmigrantsonthewestcoast,Freemanfound‘an

exactparalleltotheJewsinRussia’—aneruptionoftensionsdrivennotby

religiouspersecution,heinsisted,butbythe‘naturalinstinctofanydecent

nationtogetridoffilthystrangers’.Acavalierproponentoftherace‐ladensocial

DarwinismthenbecomingascendantonbothsidesoftheAtlantic,Freeman

proposedaformulaforAmericancitizenshipthatreflectedhisconvictionsabout

Teutonicsupremacy:‘Dutchmen,highandlow’shouldbeadmitted‘atonce’,he

suggested;‘[o]therAryans’afterthreegenerations;and‘non‐Aryansnotatall.’

Likemanyofhispeersthenengagedinconcoctingelaboratehierarchiesofrace

andethnicity,FreemanwasconfusedaboutwhereAmerica’slargeIrish

immigrantpopulationfitalongthisspectrum.Buthisantipathywasclear:‘This

wouldbeagrandland,’hewrotefromNewHaveninDecemberof1881,‘ifonly

everyIrishmanwouldkillanegro,andbehangedforit.’3

6

Inlinkingthe‘lowIrish’withdescendantsofAfricanAmericanslavesas

undesirables,Freemandrewupontropesthathadexertedapowerfulholdover

AngloeliteopiniononbothsidesoftheAtlanticatmid‐century,butwhichbythe

timeofhisvisithadfallenoutoffashionintheUnitedStates.Inthetumultuous

yearsbetweenmid‐century—whenanintensificationofsectionaltensions

inauguratedthelongdescentintocivilwar—andthereturnofthewhiteSouthto

powerinthelate1870s,ethnicandsectarianhostilityagainsttheIrishhad

abated,thoughtheyremaineddisproportionatelyconfinedtotheurbanworking

classandover‐representedintheranksofunskilledlabour.Prejudicelingered,

tobesure,andwouldsurgeagaindramaticallyintheaftermathofWorldWarI.

Buttheintenseaggressionfacedbyfamine‐eraimmigrantsatmid‐century

diminishedoverthewaryears,undercutinpartbytheirmilitaryenlistment.

BlackAmericans,bycontrast,enduredahumiliatingandtraumaticdescent—

fromthehighoptimismoftheimmediatepost‐emancipationperiodtotheterror

attendingtheoffensivewagedbytheReconstruction‐eraKlanand,finally,their

re‐subjugationafter1876ina‘redeemed’,whitesupremacist‐ledSouth.Thiswas

truedespitetheirhavingenlistedinUnionmilitaryranksingreaternumbers

thantheirIrish‐borncomrades‐in‐arms.4Thoughlinkedinmid‐centuryastwin

threatstoAnglo‐Americancivilization,bythelatenineteenthcenturytherelative

positionofblacksandtheimmigrantIrishinAmericansocietydivergedsharply.

Freeman’sgibedrewalsouponthewidespreadperceptionofanunyielding

antipathyamongfamine‐eraIrishimmigrantstowardblackAmericans.Herehis

assumptionsrestedonmoresolidground,thougheventhisgeneralization

obscuresamoreunevenandcontradictoryexperience.Theassertionthatthe

7

Irishprovidedanimportantconstituencyforproslaveryforcesinthelate

antebellumandwartimeUnitedStates,andthatracialantipathytowardAfrican

AmericansduringwartimewasmostpalpablymanifestedamongtheurbanIrish

poor,islargelyaccurate.Fewrecentstudiessucceed,however,inofferinga

convincingexplanationforwhythatsectionofnorthernwhitesocietythatstood

closest,insocialterms,totheslavewasamongtheleastinclinedtotakeupthe

anti‐slaverycauseandthemostreceptivetodemagogicappealsindefenceofthe

South’s‘peculiarinstitution’.Theexplanationwhichhasbecomemostinfluential

overrecentyears,generatedbyproponentsof‘criticalwhitenessstudies’,rests

ontheimmigrantcommunity’spurportedembraceofwhiteracialidentity—

‘becomingwhite’,toborrowfromthetitleofoneinfluentialstudy.Eagertograsp

the‘publicandpsychologicalwage’associatedwithwhiteness,thisliterature

contends,theIrishimmigrantcommunityrejectedthepossibilityofmaking

commoncausewithslavesandfreeblacksandmoved,instead,toalignitself

withthedominantwhite‘race’andassertitsracialsupremacy.(Ignatiev,1995;

DuBois,1935,p.700)

Ataverygenerallevelthisisdifficulttodispute.Certainlythereisnoshortageof

evidenceattestingtotheprevalenceofraceprejudiceamongIrishimmigrants

duringtheyearsstraddlingtheCivilWar.Thoughtheyplayedanegligiblerolein

actualslaveowning,thesmallnumbersoffamine‐eraimmigrantssettlinginthe

Southhadmadetheirpeacewiththeregion’s‘peculiarinstitution’,

demonstratingtheirwartimeloyaltyintheranksoftheConfederatemilitary.In

theNorth,theIrishwereoverwhelminglyloyaltotheDemocraticPartyand

prominent,duringthetenseperiodprecedingtheoutbreakofwar,instreet

8

mobilizationsagainstarisingabolitionistmovement.Duringwartime,Irish

immigrantsinNewYorkandelsewhereengagedinviolentconflictswithblack

NorthernersandexplosiveconfrontationswiththeLincolnadministration—

episodessometimesheavilyladenwiththerhetoricofwhitesupremacyand

unconcealedracialhostility.ThisantagonismbetweentheurbanIrishand

AfricanAmericansoutlivedthewar,moreover,andpersisted—orwasperhaps

resurrected—inclashesoverde‐segregationmorethanacenturylater.

(Formisano,2004)Whilewemightquestionclaimsaboutthespecialdisposition

oftheIrishtoembracewhitesupremacythereisnodisputingitsstrengthor

pervasivenessintheCivilWarera.

Beyondthiscommonacknowledgmentofthedepthsofraceprejudice,however,

thereareproblemsinstudiesconstructedaroundracialidentitythatrender

theirexplanationsfortheIrishembraceof‘whiteness’deeplyunconvincing.

