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    Here Goes Nothing | Michiel Stoter

    Editorial | Tom van de Wetering

    Protocols and Power Laws | Coen de Goey

    Utilizing the Rules | Jeroen Knitel

    The URI Revis(it)ed | Tom van de Wetering

    SPECIAL

    50THEDITION

    JOURNAL OF NETWORK THEORY

    GARDENS OF CONTROL

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    ContentsEditorial The Seed and the Environment .............................................................................................. 3

    Protocols and power laws ....................................................................................................................... 6

    Abstract ............................................................................................................................................... 6

    Introduction ......................................................................................................................................... 6

    Distributed and decentralized protocol .............................................................................................. 7

    User participation and power structures .......................................................................................... 11

    Sources .............................................................................................................................................. 12

    Utilizing the rules: The rule-based paradigm as a complement to connectionism ............................... 14

    1 Introduction .................................................................................................................................... 14

    2 Creating or developing rules .......................................................................................................... 17

    3 Hybrid models for the win .............................................................................................................. 19

    Bibliography ....................................................................................................................................... 20

    The Uniform Resource Identifier Revis(it)ed ......................................................................................... 22

    Dream Machines Defined v1.0 .......................................................................................................... 22

    Web Research Defined v1.1 .............................................................................................................. 23

    Linked Data Defined v2.0 .................................................................................................................. 24

    Software Actors Defined v2.1 ............................................................................................................ 24

    Semantic Web Defined v2.2 .............................................................................................................. 25

    URL to URI 3.0 .................................................................................................................................... 26

    Bibliography ....................................................................................................................................... 27

    Here goes nothing how control vanished into everywhere. .............................................................. 29

    1. Introduction ................................................................................................................................... 29

    2. Metaphors ..................................................................................................................................... 303. The loss of aura and rise of the hyperreal ..................................................................................... 31

    4. Metaphors as tools for control ...................................................................................................... 32

    6. Conclusion ..................................................................................................................................... 34

    REFERENCES: ..................................................................................................................................... 34

    Media Ownership by Gillian Doyle ........................................................................................................ 36

    Review of Six Degrees: the Science of a Connected Age by Duncan J. Watts (2003) 356 pp. .............. 38

    Book review: Jean Baudrillard Simulacra and Simulation (1994) ....................................................... 40

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    Editorial - The Seed and the Environmentby Tom van de Wetering

    Tim Berners-Lee, inventor of the World Wide Web, was clear in a recent TED key-note. He shouted

    "Raw Data Now!" and left his public an interesting thought: the future will bring a web consisting of

    linked data instead of linked documents.

    Simply put, this event was a successor in a long tradition of predictions and dreams on file structures

    such as the Web. Back in 1945, Vannevar Bush tried to conceptualize something like a dream

    machine, which was further elaborated by Ted Nelsons dream file (1964). Not long after its

    invention in 1990, the Web was seen by many as the realization of previous dreams, but a next step,

    sometimes called Semantic Web and sometimes Web2.0, evoked dreams and predictions like a

    Vulcan eruption. So why is just this keynote important, and not one of the many others?

    First, it is because Sir Tim Berners-Lee expressed his dreams. Unless there were many other factorsinvolved during the emergence of the Web, it was Berners-Lee who invented the important HTML,

    HTTP and URI protocols. Still, he remains responsible for the development of original and new Web

    protocols, like XML, as director of the World Wide Web Consortium (W3C). Galloway (2006) already

    showed that protocols control in a way the structure of contemporary networks. In that sense,

    Berners-Lee is a powerful actor in the construction of a control machine. This special issue of

    Network Theory deals with the problem of control. Not on the frequently elaborated level of political

    control, social control or capital control, but on the level of network control. How is the structure of

    the Web controlled, which actors are involved, how are structures changed and, last but not least,

    how do we need to study it?

    In the first article, Coen de Goey claims that common perceptions of control need to be reevaluated.

    Distributed network structures like the Web are still controlled by a small set of institutions. The

    structure of Web2.0 is thought of to bring the user in control, but instead, De Goey argues, the user

    created together an instrument that took others in control.

    The second contribution disperses fluently from Berners-Lees keynote too. To deal with the complex

    system the inventor is arguing about and to translate technical details to a broad audience, Berners-

    Lee uses a lot of metaphors. The important thing is that some of them seem pretty new, like raw

    data. Michiel Stoter claims that metaphors are, and have always been, important actors who are

    involved with the structure of the Web. Metaphors ubiquitously present in the debate about

    Web2.0, Semantic Web and are we aware that the terms web and link are metaphors too?

    Third, the concept of linked data Berners-Lee proposes, indicates an interesting claim on structural

    Web changes. In the third article, I will show how seemingly little changes of Web standards, which

    are often misinterpreted, facilitate practices that are known to change the Web and far beyond, like

    Web2.0. I will introduce the field of Software Studies, that can help Network Science and other fields

    to better understand and define the Web objects we all encounter.

    In the fourth article, Jeroen Knitel will further elaborate that methodological problem. He states thatthe connectionism approach to study complex systems delivered interesting results, but needs to

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    integrate some fuzzy logic if we really want to understand what that results mean. Knitel argues

    that tiny rule-based systems are collaboratively in control of generated network effects. A

    methodology consisting of both connectionist and rule-based methods is a welcome addition.