Anxioustodemonstrate‘theagencyofthe[white]workingclassinthesocial

constructionofrace,’(Roediger,1990,p.10)theysystematicallyunderstatethe

muchmoreimpressivepowerofthedominantclassesinshapingthe

environmentinwhichtheirrelativelypowerlessmanoeuvredand,insodoing,

downplayorignorethecontextthatgeneratedsuchpalpablefriction.(Kelly,

2007,pps.xxix‐xlviii)Fewofthesestudies,forexample,payseriousattentionto

pervasiveandvirulentnativism,whichhadtheeffectofalienatingtheIrishfrom

themostimportantcurrentsofprogressivereform—includingthelabour

movementandabolition—duringtheantebellumperiod.Theyseemanxious,as

well,todismisslabourcompetitionbetweenblacksandtheIrishasa

contributoryfactor,thoughit’sbearingoneventsseemsself‐evident.Noel

9

Ignatiev’sseeminglygenerousofferto‘make[theIrishimmigrantworkingclass]

theactorsintheirownhistory’(Ignatiev,1995,p.3)inrealityamountsto

obscuringthegreateragencyofinstitutionsliketheDemocraticPartyandthe

Catholichierarchyinshapingimmigrants’racialattitudes.GregoryMeyerson

notesthepeculiarwayinwhichthefoundationaltextinthewhitenessoeuvre,

DavidRoediger’sWagesofWhiteness,framestheroleofthesepowerful

institutions.AtmosttheChurchcanbechargedwith‘notquestioningthe

whitenessoftheIrish’—‘reflect[ing]theracialattitudesofitsmembers’or

‘reproduce[ing]existingwhitesupremacistattitudeswithoutchallengingthem.’

FramingtherelationshipbetweenpowerfulinstitutionsliketheChurchandits

flockinthisway,Meyersonsuggests,‘biasestheargumentaboutthe

constructionofwhitenessinfavouroftheIrishproletariatthemselves,asifthe

Irishproletariatfirstassertedthiswhitenessandthiswasnot

questioned.’(Roediger,p.140;Meyerson,1997)

Inlightoftheseproblems,thischapterattemptstofollowthroughonKevin

Kenny’sappealfora‘betterhistoricalexplanation[that]shiftsatleastpartofthe

focusawayfromindividualagencyandtowardthewidersocialandcultural

structureinwhichbothIrishimmigrantsandAfricanAmericansoperated,’

(Kenny,2000,p.68)advancinganalternativereadingofthedevelopmentof

deepantipathybetweenblacksandfamine‐eraIrishimmigrantsintheyears

approachingtheAmericanCivilWar.Intheabsenceofotherfeasibleoptions,the

hostilityconfrontingthegrowingIrishimmigrantpopulationfromtheearly

1830sonward—basedinvaryingdegreesonethnicandsectarianprejudice,

anxietyamongnative‐bornAmericansabouttheprofoundsocialandeconomic

10

changesthentransformingtheirrepublic,andplaincontemptforthepoor

amongtheurbanmiddleclasses—compelledaretreatintoethnicpolitics.

Thewithdrawalintotheboundariesoftheurbanethnicghettoencompassed

alsoanembraceoftheimmigrant‐friendlyDemocraticPartyanditsproslavery

outlook,anewidentificationwiththeconservativeleadershipoftheCatholic

hierarchy,and—crucially—anestrangementfromtherisingantislavery

movementandothercurrentsofprogressivereform.Underpinningthiswasa

deepsenseofclassresentment—directedatemployersandurbanelites,

occasionallyduringthewarattheRepublicanPartyanditsdraftagents,butalso

atblackworkers,withwhomtheIrishfoundthemselvesfrequentlythrowninto

competitionatthebottomofthenorthernlabourmarket.Understandablymuch

oftherecentliteraturehasfocusedonthevolatilityofrelationsbetweencity‐

dwellingblacknorthernersandIrishimmigrants,explodingoccasionallyinto

lethalepisodesthatsometimes—aswiththeNewYorkDraftRiotsof1863—

showalltheearmarksofaracialpogrom.Horrificasthisrecordis,itreflects

boththevirulenceofracismandthefactthatmorethananyothersectionof

whitenorthernsociety,itwastheIrishwholivedandworkedinclosest

proximitytoblacks,andwhosedesperatecircumstancessetthemofffrommuch

ofthewhiteNorth.Withoutseekingtocallintoquestionthegeneralperception

ofIrishracialantipathytowardAfricanAmericans,ithastobesaidthat

sometimes,atleast,livingandworkinginclosequartersseemstohave

generatedasubstantialrecordofinterracialism—socialising,camaraderie,and

publicintimacy;loveandoccasionallymarriageacrossthecolourline;andon

rareoccasionsevencombinedresistanceagainstperceivedenemies.

11

Immigrantshad,ofcourse,beenarrivingintotheUnitedStatesfromIreland

sincetheearlycolonialperiod.Theprofileofthepre‐faminemigrantsdiffered

significantlyfromthecommunitiesthatbegantotakeshapeatmid‐century,

however.UlsterProtestantsfigureddisproportionatelyinearlierwavesof

settlement,andbytherevolutionaryperiodmanyoftheScots‐Irishhad

assimilatedwithoutdifficultyintowhatwasinmanywaysafamiliarsociety—

Anglo,English‐speakingandProtestant.AsDavidGleesonsuggests,havingtaken

partintheRevolutionandinthepoliticsoftheearlyrepublic,thesewere‘among

thefirst“Americans”’.(Gleeson,2001,p.5)NewYorkandothergrowingcities

hadseenafurtherwaveofIrishmigrationafterthefailed1798Rebellion,and

manyofthesenewcomers—mainlythoughnotexclusivelyProtestant—hadbeen

influencedbytheegalitarianethosoftheUnitedIrishmen.Inexpandingurban

enclavesupanddowntheeastcoastIrishcommunitylifewasdominatedby

émigrésinfluencedbynon‐sectarianandrepublicanideals.Inseveralkeyurban

areas—NewYork,PhiladelphiaandCharlestonamongthem—aspiritof

ecumenicalcooperationprevailedamongthestillsmallnumberswhotraced

theirlineagetoIreland,andtogethertheassimilatedProtestantandCatholic

middleclassesoversawtheintegrationofnewarrivalsintothelifeoftheyoung

republic.Importantly,whilethenumbersofnewarrivalsremainedlow,this

generationofrepublican‐mindedethnicleadershippromotedassimilationatthe

sametimeitwasabletoprovideabufferagainstnascentanti‐immigrantand

anti‐Catholicagitation—includingsectarianprovocationsbyOrangemobs.

(Walsh,1996,p.65;Gleeson,pps.15‐16;Rockman,2009,pps.31‐32)

12

Astheinfluxbegantoaccelerateintheearly1830s,however,andasthe

compositionoftheimmigrantcommunitybegantoreflectincreasing

desperationamongpoorerCatholicsfromtheruralsouthandwestofIreland,

nativisthostilityintensifieddramatically.Wellbeforetheonsetoffamine,the

menof’98hadlosttheirholdoverurbanIrishimmigrantcommunities,and

amongnewcomersaretreatwasunderwaytowardamoredefensiveethnic

politicsthat‘reliedincreasinglyontheroughandtumblestreettacticsof

machinepolitics.’(Gilje,1996,p.79;Gleeson,pps.14‐16)Thepartingofways

reflectednotonlysectariandivisions,butalsogrowingsocialandeconomic

cleavagesbetweenaprosperous,establishedeliteandanincomingfloodofrural

poorwhowould,inmanyurbanareas,findthemselvesconfinedtolivingin

deplorableslumconditionsandearningameagrelivingatthelowerendofthe

unskilledlabourmarket.Significantly,tensionsarosenotonlybetweenthe

immigrantpoorandmiddle‐classProtestants,butbetweenthelabouringclasses

andCatholicelitesaswell:bitterconfrontationeruptedbetweenchurchtrustees

andthe‘lower‐classIrish’overthesellingofpewsinManhattan’sSt.Peter’s

Church,forexample.(Gilje,p.73)

Regionaldifferencesshapedtheevolutionofimmigrantcommunities,andthese

becamemorepronouncedwiththefloodofnew,mostlydestituteimmigrants

drivenacrosstheAtlanticbyfamine.Ofthe1.2millionIrish‐bornlivinginthe

UnitedStatesontheeveoftheCivilWar,lessthan7percentmadetheirhomes

intheslaveSouth.(Gleeson,p.2)NorthandsouththeIrishconcentrated

overwhelminglyinlargetownsandcities,thoughthedemandforrailroad,canal

andmininglabourbroughtsignificantnumbersintotheruralinterior,the

13

MidwestandeventheboomingfarWest.Theirpresenceasacohesiveethnic

group,however,wasfeltmostacutelyintheexpandingindustrialand

commercialcitiesoftheNortheastandtheportcitiesoftheSouth.NewYorkhad

earnedareputationbythemid‐1840sas‘mostIrishcityintheUnion’,though

proportionallyitlaggedbehindbothBostonandJerseyCity,withPhiladelphia

notfarbehind.NewOrleans,Savannah,CharlestonandMemphisintheSouth

wereeachhometoestablishedIrishcommunitiesbymid‐century.Throughout

theantebellumperiodtheregion’sgrowingobsessionwithabolitiontempered

nativistaggressionbelowtheMasonDixonline,butrelationsbetweennative‐

bornsouthernwhitesandIrishimmigrantsremainedvolatile,withtensions

explodingintostreetfightinginNewOrleansduringthemid‐1850s.(Gleeson,

pps.107‐120)

Famine‐inducedmigrationwroughtdramatictransformationsinthesizeand

socialweightofIrishimmigrantcommunities,testingthealreadystrained

relationsbetweenmostlyAngloandProtestantcityfathersandthenew,

overwhelminglyCatholicIrishintheNorth.Thearrivalofsomefiftythousand

destituteIrishimmigrantstothecityofBostonduringthedecadeofthe1850s

inauguratedafundamentaltransformationinthatcity’seconomicandcultural

profile.Before1830,newarrivalshadneverexceededtwothousandannually.In

1840theirnumbershadincreasedtojustunderfourthousand,butby1849—

justtwoyearsaftertheonsetofthepotatoblightinIreland—thatnumberhad

multipliedseven‐foldto29,000.Anoverwhelmingmajorityoftheseimmigrants

wereIrish‐born,sothatby1855Boston’sIrishpopulationhadgonefromamere

handfulbeforethefaminetooverfiftythousand,orathirdofthecity’stotal

14

population.ItwasthismeteoricrisethatledTheodoreParkertocomplainthat

thecityofthePuritanfatherswasbeingtransformedinto‘theDublinofAmerica.’

(Handlin,1959,p.56;Mulkern,1990,p.14)NewYorkexperiencedsimilar

growth:between1847and1851some1.8millionimmigrantsdisembarked

there,ofwhomnearly850,000wereIrish.By1855Irishimmigrantsmadeup28

percentofthepopulationofManhattan,andacrosstheEastRivertheIrish

settledintoBrooklyninsimilarnumbers.Philadelphiagrewbymorethan

165,000between1850andtheeveofthewar,withIrishimmigrantsmakingup

thebulkofthatexpansion.(Diner,p.91)

Thoughaconsiderablenumberofnewarrivalseventuallyfoundtheirwayinto

theinterior,settingoutonoverlandroutesforPhiladelphiaandotherinterior

citiesandtowns,canalandrailroadworkcampsandcoal‐miningdistricts,many

foundthemselvesconfinedinovercrowdedurbansettingslackingthebasic

infrastructurenecessaryforabsorbingthem.Conditionswereespeciallydismal

intheovercrowdedslumhousingofManhattan’snotoriousSixthWard—

describedbyonejournalistasa‘greatcentralulcerofwretchedness—thevery

rottingSkeletonofCivilization’where‘thescattereddebrisoftheIrishnation’

washerdedintowretchedtenementhousing.5InBostonaselsewheretherapid

influxoftensofthousandsofimmigrantsoverwhelmedthehousingsupply.In

thecity’sNorthEndandinFortHill,vacantwarehousebuildingswerehastily

partitionedtomakeroomforthenewcomers.Dankundergroundcellars

previouslydeemedunfitforhumanoccupancybecamehometoextended

families,withflimsy“sheds”and“shanties”thrownuphastilytohousethose

unabletosecureproperhousing.‘Thiswholedistrict,’theCityHealth

15

Commissionerwrotein1852,‘isaperfecthiveofhumanbeings,without

comfortsandmostlywithoutcommonnecessities.’Ontheeveofthewar,

authoritiesobservedthatnewcomerswere‘huddledtogetherlikebrutes,

withoutregardtosex,ageordecency’inneighbourhoodswhere‘despair,or

disorder,intemperanceandutterdegradationrulesupreme.’6Philadelphia,by

contrast,seemstohaveofferedsomerelief:beyondtheslumsatthecity’score,a

patchworkofneighbourhoodsservedas‘cloisteredwaystationsbetweenurban

andruralliving,’where‘gardenplotsandasmatteringoflivestockcameas

standardaccoutrementtothecityscene.’(Wiebe,1967,p.3)

Healthandsanitaryconditionsbarelyfiguredintheconversionofcommercial

buildingsandotherstructurestomakethemsuitableforaccommodation,with

theresultthatthemostdepressedimmigrantneighbourhoodswereinevitably

hardesthitbyillnessanddisease.Of2742NewYorkerswhosuccumbedto

cholerain1850,1086wereIrish‐born.OverallthedeathrateamongIrish

immigrantsbetween1850and1859—mainlyfromconsumption—was21per

cent,whileamongnon‐Irishitstoodatjust3percent,leadingBishopJohn

Hughestolabeltheillness‘thenaturaldeathoftheIrishemigrants.’