    The seed and the environment

    The articles in this special issue are sometimes closely related to studying networks. Knitel is directlyconcerned with the methodology of network scientists and De Goey studies how control exists

    through distributed networks. The other two articles are less easy linked to Network Theory. While

    Stoters article pays a lot attention to computer icons, my own study contains a lot of descriptions of

    how software works. Why does Network Theory need such alternatives to the social, technological

    and socio-technological models and maps we are used to? An example from the field of biology can

    help us to answer that question.

    The crystal is expression. Expression moves from the mirror to the seed. It is the same circuit which

    passes through three figures, the actual and the virtual, the limpid and the opaque, the seed and the

    environment.(Gilles Deleuze)

    Gilles Deleuze is a philosopher, not a biologist. Though he often claims things using biological

    entities, like in this case the seed. He uses biological entities as metaphors to sustain his claims about

    something else. The same is true for the rhizome. As a metaphor it inspired many contemporary

    philosophers and artists. We can compare many complex systems with a rhizome. In the eyes of

    Deleuzians, many things, for example the economy, art and even "reality" are based on a shared set

    of principles, for example: "any point of a rhizome can be connected to anything other, and must be"

    (1980: 7) and "a rhizome may be broken [] but it will start up again on one of the old lines, or on

    new lines" (p. 10). Network Theory scholars often relate the network they encounter to the conceptof the rhizome. Often, the original Web is called a rhizome too, based on that key principles. Just like

    a biological structure, a Web of linked documents is easy to conceptualize and to match with such a

    metaphor. Indeed, there is no beginning and no end and indeed, cutting of a web site does not

    destroy the whole Web. Deleuze's metaphorical concepts are compatible to a broad field of topics. In

    this sense, philosophical metaphors are the standardized protocol to develop studies as an extra

    layer on top. What is needed is an adaptation of a philosophical metaphor and start analyzing the

    actual object. What is exactly the "seed" in the case of the Web? What is the "environment"? How

    does the seed interact with the environment?

    The problem is that it becomes a lot more difficult when a definition of real objects, in this case real

    rhizomes, is necessary. Biological structures keep growing and change into many different species.

    After a long period of evolution, there is a lot of brilliant analytical hindsight needed to come to an

    "origin of species". While Darwin's theory offers this brilliant hindsight, contemporary research

    confirms that the evolution theory is still a theory, which can be debated and further improved.

    Simon Conway Morris (2003) demonstrated that the evolution of species is to a great extend

    influenced by the environment species live in. Using an exhaustive resource of real biological

    examples, the biologist claims different species, with very different DNA, but living in the same

    environment, are convergent: they begin to look like each other without being genetically related.

    In that example, the "environment" is taken as a fact, the "seed" is defined as a real biological

    organism and the result is a better understanding of the structure of evolution.

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    Now look at the image at the cover of this issue. What we see is the fourth element of Berners-Lees

    keynote: a graphic to illustrate the concept of linked data. The graphic can tell a lot. It relates the

    concept of linked data to the concept of the rhizome. It makes clear that underlying data structures

    are for Websites what rhizomes are for beautiful flowers. But it also tells us there is an

    environment. That websites look different in a different environment, just like flowers do.

    To take the comparison to a next level: De Goey investigates who controls the garden and how some

    flowers control the behavior of other flowers. Stoter agrees with Conway-Morris when he states that

    flowers are visually convergent without mixed DNA. I claim that not only flowers, but also the

    rhizomes are influenced by their environment. Knitel claims that it is necessary to both analyze the

    number of flowers, organized by species, as it is necessary to understand how seeds grow.

    As Berners-Lee et al. describe in detail, the main point of interest for the construction of linked data

    will be "the adoption of common conceptualizations referred to as ontologies" (2006: 96). Without

    this "semantic standardization", linkages between databases organized various formats, is difficult orreturns confusing results. Interestingly, being both Web scholars and scholars as such, all writers in

    this issue both reflect on the development of Web ontologies and the development of scientific

    ontologies. What is needed for the field of Web studies and other fields related to the Web is a

    common understanding of the Web's ontology, which is compatible as an assumption in many fields,

    and which needs, like every other ontology, to be continuously evaluated. At the same moment,

    designing a better way to document and share that ontology, in the form of standardized linked

    (research) data, could lead to the results Berners-Lee promised us. However, attempts in the form of

    well-written scientific publications are not rejected, to continue the inefficiently beautiful tradition of

    the Humanities. I am sure this form, the 50th issue of the Journal of Network Theory, is an valuable

    attempt to both evaluate and design both Web- and research ontologies.

    Bibliography

    Berners-Lee, T. (2009) Linked Data. TED Conference 2009.

    Conway-Morris, S. (2003). Lifes Solution. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press

    Deleuze, G. Guattari, F. (1980)A Thousands Plateaus. London: Continuum

    Galloway, Alexander R. (2004). Protocol: How control exists after decentralization. Cambridge: MIT

    Press.

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    Protocols and power lawsBy Coen de Goeij

    Abstract

    In this article, I discuss how protocols and power structures can serve as a bottleneck for the

    distributed character of the Web. Firstly, the DNS structure is decentral but also managed by an

    independently chosen and various staff. This structure functions as a bottleneck if only the physical

    structure is considered, the composition however consists of independent parties which makes it

    distributed. Secondly, the distributed TCP/IP structure is despite its structure of autonomous nodes,

    subject to political and commercial interest, the restrictions of Internet access in China forms an

    example that underlines this.

    The Achilles heel of the Internet is not a singular clearly distinguishable aspect. The model that shows

    the structure best, might be found in the scale free network. The power law in this model is most

    obvious visible in the early structure of Web 1.0 when it was about product sales. In Web 2.0 it is stillscale free, this time it is not about products but platforms that provide services with a more active

    role for the user. Whether the Web has become better distributed by Web 2.0 can be answered if it

    is considered which format provides the nodes in the Web with the most autonomy. As long as

    protocol, political limitations or platform standards manipulate the behavior of the user, it forms a

    threat to the distribution and accessibility of data streams. However, since Web 2.0 has proposed to

    step back in order to let go control, the user has become a step further towards being an

    autonomous node in the Web.

    Introduction

    "Welcome to the democratic web: internet of the people, by the people, for the people" (Stibbe2006).This is a sentence derived from a blog mirroring the overall tendency about Web 2.0. The

    network of the Internet - and especially the current developments around Web 2.0 is seen by many

    as the key to a democratic system that would provide open access and a minimum of interrogation

    from unwanted parties. This vision is among others legitimated by the notion of the Internet as a non

    governed system, "rhizomatic and lacking central organization" (Galloway 2004, 8). Castells also

    mentions the sentiment from the start of the Internet: "Created as a medium for freedom, in the first

    years of its worldwide existence the Internet seemed to foreshadow a new age of liberty" (Castells

    2001, 168). The original development of the Internet began with the scientific ARPAnet and was

    oriented on packet switching over a distributed network. Packet switching was used in order to

    secure the transfer if one part would drop out (Leiner 2003). This was possible by using other

    computers as hosts, serving as network nodes. Licklider, head of the initiating organization DARPA,

    was the first who introduced this concept as the "Galactic Network" (ibidem). His idea was "a globally

    interconnected set of computers through which everyone could quickly access data and programs

    from any site" (ibidem, Origins of the Internet). This involves a network without the classical power

    structures such as the purely central or decentral structures (Galloway 2004, 27). While the

    distributed network freed itself from this power structure, it did not become free from control as

    Galloway points out. The new control mechanisms lies in the protocol that is used in every form of

    online data transfer: "In order to initiate communication, the two nodes must speak the same

    language. This is why protocol is important" (ibidem, 12).

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    This overall protocol is visible in both the distributed TCP/IP protocol and the decentralized DNS

    structure. The TCP/IP protocol was designed to create a standardized language for data transfer. It is

    called distributed because the individual hosts function as autonomous nodes based on this protocol.

    The DNS system was adopted in order to simplify the process of referring to an address. The DNS

    structure represents an hierarchical order because the listing of addresses takes place on a single

    location (ibidem, 8-9). The combination of DNS and TCP/IP creates a new form of control that is

    hence ambivalent in nature but also complementary because both are protocols within the same

    system.

    I will discuss these forms of control and how these are established by politics and legislation. In order

    to do this, I will also focus on the function of commercial interests that is in a way interrelated with

    protocological power. I will make this parallel using Barabsi's scale free network (2003). Barabsi

    introduces the scale free network as a network that has a minority of nodes that have far more links

    than average (Barabsi 2003, 52). The major growth of some of these hubs brings in different

    interests and more importantly, a disproportionate power share. This is why Barabsi calls the scalefree network "robust against accidental failures but vulnerable to coordinated attacks" (ibidem, 52). I

    will propose a similarity with the hubs that are visible in the form of big internet companies such as

    Google. Much of the services of these companies are known as Web 2.0, meaning in short that the

    user becomes central in the process of content supply while the website supplies the platform for

    these activities (O'Reilly 2005, 2). This model could also be seen as a distributed system, for a

    multiplicity of users instead of a single producer are responsible for the providence of content. What

    is more, powerful Web 2.0 services could not even exist without the small start initiated by a few

    users. This brings me to a new paradox: Web 2.0 exist by the very participation of its users and has

    now taken control over these users by the central position it has gained. To name a few: Google,

    MySpace, Flickr and Wikipedia. These services are comparable to the hubs Barabsi mentioned in his

    model of the scale free network. I will argue how these companies become powerful through the act

    of the apparent release of control over content, however not necessarily improving the distributed

    and plural scope of the Internet.

    Distributed and decentralized protocol

    In the origin of the Internet there was a need for a general form of protocol in order to communicate

    and develop according to the same standards. This began with the data transmission protocol TCP/IP

    in 1980, build for the purpose of cheap ubiquitous connectivity (Galloway 2004, 6). Also, protocols

    refer specifically to standards governing the implementation of specific technologies (ibidem, 7).

    Different institutions are responsible for the development of protocols such as the W3C1 which is

    responsible for protocols like HTML and CSS. The standards are published in RFC documents and

    fulfill the role of reference for developers, so that different nodes in the network function according

    to the same rules: the requirements spelled out in this document are designed for a full-function

    Internet host, capable of full interoperation over an arbitrary Internet path (Braden 1989, 1.1.3).

    The protocols are divided in four layers that organize one part of the protocol: the application layer,

    which is the top layer, the transport layer, the Internet layer and finally the link layer (ibidem). These

    layers have a nested structure, meaning that each layer depends on the above layer: ultimately the

    entire bundle (the primary data object encapsulated within each successive protocol) is transported

    according to the rules of the only privileged protocol, that of the physical media itself (Galloway

    1World Wide Web Consortium

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    2004, 11). Despite the arbitrary organizing of transmission standards, the control within the TCP/IP

    system is distributed over autonomous nodes in the network. There is no need for a central hub to

    direct the communication, therefore it is a distributed network.