(Hershkowitz,1996,p.21)WhenacholeraepidemicseizedBostonin1849,it

leftitsmarkalmostexclusivelyamongtheimmigrantpoor.Morethanfive

hundredofthesevenhundredfatalitiesinthatyearwereamongtheIrish.Sea

StreetintheNorthEndaccountedfor44deaths,andoneparticularaddressinan

adjacentstreetsuffered‘nolessthanthirteencasualties.’Anotherwaveof

cholerafiveyearslatershowedthesamepattern,thoughwithfewercasualties,

16

andthedifferenceattributedbyauthoritiestothevacatingofcellars‘whichin

theformeryearswerecrowdedwithinhabitants.’7

Onthewholetheirpoverty,theirdenseconcentrationinslumdistrictswithfew

amenities,andtheprecariousnessoflifeatthebottommadenewimmigrants

predictablyvulnerabletoarangeofsocialills.InNewYork’sslumstheIrish

‘succumbedbythethousandstotheilleffectsoflong‐termpoverty,suchas

crime,insanity,domesticviolence,prostitution,andalcoholism.’(Vodrey,2003)

Irish‐bornwomenmadeupalargeproportionofthecity’s50,000prostitutesin

1850—manyofthemintheirteenyearsandearlytwenties.Inproportionfar

greaterthantheiractualnumbers,theIrishfilledthehospitalsandalmshouses,

jailsandlunaticasylums,theworkhousesandthemorgues.(Hershkowitz,p.21)

By1850immigrantsaccountedfor97percentoftheresidentsatBoston’sDeer

IslandAlmshouse,75percentoftheprisonersinthecountyjail,97percentof

thecity’struantsandvagabonds,and58percentofitspaupers.Newspaper

accountsattributedtheleapincrimeratestothearrivalofthefamineIrish,and

thenewcomerswerecastigatedasimmoralanduncivilised.Thepressuresof

acculturationinunfamiliarandincreasinglyhostilesurroundingstookitstollon

thementalhealthofmanyimmigrants,forcingMassachusettstobuildtwonew

hospitalsandthecityofBostontofundanew‘asylumofitsown,largelytocare

forIrishlaborers,foramongothergroupstheincidenceoflunacywasmuch

lower.’(Ryan,1983,p.23;Handlin,p.126)

Anoccasionallyraucousanti‐immigrantcampaignthathadbeenpercolating

sincethe1830sneededlittleencouragementtoseeinthesefiguresdirect

17

confirmationofitsworstfearsthatnewcomersposedathreattotherepublic.

Nativismaroseoutofcomplexcircumstances,coincidingwithanddrawingupon

anintoxicatingwaveofevangelicalrevival(andamoresoberingturnto

temperanceagitation),butitalsorepresentedareactionagainstdeepstructural

changesremakingtheantebellumUSeconomy.Thedecliningstatusof

(overwhelminglyProtestant)skilledartisansandtheriseofapermanentclassof

wageearnersinarapidlyindustrialisingNorthunderminedpopularconfidence

thatthenewrepublicwasimmunetothestarkinequalitiesthatriddledold

Europe.InMassachusettsaselsewheretheKnow‐Nothingmovementdrewits

strengthfromtheranksofnativeworkersandmechanicswho‘hadtolivecheek

byjowlwithimpoverishedforeigners,anddailyfacethechallengethattheIrish

Catholicsposed,’blamingtheIrish,alongwith‘thepoliticiansandwealthyelites

forhavingblocked“truereform”andforhavingforcedAmericanworkingpeople

toseekemploymentunderdisadvantages.’(Mulkern,p.67)

Steepedinpopulismandtakingtheirstandinsecurelyonthebridgebetweenthe

pastoralidealoftheartisan’srepublicandthecreepingrealityofindustrial

capitalism,nativistsdirectedtheirvenommorefrequentlyagainstimmigrants—

asthemostvisiblemanifestationofrepublicandeclension—thanagainstnative‐

bornelites.Therewas‘adispositionintheUnitedStatestousetheimmigrants,

andespeciallytheIrish,muchasthecatisusedinthekitchentoaccountfor

brokenplatesandfoodwhichdisappears,’theBritishhistorianJamesBryce

observed,though,asheacknowledged,NewYorkandtheurbanNorthwere‘not

anEdenbeforetheIrishcame.’(Bryce,1920rep.,p.241)Thepresenceofa

militantOrangeconstituencyinmajorcitieslikeNewYorkandPhiladelphia

18

enhancedtheoddsthatincomingIrishCatholicswouldfindthemselvesatthe

receivingendofmobviolence;bothcitieswereroiledbyriotingandviolent

streetconfrontationsfromthemid‐1830sonward.

SeriousriotingbetweennativistsandtheIrishhaderuptedinNewYorkduring

electionseasoninthefallof1834,coincidingwiththeburningoftheUrsuline

ConventjustoutsideofBoston’scitylimits.AdecadelaterPhiladelphiawas

rockedbyintenseviolencethroughoutMayandJuneof1844,andinthesame

yearnativistssucceededinelectingoneoftheirown—JamesHarper—tothe

mayoralofficeinNewYork,where‘gangsofnativistbrawlersfoughtoftenwith

theIrish.’(Vodrey,2003)Intheperiodapproachingmid‐century‘theno‐Popery

presssprangtolife’(Walsh,p.69)acrosstheurbanNorth:asteadystreamof

xenophobicpamphletsandbroadsheetsfilledwithluridexposésofCatholic

debaucheryandpapistdesignsagainstrepublicanlibertycirculatedwidely.

Streetviolencerepresentedtheextremeendofagrowingspectrumofnativist

sentimentthatnotonlygaverisetoapowerfulnewpoliticalcurrent—the

‘Know‐Nothings’—butwhichshiftedthetermsofpoliticaldiscussionacrossthe

North,injectingthe‘immigrantquestion’intomovementsforsocialreform.