    A different but complementary form of protocol lies in the DNS, a large decentralized database that

    maps network addresses to network names (ibidem, 8,9). This system works like an inverted treestructure and is hierarchical and decentral in nature. The top level are the root servers, containing

    the addresses of the underlying servers. This is a decentral network, because every request goes via

    one of the dozen root servers (ibidem, 9) to the lower servers with addresses of specific domains. In

    the past there has been discussion over the place this DNS system must have and how it should be

    governed. The DNS was first managed by one of the founders Jon Postel but after his death, the DNS

    management was handed over from the US government to the non-profit organization ICANN2

    in

    1998 (Terranova 2004, 45). The discussion involved if and how specific US or Western interests

    should be the measure for the formation of internet policy. This is demonstrated by the following

    quote, derived from the Green Paper, a proposal document for democratization of the DNS

    governing that was published by the U.S. government:

    the U.S. government recognizes that its unique role in the Internet domain name system

    should end as soon as is practical. We also recognize an obligation to end this involvement in

    a responsible manner that preserves the stability of the Internet. We cannot cede authority

    to any particular commercial interest or any specific coalition of interest groups. We also

    have a responsibility to oppose any efforts to fragment the Internet, as this would destroy

    one of the key factors - interoperability - that has made the Internet so successful (NTIA

    1998, Registrars, The Process).

    ICANN was founded after this proposal as a response to the call for a more democratic and robust

    structure of the Internet. It is composed of a collection of staff members and is connected to diverse

    advisory organs (see figure 1 for a complete overview). However, the ICANN still has been subject of

    discussion about among others the role of the U.S. as leading state in this organization. One side,

    says the U.S., should stay in charge to maintain the power and right of free speech on the Internet.

    But other says the U.S. and its insistence on English use and its preference for a strictly Western way

    of looking at the world unfairly imposes its cultural values on others (Nolan, in: Eweek.com 2005-11-

    17).

    Another aspect of concern has been the intertwining of interests and its power towards the

    economic market. Recently there has been posed questions by the European Parliament about the

    possible infringement by ICANN of the free trade market. This was following an agreement between

    ICANN and the name registry organ VeriSign about the rights on domain name sales:

    Trade in registration services for generic domain names (e.g. those ending in .com, .net or

    .org) is controlled by an incorporated private industry body in the United States (ICANN)

    which also operates an office in Belgium.

    ICANN sets minimum wholesale prices for domain name registration and awards the right to

    run Internet generic domain registries which offer services within the Single Market as well

    2Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers

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    as globally. ICANN collects a levy on every generic domain name that is registered worldwide,

    including all such registrations for companies, organisations and consumers throughout the

    Member States and the European Economic Area.

    ICANN has recently entered into a number of arrangements with other undertakings,

    including one with the largest domain name registry company (Verisign), to which ICANN hasgranted the exclusive right to the .com and .net name registries in return for a levy on the

    end to the consumer, which bears no relation to the cost of providing the service, and which

    levy has resulted in price hikes to European consumers.

    Has the Commission received any complaints from European citizens or businesses, and, in

    any event, will the Commission investigate whether the arrangements between ICANN,

    Verisign, and European domain name registrar companies are subject to Art 81 and/or Art.

    82 of the Treaties ? (Dunn 2007, Question 78).

    Although ICANN claims its role is not concerned with content ICANN's role is very limited, and it isnot responsible for many issues associated with the Internet, such as financial transactions, Internet

    content control, spam (unsolicited commercial email), Internet gambling, or data protection and

    privacy (ICANN 2008, FAQs) it has a lot of control because it has a central position in the defining

    and management of domains. To prevent the rise of power structures within ICANN from happening

    there was formed a diverse staff of people who circulate after given periods, and are nominated by a

    separate committee, as is visible in Figure 1. An advisory committee from the U.N. was also formed

    after a summit called World Summit on the Information Society addressing among others bridging

    the digital divide: We reaffirm the commitments made in Geneva and build on them in Tunis by

    focusing on financial mechanisms for bridging the digital divide, on Internet governance and related

    issues, as well as on implementation and follow-up of the Geneva and Tunis decisions (WSIS 2005,

    Tunis agenda for the information society). Ironic is the fact that in the prior debate, the U.S. wanted

    to keep control over ICANN for the sake of freedom and democracy the same reason the EU had for

    forming an international control organ (van der Wal 2005,EC: Amerikaans DNS-beheer kan leiden tot

    breuk internet).

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    Figure 1 Organizational structure of ICANN (source: www.icann.org)

    An example of unwanted regulation of access to Internet resources can be found in China. Because of

    the strict control of the media, it is not possible to access the same material within the borders of

    China as elsewhere. This regulation is exercised by the worlds most sophisticated network formonitoring and limiting information online (McMahon 2008, U.S. Internet Providers and the Great

    Firewall of China ). Problematic in this case is the relation between free market processes and an

    open Internet climate. According to the same Council on Foreign Relations, several U.S. companies

    are providing China with services and materials that allows the Chinese authorities to monitor and

    restrict free access and publication on the Internet: China relied on two U.S. companiesCisco

    Systems and Juniper Networksto help carry out its network upgrade, known as CN2, in 2004. This

    upgrade significantly increased China's ability to monitor Internet usage. Cisco is also due to provide

    China with routers designed to handle Internet attacks by viruses and worms but equally capable of

    blocking sensitive content (ibidem). Also Yahoo and Google are mentioned in the same article as

    parties that helped the authorities in their attempts to censor online publications.

    The debate according to McMahon is between the ideas of establishing a presence in the country

    and a total boycott of business with China by means of a law that forbid U.S. Internet companies

    from locating their content servers inside China or other nations seen as human rights abusers

    (ibidem). This case is exemplary for the way state power can interrogate with the open character of

    the distributed web. State censorship is contributed to by any unevenness in the distribution of the

    network, caused by power structures within the network. Interesting in this case is the comparison to

    the scale free network (Barabsi 2003). The scale free network is, as mentioned in the introduction,

    considered to be remarkably resistant to accidental failures but extremely vulnerable to

    coordinated attacks (ibidem, 52). When in this network, important hubs like Google or Yahoo decide

    to cut access to their resources, it immediately affects the whole network.

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    User participation and power structures

    Previously I talked about how Internet has a new form of control that is managed by protocols. The

    TCP/IP protocol is the distributed form of control and the DNS protocol functions as a decentral

    network. As I showed the decentral structure of the DNS is not simply an autonomous power that is

    directing policy upon the user. The distributed structure of TCP/IP is also more than just an open

    access network free of power structures. In this chapter I want to address the role of companies in

    the structure of Web 2.0.

    Web 2.0 is often misunderstood as being solely a platform, this is according to Tim OReilly also the

    case with services who do not fit in the profile of Web 2.0. An example OReilly mentions is that of

    Netscape, which offered an application that could be installed in order to have access to content and

    applications within the browser (OReilly 2005, Ch.2). This platform was created in order to use their

    dominance in the browser market to establish a market for high-priced server products (ibidem).

    The Web 1.0 era was, so to say, all about selling products and creating a leading market position in

    software licensing and control over APIs3 (ibidem, Ch.1). This principle differs from Web 2.0

    because it offers a product instead of a service. What typifies Web 2.0 is that it provides a platform

    of services that becomes more valuable, the more users it has: Web 2.0 companies set inclusive

    defaults for aggregating user data and building value as a side-effect of ordinary use of the

    application. [...] they build systems that get better the more people use them (ibidem, Ch.2). This

    system creates indeed a power structure, but this time the power is in the gaining of data. The

    competition has moved from sales towards data collection(ibidem).

    The profit in this model is according to OReilly made by means of selling services with customers

    paying, directly or indirectly, for the use of that service (ibidem, Ch.1). Later in the article OReilly

    entitles successful Web 2.0 companies as companies that give up something expensive but

    considered critical to get something valuable for free that was once expensive. For example,

    Wikipedia gives up central editorial control in return for speed and breadth (ibidem, Ch.5). The

    release of this control is in a way simply replaced by another means of control, reaching to even

    more aspects of the users life. Because of the adaptation to the specific wishes of every user, classic

    boundaries between areas like home and work are blurring. Sociologist and policy analyst William

    Davies writes in his column for the website The Register how this process does more than only

    providing its users the services needed:

    In short, efficiency gains are no longer being sought only in economic realms such as retail

    or public services, but are now being pursued in parts of our everyday lives where previously

    they hadn't even been imagined. Web 2.0 promises to offer us ways ofimproving the

    processes by which we find new music, new friends, or new civic causes. The hassle of

    undesirable content or people is easier to cut out. We have become consumers of our own

    social and cultural lives. [...] Web 2.0 takes the efficiency-enhancing capabilities of digital

    technology and pushes them into areas of society previously untouched by efficiency

    criteria (Davies 2007, 07-31st

    ).

    The collection of user data as mentioned earlier and the penetration of the daily life of the user can

    be seen as the downside of Web 2.0 However it is also interesting to look at what Web 2.0 did to

    3Application Programming Interface: a set of protocols defined for the building of applications.

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    contribute to the distribution of the Net. Web 1.0 was in its structure already considered to be

    relatively robust because each entity was considered to be autonomous (Galloway 2004, 8). Web 2.0

    goes even further by making the user producer of the data instead of consumer (OReilly 2005, Ch.1).

    This process causes an increase in the number of nodes in the network. It creates a network with

    more nodes that makes a better distribution of data streams possible.

    According to Barabsi, the Internet is in structure a free scale network with a few dominating hubs

    like Google and Yahoo (Barabsi 2003, p53). This power law is present in Web 1.0 as well as Web 2.0;

    the big corporations act as hubs. Some things are necessary for the network to function properly,

    power structures could be seen as a necessary evil. The power law is a symbol for in fact any central

    form of organization. In the case of the Internet, the big hubs facilitate a standard and create more

    possibilities that wouldnt be possible without the central position of the hub:

    what makes the web an efficient medium for information exchange: it is a network

    containing centralised nodes where they are necessary, and not where they aren't. Google is

    one of the centralised nodes. It works well because it is a monopoly, not in spite of being

    one (Davies 2007, 03-29th

    ).

    As pointed out before, Web 2.0 crosses associative boundaries that creates a new, pervasive way of

    linking between nodes in the network. Besides that, users have become producers instead of

    consumers. To return to the central issue; what does this mean for the distribution of the network?

    As mentioned, the companies behind Web 2.0 have become less visible. It is to say it is less directly

    about selling and more about providing the a platform of data collection. This collection of data is the

    price for a free platform of services.