By1850thisgrowingpolarisationhadbeenaggravatedincitieslikeBoston,New

YorkandPhiladelphiabothbytheshatteringoftheirearlierethnicandreligious

homogeneityandthepressuresthatthefamine‐erainfluxbroughttobearonan

alreadyoverstretchedsocialandeconomicinfrastructure.BostonandNewYork

werefinanceandcommercialratherthanindustrialcentres,andneithercity

couldoffernewarrivalseconomicstability,letaloneprosperity.Withagrowing

19

industrialeconomyandexpandingopportunitiesforemploymentintheoutlying

coaldistricts,Philadelphiaseemedtoofferbrighterprospects,buteventherethe

vastmajorityofIrishimmigrantsmadetheirlivingthroughmeniallabouronthe

fringesoftheeconomy.Formanynatives,theexpansionofslumdistricts,the

visibleincreaseindesperateurbanpovertybecameconflatedwiththe

immigrantsthemselves:theIrishwerepoorbecausetheylackedthe

rudimentaryelementsofacivilizedpeople.Itwastheirdeficiencies—perhaps

intrinsicracialdeficiencies,someinsisted—thatexplainedthemoraland

economicdeclineondisplayinthecities.‘Thegreatandcontinualinfluxof

ForeignPaupersamongus,’Bostoncityofficialscomplainedin1852,‘has

becomeanalarmingevil,andonewhichshouldarresttheattentionofall

citizens.’Thecity’sfathersdrewadistinctionbetween‘thehonestpovertyofour

ownorouradoptedcitizens’andthe‘poor,theviciousandthedegraded,who

areconstantlybeingshippedlikecattletoourshores,tobecomeobjectsof

charityandsupport.’Thereportendedwithalamentthatthecitydidnothave

theauthoritytodeportthesepaupersback‘fromwhencetheycame.’8

Oneofthecollateraleffectsofnativismwastheatrophyitinjectedintostill‐

fragileshootsofworking‐classorganization.Evenwithouttheriseofanti‐

immigranthostilitytheantebellumlabourmovement,suchasitwas,suffered

severedisadvantages.LabourreformduringtheperiodbeforetheCivilWarwas

pre‐eminentlyanexpressionofartisandiscontent,expressingthebackward‐

glancingfrustrationsofrelativelyprivilegedwhitemalecraftworkersunableto

holdofftheoncomingwaveofdeepchangebroughtonbyindustrialization.Even

withouttheinfluxoftheIrish,craft‐rootedorganisedlabourdisplayedadeep

20

ambivalence—borderingonoutrighthostility—towardtheswellingranksof

womenworkersandunskilledfactoryhands.Thepopulistsensibility

underpinningtheKnow‐Nothingmovementdirecteditsirebothupward,against

Whigpoliticiansandthebusinessintereststhoughttodominatethem,and

downwardagainstvulnerableimmigrants.TheeffectsinMassachusettswere

profound.AccordingtoDavidMontgomery,‘[t]hestate’slabormovementwas

thoroughlydestroyedbythepittingofnativetradeunionistagainstimmigrant

factoryhandandthedivorcingofbothfrommiddle‐classreformers’.

(Montgomery,1967,p.120)Whenin1856IrishlabourersinBostonorganiseda

tradeuniontheydidsooutsidetheranksofestablishedlabourmovement,and

althoughlargelyexcludedfromthecraftorganisationsthatdominatedthelocal

scene,theIrishfiguredprominentlyinanumberofstrikes.Eventheultra‐

conservativeBostonPilotfeaturedregularstrikecoverage,anditsletterspage

wasoftenfilledwithexchangesoverthe‘labourquestion’,withonereader

penningavigorousdefenceofLynnshoestrikersagainst‘themonopolistsofthis

enlightenednineteenthcentury[who]considerthepooronlyasasteppingstone

topalacesofgrandeurandluxury.’9

Increasingcompetitionbetweennativeandforeign‐bornworkersandthe

loweringofwagesduetoafloodedlabourmarketreinforcedtheperception

amongmanythattheIrishweretoblamefortheprecariouspositionthatnative

mechanicsfoundthemselvesin.Everywhereinthe1850stheIrishfound

themselvesconfinedtounskilledmeniallabourattheprecariousmarginsofthe

economy:gruelling,low‐payingandunsteadyphysicallabourformen;lower‐

paiddomesticworkforwomen.Moreover,theprominentroleassumedbythe

21

Churchhierarchyinblockingprogressivelegislationreinforcedthepopular

associationofCatholicismwithdespotism,andprovidedthepretextforan

aggressiveassaultupontheIrishcommunity.Theprominentnativistminister

LymanBeecher,whosebellicoseanti‐immigrantsermonin1834wasthoughtby

sometohaveinspiredtheburningoftheUrsulineConvent,referredtotheIrish

asa‘deadmassofignoranceandsuperstition’and‘priest‐drivenhuman

machines’.Othernativistscomplainedthatmen‘freshfromthebogsofIreland’

were‘leduptothedesklikedumbbrutes,theirhandsguidedtomakeastraight

mark’to‘votedownintelligentandhonestnativecitizens.’(Wittke,119,116)

IfthefledglinglabourmovementseemedanundependableallyforIrish

immigrants,sotoodidthemostimportantreformmovementoftheage:

abolition.Whileitisunfairtolumpantislaveryactivistsinwithnativistsas

consistentlysectarian,therewasenoughofanelementoftruthinthistoprovide

conservativeCatholicclericswithameansofimmunisingtheirflockagainsttheir

perniciousinfluence.Northernabolitiondrewitsmoralstrengthandearly

fervourfromProtestant‐ledsocialreform,andwhileaminorityinitsranks

labouredvigorouslytoovercomethegulfdividingthemfromnewimmigrants,

otherswerelessenergetic,resignedtoacceptthechasmasinevitable,or

positivelycontentwiththeexclusionofCatholics.WilliamLloydGarrison,editor

oftheBoston‐basedLiberatorandaseverecriticofChristiancomplicityinthe

“sin”ofslavery,wasoneofthosetroubledbytheantagonismbutunableto

divineapathtowardhealingtherift.AfteraseriesofriotsinPhiladelphiain

whichIrishimmigrantswereconspicuousfortheirroleinattacksonBlacks,

Garrisonnotedthe‘strangeandshockingspectacle’ofseeing‘thosewhohave

22

beenforcedbyoppressionandwanttobecomeexilesfromtheirnative[land]

combiningtocrushanddriveoutofourbordersaportionofthenative

population.’By1845,exasperatedatthefailureoftheIrishinAmericato

respondtoDanielO’Connell’spowerfuldenunciationofslavery,Garrison

concludedthattheIrishwerea‘mightyobstacle...inthewayofnegro

emancipationonoursoil.’(Osofsky,1975,pps.900,906)