    This issue of media ownership is also addressed by Film and Media scholar Gillian Doyle. Shementions the ambivalence in the concentration of media ownership: the fact that expansion gives

    rise to efficiency gains provides a compelling public interest case in favour of media ownership

    policies which encourage rather than curb such growth strategies (Doyle 2002, 37-38). Apart from

    this matter lies the question how media ownership in a situation of distinct producers and consumers

    differs from the Web 2.0 scenario in which this boundary is blurred. The outcome of the Web 2.0

    development is not clear. What is clear, is that the individual user has become central in the

    production of data and the offer of different products. To control this platform is synonym for

    cooperation and integration within other services (OReilly 2005, Ch.7). When this focus on the

    specific needs of the user stays central, for whatever intentions it may be, the network has an

    important instrument in achieving the goal of independent access to data. Last but not least, the user

    has become an active and conscious node in the Web, that will be aware of its own value when hubs

    fall apart.

    Sources

    Barabsi, A. and Bonabeau, E. 'Scale-Free Networks'. Scientific American 288, 2003

    Braden, R. RFC 1122, Requirements for Internet Hosts, Communication Layers, October 1989

    http://tools.ietf.org/html/rfc1122 (visited 3-4-2009)

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    Davies, W. Ask.com's bogus Information Revolution. The Register.com. 27-03-2007 (visited 6-3-

    2009)

    http://www.theregister.co.uk/2007/05/29/william_davies_ask_vs_google/page2.html

    Davies, W. The cold, cold heart of Web 2.0. The Register.com. 31-07-2009 (visited 6-3-2009)

    http://www.theregister.co.uk/2007/07/31/william_davies_web20/

    Doyle, G. Media Ownership, Sage Publications, London: 2002

    Dunn, B.N. Website: European Parliament. Question no 78 by Bill Newton Dunn. Subject: ICANN's levy

    from price increases imposed on Europeans. Strassbourg: 15-03-2007 (visited 4-4-2009)

    http://www.europarl.europa.eu/sides/getDoc.do?type=QT&reference=H-2007-0126&language=EN

    Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers, website, 2008

    www.icann.org (visited 4-4-2009)

    Leiner, B.M. et al.A Brief History of the Internet, version 3.32. Internet SocietyLast revised 10 Dec 2003 http://www.isoc.org/internet/history/brief.shtml (visited 2-4-2009)

    McMahon, R. U.S. Internet Providers and the Great Firewall of China. Council on Foreign

    Relations. 15-02-2008 (visited 5-4-2009)

    http://www.cfr.org/publication/9856/

    Nolan, C. ICANN Controversy Is Just the Beginning. Eweek.com, 17-11-2005 (visited 5-4-2009)

    http://www.eweek.com/c/a/Government-IT/ICANN-Controversy-Is-Just-the-Beginning/

    NTIA (Green Paper) 1998, Registrars, The Process

    http://www.ntia.doc.gov/ntiahome/domainname/dnsdrft.htm

    O'Reilly, T. 'What Is Web 2.0: Design patterns and business models for the next generation of

    software.' Tim.oreilly.com September 2005

    http://www.oreillynet.com/pub/a/oreilly/tim/news/2005/09/30/what-is-web-20.html

    Wal, van der H. EC: Amerikaans DNS-beheer kan leiden tot breuk internet. Tweakers.net. 14-10-

    2005. (visited 5-4-2009)

    http://tweakers.net/nieuws/39389/ec-amerikaans-dns-beheer-kan-leiden-tot-breuk-internet.html

    WSIS. Tunis agenda for the information society. Tunis: 18-11-2005

    http://www.itu.int/wsis/docs2/tunis/off/6rev1.html

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    14

    Utilizing the rules: The rule-based paradigm as a complement to

    connectionismRotating the iceberg 90 degrees, melting it a bit and then let it freeze again

    by Jeroen Knitel

    Abstract

    In this article it becomes clear why we do not have to make a clear-cut divide between

    connectionism models and rule-based alternatives to research complex systems.

    Instead, this article stresses the importance of merging these models to make them more powerful in

    a complex system; not only in terms of analysis and description but also in terms of reproduction and

    representation. Starting by introducing both models and its properties the article continues by

    looking at the complexity of a system like the economy and the system of language.Illustrating the

    relation, the essential link, with proven research the need for an hybrid use of mentioned models

    becomes clear by utilizing both in its most efficient and advantageous way.

    1 Introduction

    1.1 A complex crisis

    The contemporary economic crisis is a hot topic. From macro-economic levels, governments and

    financial institutions down to the micro level, the average household, you and me, everyone is

    involved. But who could have foreseen the economic state we are in right now? Who understands

    the economic system to such a degree that this all could have been forecasted? Certain people claim

    that they knew it was coming way before the rest did, but how did they already know? To

    understand and predict certain behavior of a complex system like the economy we need models

    (Silvert, 2000). Models that explain, show and to a certain degree describe how a system works and

    is going to work. These models and their modeling are the driving force of science (ibidem) and

    therefore important for researching something so complex like the economic system. Paul Cilliers

    (1998) argues that the economic system consists of individual agents clustered together to form the

    larger-scale phenomena (Cilliers, 1998:7) that form the complexity. But how do these agents relate

    to each other in the system? What does this network of actors look like and how does it work? To

    understand this we have to relate the complex system to a known model. Roughly said, there are

    two models to distinguish in understanding complex systems: rule-based symbol systems andconnectionist models. Both models have strong support by scientists and their theories and both

    have a proven history (Chomsky 1968, Cilliers 1998). What distinguishes those two and what are both

    main points of critique?

    1.2 Sets of rules and sets of neurons

    Beginning in the late 50s of the 20th century scientists argued about the reproducibility of the

    human mind with the help of the newly discovered computer techniques. Artificial Intelligence (AI)

    was an emerging field and it was the computer that gave a somewhat satisfying solution to the

    discussion of the separation of body and mind (Haugeland, 1985). Because the only computers

    available at the time were in the form of Turing machines scientists started to program them to

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    emulate tasks derived from the human mind. This resulted in computational models; models based

    on sets of predefined rules and symbols. The usage of such systems varied, they were used as expert

    systems that could play chess (Cilliers, 1998: 14) or even model a language (Chomsky, 1968).

    Although programmers could tell such systems what the rules are of a language, actually using a

    language turned out to be more complex.

    The main characteristics of rule-based systems can be broken down to the following (Serra & Zanarini

    1990 in Cilliers, 1998: 14):

    + Rule-based systems model complex systems on an abstract level

    + Rules in the system represent concepts directly

    + The sets of rules are centrally controlled by the meta-rules of the system

    + Each symbol is a local representation of a specific concept

    + The structure of the system is a prioridefined

    Carrying on by these given characteristics, we can say that rule-based systems are bound by the rules

    that are predefined with it. Furthermore, they are a prioristructured by these rules and are therefore

    seen as inflexible (Churchland, 1986). Moreover rule-based systems dont have an original

    intentionality or a so called meaning: as said it operates on the abstract level of syntax instead of

    semantics as interpreted by humans (Searle, 1980). Therefore the system can handle symbolic

    information but has little to say about how symbolic behavior emerges.

    The disadvantages of the rule-based system accounted for describing complex tasks performed by

    the human mind like using a language. Fascinated by the complexity of the human mind scientists

    tried to map a model of the human brain. Sigmund Freud (1950) took a lead in this field and it was

    until the early 80s that neural models were worked out to an extent that we can call them the multi

    layered connectionism models as we know them today (Cilliers, 1998: 16). But what do we know

    about them today?

    A connectionist model, or (artificial) neural network, consists of a collection of nodes that operate

    like neurons (as in the human brain). The nodes of this network are interconnected via synaptic

    connections, meaning that every node is connected to at least one other node. When a node is active

    it sends out a signal (fires) to his connected nodes. Depending on the weight of the network of one of

    the nodes it can activate others in its network that it is connected to depending on the number of

    signals it receives itself. Therefore, in relation to the human brain, it is possible to describe any state

    of the network as numerical activation values of each of the nodes existing in the network.

    The strength of connectionist models lies in the fact that it can be trained by giving it the state of a

    problem as an input and the desired outcome as an output. When you provide the network with

    enough input patterns and a correct output it evolves in the direction of a solution (Cilliers, 1998:

    28). The network does so by adjusting the weight of the nodes in the training process so that it

    generates the desired output. This behavior is referred to as Hebbian, derived from the work of

    Donald Hebb (1949): the strength of a synapse [node] increases as it participates in firing a neuron

    (Scott, 1995: 81). By doing so the network can guess the output of a similar but different input. The

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    accurateness or correctness of the output depends on the training the network had and the diversity

    of the input compared to the one it was trained with. Complex behavior emerges from the

    interaction between many simple processors that respond in a non-linear fashion to local

    information (Cilliers, 1998: 18).

    Compared to rule-based systems we can say that the main characteristics of connectionism modelsare as follows:

    + They operate on the level of neurons and their weights

    + Neurons have no predefined meaning and are soft constrained

    + Degrades gracefully

    + They can recognize patterns and train itself

    + There is no predetermined centralized control

    + Every node in the network changes dynamically

    + It is self-organized and therefore dynamically structured

    Also connectionism models have its weaknesses, one of the indisputable claims are that rules derived

    from these connectionist models arent always readable for humans. When that is the case they

    require a deep semantic analysis of what is actually learned (Ledezma et al, 2001).

    1.3 Introducing economectionism

    When we return to the complex system of the economy with knowledge of both models how could it

    be related to something so low level as neurons and weights? For that we need to turn to economist

    Friedrich Hayek (1982) who argues that we can use the metaphor of a connectionism model to

    understand the complex system of economy:

    [T]he mind, from the perspective of The Sensory Order, turns out to be a dynamic, relational

    affair that is in many respects analogous to a market process. The mind is a 'continuous

    stream of impulses, the significance of each and every contribution of which is determined by

    the place in the pattern of channels through which they flow', in such a way that the flow of

    representative neural impulses can be compared 'to a stock of capital being nourished by

    inputs and giving a continuous stream of outputs

    (Hayek 1982, p. 291 in Smith, 1992:np).

    In the next chapter we will look more closely at the connection between the economy and a

    sophisticated model like connectionism. But more importantly for this introduction is the question

    raised by connecting the economic system to a connectionist model: by what extent can we

    understand the economy when we look at it on a level that consists of only neurons and their

    weights? We are inevitably missing a comprehensive approach consisting of definitions, symbols and

    rules. We are only looking at the tip of the iceberg and not only in the case of economics. Therefore,

    what is important for this article is the following question: how do rule-based models remain usefulwhen researching the operation of complex networks?

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    To answer this question I will draw out two different fields where we can see a transformation from

    rule- and symbol-based systems towards connectionism models. I will point out that we need to

    merge these models, instead of only looking at one of them, to make them more powerful in

    complex systems; not only in terms of analysis and description but also in terms of reproduction and

    representation.