Garrison’sfrustrationovertheantislaverymovement’slackofsuccessin

recruitingIrishimmigrantsupport—widelysharedbyotherabolitionists

untaintedbynativism—isunderstandable.Butintheirzealtodefendnorthern

societyagainstperniciousattacksfromdefendersofslaverymanyofthemseem

tohavebecomedefensiveaboutitsdeficienciesandunwillingtoacknowledge

thattheNorth,too,sufferedincreasinglyfromglaringinequalities.Thisrendered

abolitionistsunreceptivetovalidcritiquesemanatingfromthelabourmovement,

andhostiletoanyattemptstocomparetheplightoftheslaveswiththatof

impoverishedandoverworkednorthernfreelabourers,includingtheimmigrant

poor.Ineffectthisleftagitationoverclassinequalityintheexclusivehandsof

DemocraticPartydemagogueswho,astheescapedslaveFrederickDouglassput

it,‘harpeduponthewrongsofIrishmen,whileintruththeycarenomoreabout

Irishmen...thantheycareaboutthewhipped,gagged,andthumb‐screwed

slave.’10

Northernworkersdiscernedacontradictionbetweenabolitionistsympathyfor

slavesintheSouthandtheirindifferencetowardthepoorintheirmidst,and

someantislaveryactivists,atleast,werewillingtoacknowledgethis.‘Ibelieve

23

thatonereasontheworkingclassesofthewholecountryhavenotcomeupby

instinctandinmasses,tothesupportof[black]Freedom,’onespeakerexplained

toaBostonaudiencein1850,‘isthatourAnti‐Slaveryfriendshavenotgonefar

enoughinshowingthatmanismaneverywhere.Theyhavenotcarriedtheir

doctrineofequalityinitsapplicationtooursocialusages.’Anothersuggested

that‘iftheworkingpeopleofthestatescouldbebrought,bylecturesdeliveredto

thembyworkingmen...tounderstand[slavery’s]encroachmentupontheirfair

earnings,howfewamongthem,especiallytheIrishportion,wouldbytheirvotes

sanctionthelongercontinuanceofslavery.’ThehistorianBruceLauriewrites

that‘itwaspossibleforsomeordinarymenandwomentobeawareofthe

injusticeofthemillandoftheplantation—tosupportoneanotherandto

sympathisewiththeslaves,’butthepossibilityseemstohaveescapedeven

advancedantislaveryactivists.(Kelly,2007,p.xxxix)

Themostobvious,ifunanticipatedeffectofpervasivenativisthostilityhadbeen

topushIrishimmigrantsintothecloseembraceoftwopowerfulinstitutions:the

CatholicChurchandtheDemocraticParty.Theimpulseamongan

overwhelminglyruralpeopletohangontotheChurchasafamiliarpointof

referenceinadisorientingnewcontextmayhavebeenstrongeveninthe

absenceofanti‐immigrantmobilisation,butnativistagitationpowerfully

reinforcedthattendency.AsHasiaDinerhaswritten,oneofthestockelements

ofchurchdiscourseinpre‐famineNewYorkCitywasitsdisappointmentwith

thelaxreligiousdevotionoftheir‘unchurched’Irishflock.(Diner,1996,pp.102‐

104)Thecomplaintbyonepriestthat‘halfourIrishpopulationhereisCatholic

merelybecauseCatholicitywasthereligioninthelandoftheirbirth’givessome

24

indicationofthefrustrationsenduredbythehierarchy.Thefamineyears,Diner

writes,markedthetransformationofthechurchfromafolkinstitutioninIreland

toanecclesiasticaloneintheAmericansetting.JayP.Dolanconcurs,arguingthat

thefamineIrisharrivedintheUS‘asreligiousorphans—notwellgroundedin

officialRomanCatholicismanduprootedfromtheirtraditionalpopular

Catholicism.’(Dolan,1975,p.57;Dolan,2000)

InNewYorkattheNorthandinCharlestontothesouthBishopsHughesand

JohnEngland‘succeededinmakingtheIrishdevout’throughtheirsympathetic

defenceofpoorimmigrantsagainstexternalhostilityand—inNewYork

especially—thesystematicconstructionofanarrayofChurch‐runinstitutionsto

overseetheirspiritual,educationalandmaterialneeds.Oneneednotsubscribe

tothemonolithicrepresentationoftheIrishcommunitypopularisedbyBeecher

andotherstoallowthattheChurchhierarchyexertedtremendousinfluencein

shapingthesocialoutlookoflayCatholicimmigrants;butthatpowerderivedin

partfromtheclosingdownofotheroptionsbynativists.Dinerconcludesthat

‘theeffortsoftheclergyalone’cannotaccountforthistransformation;the‘shrill

anti‐Catholicism’ofthenativists‘heightened[immigrant]devotiontothe

Church’.(Diner,p.103)

CriticswerejustifiedinchargingthattheCatholichierarchywasconsistentinits

oppositiontomid‐nineteenthcenturysocialreform.NorthandSouththeChurch

urged‘acceptanceofhumaninstitutionsasGod’srevealedwill.’Crucially,their

acquiescencetothestatusquomadetheChurchcomplicitinslaveryand

opposedtothe‘mischief’ofabolition.Hughesinsistedthat‘theabolitionistshave

25

nottherighttotouchslaveryintheUnitedStates,’andthehierarchy’s

acceptanceofslaverywasbutoneelementinathoroughlyconservative

worldview.CriticswhofollowedthetumultuouseventsinEuropeduringthe

1840swereawarethattheChurchhadpositioneditselfonthesideofreaction

andagainstattemptsbyrepublicanstosecuredemocraticreform.Bishop

Hughes—inhisearlyAmericansojournaforthrightopponentofslavery—

denouncedreformersas‘infidelsandheretics’andtheeditoroftheCatholic‐

controlledBostonPilotwarnedreadersin1851that‘whereveryoufindafree‐

soiler,youfindananti‐hangingman,women’srightsman,aninfidelfrequently,

bigotedprotestantalways,asocialist,aredrepublican[.]’Churchoppositionto

freepubliceducationbrandeditanenemyofprogressintheeyesofmany,and

onoccasiontheofficialresponsetoProtestantchargesofCatholicintolerance

onlyfuellednativistfears.‘TheChurchisofnecessityintolerant,’aCatholic

newspaperinSt.Louisacknowledgedin1851.‘Heresysheendureswhenand

whereshemust,’itwarned,butifCatholicsshouldgainasufficientmajority,

‘religiousfreedominthiscountryisatanend—sosayourenemies[and]sosay

we.’11(Gleeson,92;Wittke,129,118)

IrishloyaltytotheDemocratslikewiseresultedfromadearthofrealoptions.

Theabstentionoftheexistinglabourmovementfromundertakinganyaction

thatmightpulltogethernativeandforeign‐born,skilledandunskilled,andthe

strengthofanti‐immigrantprejudiceamongboththeWhigsandtheirKnow‐

NothingchallengerslefttheIrishwithlittleinthewayofaviablepolitical

alternative.ThebarrierwhichnativismerectedbetweentheIrishandsocial

reformersledIrishimmigrantsintoasemi‐formalalliancewiththemost

26

conservativecurrentinAmericanpolitics—embodiedintheDemocraticParty,

andmoreparticularlyinitspatronage‐wieldingurbanpoliticalmachines—

whichcombinedproslaveryapologeticswithanexplicitappealtoimmigrants

anddemagogicappealstowhiteworkingmen.InPhiladelphiaandNewYorkthe

Irishservedasthe‘pawnsoftheurbanDemocraticmachine’.(Diner,102)In

Massachusetts,wheretheKnow‐Nothingswieldedpower,they‘initiatedan

attackon[immigrants]’that‘wentbeyondanythingfoundelsewhereinthe

country’—initiatingahighlysensationalisedinvestigationinto‘Nunneries’and

deportinghundredsofIrishpaupers‘acrosstheAtlanticwithlessceremonyand

formality...thangoestothesendingofatubofbutter,orbarrelofapples,from

FitchburgtoBoston’.(Mulkern,p.103)‘Abused,hounded,attackedbytheir

neighboursinthenameofsavingthelandfrom“Catholicbigotry”,’David

Montgomerywrites,‘theIrishwithdrewasfaraspossiblefromthecommunity

aroundthemanddealtwithitonlythroughthemediationofthepriestandthe

HunkerDemocrat.’(Montgomery,p.166)

InBoston,atleast,thiswithdrawalfromtheostensiblepluralismofAmerican

life—theturntoa‘counterculturalseparatism’,(Walsh,p.96)asonescholarhas

putit—meantvoluntaryphysicalsegregation,ofteninethnicallyhomogenous

neighbourhoods.After1850,Boston’sIrishcommunitywasgeographically

confinedinseveraldenselypackeddistricts.Theinsularityofthesecommunities

isillustratedbythefactthatatmid‐centurytheBostonIrishmarriedoutsidein

theirownranksevenlessfrequentlythanAfricanAmericans.Bythemid‐1850s,

‘[t]wodistinctculturesflourishedinBostonwithnomorecontactthanifthree

thousandmilesofocean...stoodbetweenthem.’(Handlin,pps.182,146)Some

27

havearguedthatthecity’ssmallerAfricanAmericanpopulation(lessthan2000

in1850)faredbetterthanthenewimmigrantsinthelocaleconomy,andone

historianrecountsthat‘NegroesjoinedYankeesincondemningtheIrishfor

beingPriest‐ridden,paupers,drunkards,andrioters,andinanefforttoprotect

whatlittlepropertytheyowned[onBeaconHill]someofthemsignedapetition

inthe1850stokeeptheIrishfromencroachingontheirneighbourhood.’(Ryan,

p.130)NoneofthemajorstudiesofBostontellusmuchaboutthoseworkand

residentiallocationswherethelivesofAfricansandIrishimmigrants

overlapped.

ElsewhereintheurbanNorthandperhapsevenmoredramaticallyinthe

seaportSouthcircumstancesprecludedthesharpdelineationofimmigrantturf

fromtherestofthecity,makingpromiscuousinteractionbetweenBlacksand

theIrishroutineratherthanexceptional.TheSixthWardinMobile,Alabama,

includedthelargestIrishandthelargestslavepopulationinthecity,David

Gleesonremindsus.Railroadexpansionfromtheearly1850sbroughtaninflux

ofIrishtoMemphis,untilbytheoutbreakofwarIrishimmigrantsconstituteda

thirdofitswhitepopulation.(Gleeson,p.124;Robinson,1982,p.79)InNew

York’sdenselypackedSixthWardwhere‘blacksandIrishbrushedregularly

againstoneanother,’aturbulent,ambiguousinterracialismdevelopedonthe

squalidedificeofthecity’sworstslums.InthenotoriousFivePoints

neighbourhood,GrahamHodgesargues,relationsbetweenAfricanAmericans

andIrishimmigrantswere‘polyvalent:’despitelivingcheek‐by‐jowlin

sometimesintenseeconomiccompetition,‘Irishandblackcoexistedfarmore

peacefullythanhistorianshavesuggested.’Despitetheregularitywithwhich

28

riotingeruptedinthedistrict,‘strikinglylittleviolenceoccurredbetweenIrish

andblacks,’andonatleastoneoccasionbothgroupsfoundthemselvesthe

victimsofanincursionemanatingfromoutsidetheneighbourhood.In

Philadelphia,aswell,manyoftheIrish‘settledinneighbourhoods…populatedby

AfricanAmericans,’andwere‘oftencloselyassociatedwithfreeblacks,bothin

termsoftheirperceivedracialattributes[and]theirpatternsofwork.’12

(Hodges,1996,pps.112‐113,124,115‐116)

Workplaceinteractions,thoughfrequentlymarkedbyracialantipathyand

violence,weremorecomplicatedanduneventhanstudiesconstructedaround

theIrishembraceof‘whiteness’suggest.Whiletherecentscholarshiphas

focusedonIrishimmigrants’defenceof‘their’jobsfromAfricanAmerican

competitorsintheNorth,inmanyplacestheIrishstakedaclaimonparticular

sectorsofthelabourmarketonlybydrivingoutthe(farlessnumerous)black

workerswhohadoccupiedthempreviously.InantebellumNewYorkand

Boston,AfricanAmericanshaddominatedtheservicesectorandmenial

labour—workingaswaiters,domesticservants,cooksandcommonlabourers—

untilaninfluxofimmigrantswillingtoundercuttheirwagesbegantodislodge

them.(Diner,p.100)Someoccupations—portersandwasherwomen—remained

fairlymixed,andinothers—notablyalongthedocks—controloverspecific

wharveschangedhandsfrequentlyamongcompetingethnicandracialblocs

(Germans,Irish,AfricanAmericans),andoftenunderthedeliberate

manipulationofemployers.EvenintheslaveSouth,therewerecontextsin

whichIrishfreelabourersandblackslavesworkedside‐by‐side:universally

theirpathscrossedwhileperforming‘monotonousphysicallabor’—unskilled

29

work,oftenalongthedocksoringruellingditch‐digging,leveebuildingandcanal

labour.AtNewOrleansandatSavannahIrishdockworkersorganisedthecities’

firsttradeunions,whichinanewpost‐emancipationcontextfollowingthewar

wouldbetransformedbythesheernecessityofinterracialcooperation.Among

whiteartisansattheSouth,however,wherevertheycouldtheireffortswere

aimedatexcludingslavecompetitors.Theessentialpointinunderstandingthis

recordofconflictisthat,asJamesBarretthasargued,the‘functioningofthe

market,carefullycultivatedby[employers],virtuallyguaranteedethnic[and

racial]competitionoverjobs[.]Whateverconflictsroseoverculturaltensions,

employers’habitsofhiringoutsidersatlowerwagesandbreakinguplabor

organizationsreinforcedIrishhostilitytowardnewcomers’.(Barrett,2012,p.??)

Onthewhole,blacklabour’sholdoveroccupationswhichthey’dpreviously

dominatedwasnotdislodgedbyforceorintimidation(thoughthatcertainly

occurred)somuchasoverwhelmedbysheernumbers:just12,000Blackslived

inallofManhattan(population630,000)in1855,forexample,ascomparedwith

over175,000Irishimmigrants.InBostonatthesametimetwothousandAfrican

Americanssharedthecitywithmorethan50,000newcomersfromIrelandwho

bythenmadeupathirdofthecity’spopulation.(Gleeson,pps.123‐124,52,46;

Starobin,1970,pps.211‐214)

BothaspectsofthiscontradictoryrecordofinteractionbetweentheIrishpoor

andAfricanAmericansintheworkplacesandneighbourhoodsoftheurban

Northareworthbearinginmindasweconsiderthehardeningofracialdivisions

thatcoincidedwiththedescenttowardwar.TheChurch’soppositionto

antislaveryagitationwaswellestablishedbytheoutbreakofhostilities,though

30

thehierarchybent,temporarily,toaccommodatethepopularoutragethatshook

theurbanNorthinthewakeoftheConfederateattackonSumterinApril1861.

TheDemocraticPartycarriedonarelentlesscampaignduringthebuild‐upto

warandwellintotheconflicttoinoculatewhiteworkersintheNorthagainst

supportforemancipation,withitspresswarningincessantlyofthespectreof

blackhordescomingnorthwardwithemancipation.(Man,1951)Suchfear‐

mongeringwasaimeddirectlyatexploitingtheinsecuritiesoftheirimmigrant

supporters:‘[H]undredsandthousands,ifnotmillionsof[freed]slaveswillcome

NorthandWest,’theCincinnatiEnquirerwarnedreaders,‘andwillbeeither

competitorswithourwhitemechanicsandlaborers,degradingthembytheir

competition,ortheywillhavetobesupportedaspaupersaspublicexpense.’

(McPherson,1982,p.274)

Togethertheirdesperateeconomicpredicament,theirestrangementfromthe

mostprogressivecurrentsoftheday,andtheircontinualexposuretotheanti‐

abolitionistpropagandaoftheDemocraticPartyandtheCatholichierarchy

generated,amongfamine‐eraIrishimmigrants,atoxicantipathytothecauseof

theslavesandtheirfreeblackalliesintheNorth.Theywereeasyfodderforthe

designsofproslaveryDemocratsintheurbanNorth,whoagitatedthroughout

theearlystagesofthewaragainsttheLincolnadministration.Ifweaddtothese

conditionstheinequitiesofthedraftandtheaddedprivationsofwartime,itis

unsurprisingthattheirearlysupportfortheUniongavewayamongthe

immigrantpoortoseething,unfocusedresentment.The1863NewYorkDraft

Riots—easilythemosthorrificepisodetoshakethenorthernhomefrontduring

theCivilWar—combinedalloftheseelements(includingasitsbackdropa

31

simmeringlabourdispute)toproduceanexplosivewaveoflethalrage—

directedearlyonagainstfederalmilitaryofficials,Republicanauthoritiesand

symbolsofwealthinthecity,butlater,notably,inpitilessattacksondefenceless

AfricanAmericans.(Bernstein,1990)Thoughtherewasnothing‘rational’inthis

orgyofviolence,itstrajectoryhadbeenshapedbythelonghistoryofIrish

immigrantalienationintheyearssincemid‐century.

32

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Endnotes:

1DavidBlight,RaceandReunion:TheCivilWarinAmericanHistory(Cambridge:

Belknap/Harvard,2001):2;‘Taoiseachheckledbyanti‐warchargeprotestorsin

Sligo,’IrishTimes(9May2015):

http://www.irishtimes.com/news/politics/taoiseach‐heckled‐by‐anti‐water‐

charge‐protesters‐in‐sligo‐1.2206756(Accessed1August2016);‘Sligopol

envisionsBallymoteasAmericanasappliepie,’IrishEcho(2April2002):

http://irishecho.com/2011/02/sligo‐pol‐envisions‐ballymote‐as‐american‐as‐

apple‐pie‐2/(Accessed1August2016);‘Shameonprotestorswhodisrupted

IrishinUSCivilWarmemorial,’

http://www.irishcentral.com/opinion/niallodowd/Shame‐on‐protesters‐who‐

disrupted‐Irish‐in‐US‐Civil‐War‐memorial‐.html(Accessed1August2016).

2FreemantoDawkins,15Oct1881;FreemantoRev.N.Pinder,6Nov.1881,in

LifeandLettersofEdwardA.Freeman(London:MacmillanandCo.,1895),234,

236‐7.

3‘FreemantoRev.N.Pinder,’24March1882;‘FreemantoRev.N.Pinder,’6Nov

1881;‘FreemantoF.H.Dickinson,Esq.,’4Dec.1881,inLifeandLettersof

EdwardA.Freeman,p.254,255,237,242.

4Amaximumestimateof170,000Irishasagainst186,000AfricanAmericans,

themajorityofthelatterbeingescapedslaves.

5JournalistGeorgeB.Foster,quotedinTylerAnnbinder,FivePoints:The

Nineteenth‐CenturyNewYorkCityNeighborhood(NewYork:SimonandSchuster,

2012);BishopJohnHughes,quoteinLeoHershkowitz,“TheIrishandthe

EmergingCity:Settlementto1844,”TheNewYorkIrish,20.

38

6ReportoftheCommissiononInternalHealth,CityofBostonDocuments,1852,

1861.

7‘CommunicationofDrHenryG.Clark,’CityofBostonDocuments,1861.

8‘ReportConcerningForeignPaupers,’CityofBostonDocuments,1852.

9BostonPilot,14April1860.

10FrederickDouglasstoWilliamLloydGarrison, TheLiberator,27March1846:

ReprintedinPhilipFoner,ed.,LifeandWritingsofFrederickDouglass,vol.1(New

York:InternationalPublishers,1950),p.138.

11BostonPilot,1April1862.

12HistoricalSocietyofPennsylvania,‘LeavingtheEmeraldIsle:Irish

ImmigrationtoPhiladephia,’ExploringDiversityinPennsylvaniaHistory:

http://hsp.org/sites/default/files/legacy_files/migrated/leavingtheemeraldislef

inal.pdf.Accessed1August2016.