    2 Creating or developing rules

    2.1 Marketplace of neurons

    When we look at a complex system like the economy it is not a clear-cut case of rather you would see

    or research it in a connectionists perspective or that of one based on rules. Rather I would argue

    that we can see both kinds of models in play when researching and that we also need both of them

    to understand the complexity behind it. For the connectionists approach of the economic system we

    can distinguish two different approaches. The first one consists of understanding the economy as a

    connectionist model. The second one uses this model to research it and subsequently generate a set

    of rules that can be used to predict behavior of the system.

    Hayek (1982) argues that the economy can be seen as a neural network. He says that we can only

    have some kind of qualitative understanding of the economy and cannot exactly predict it, thus it can

    not be made rational or subject to control. In his article The Use of Knowledge in Society (1945)

    Hayek describes the market as in the mind where essential information gets passed in the form of

    signals, in the following example looking at the prices as nerve impulses:

    In abbreviated form [] only the most essential information is passed on and passed on only to

    those concerned. It is more than a metaphor to describe the price system as a kind of machinery for

    registering change [] in order to adjust their activities to changes of which they may never knowmore than is reflected in the price movement (Hayek, 1945: 525).

    What we can see when comparing a complex system of economy with a neural network of the mind

    is that both the mind as the economic system evolved (trained) throughout a massive number of

    trials and errors. But there are more similarities to point out like how all market participants are

    interconnected in a way that they can activate each other and have a certain weight (richness) in the

    system. It is a bit exaggerating to say the least that we can feed the economy problems and let it

    process it throughout all its nodes to come up with the same output. In a way it does function like

    described above. But is this a way that only consists of learned rules and defined symbols by the

    system, meaning they came forth out of the connectionism, or can we point to more factors in theeconomic process?

    In their book Neural Networks for Economic and Financial Modelling (1996) Andrea Beltratti et al

    state that the economy, as an evolving complex system with agents who continually learn and adapt,

    can be forecasted when all these agents are implemented in an artificial neural network (ANN).

    Crescenzio Gallo et al (2006) state the same by saying that ANN can model economic agents and

    show behavioral rules derived from simple initial requirements that evolve towards complex

    simulated environments (Gallo et al: 4). Noticeable in their research is that both works talk about

    behavioral rules of the economic system that they need to feed to the system as a form of input. In

    this way they activate the learning of the network by choosing architecture and parametersnecessary for the definition of the connection weights between the neurons in the network (ibidem).

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    Both teams of scientists found out that there are a number of constraints when performing and

    building an ANN like they mention in their work. Ironic enough it comes down to the two factors

    what everything else in economy is about: time and money. The time needed for developing a

    certain set of rules out of massive amounts of input data of only parts of the economic system is

    difficult to estimate and depends on the amount of computational power available (money). Robert

    Marks (1996) who reviewed the work of Beltratti et al (1996) mentions this not a critique of ANN per

    se: What they [ANN] are not is deductive, and so they cannot provide necessary conditions [] all

    simulation of its nature can only exemplify sufficiency, not necessity (Marks, 1996: np).

    2.2 Fuzzy logic

    What is the missing opportunity here, how paradoxically it may sound, is that the two researches

    mentioned are bounding themselves to the infinite possibilities of using connectionism models. What

    is important is that by holding on to the notion of learning rules and sufficiency instead of necessity

    andpredefining rules is that the complexities they want to research becomes a complex and ever

    during task itself. It is therefore that computer scientists like Zhou et al (2001) moved towards amodel that combines best of both the connectionism and parts of the rule-based world into a model

    what they call neural fuzzy systems (NFS): With neural fuzzy systems unique capabilities of dealing

    with both linguistic information as numerical data, the linguistic and numerical heterogeneous data

    can be translated into an initial structure and parameters (Zhou et al, 2001: 468). The NFS can

    improve the learning rate of neural networks tremendously by incorporating fuzzy logic about a

    system. It is called fuzzy logic because these rules are a best known approximation of the possible

    rules, but by utilizing the capabilities of the learning qualities of the connectionism model these

    approximations can be shaped to a developed set of rules of the complex system. NFS is therefore

    perceived as being a hybrid intelligent system (Bonissone et al, 1996).

    Returning to Hayeks notion of understanding economy as a connectionism model we can also see a

    way of incorporating rules. Not in a way of that we use fuzzy logic on the complex system but instead

    by looking at defined rules that are fact instead of approximations. For example when looking at the

    Amsterdam stock exchange (AEX): the AEX is an index based on 25 Dutch companies that all have

    their own numerical value (weight) in the index. Although they operate in a way that can be linked to

    a neural network by defining the stocks as neurons, they also are subject to a set of, what I call,

    supervening known rules. For example: a maximum of 25 companies that are being selected by

    calculating the turnover on the stock market of the top 25 stocks sold every third Friday of February.

    Such a set of rules sets literally the boundaries of a given concept within the economic system and

    builds on the comprehensibility of the subject.

    What I pointed out in the above examples of the economic system is that we cannot exclude rule-

    based systems to research a complex system like the economy. To get a firm grip on a complex

    system of the economy we need to define certain actors and their operating fields which they are

    bound to together with its connectionist properties. Having introduced the hybrid possibilities of the

    models I continue showing how this also is a positive account on the field of language.

    2.3 Understanding the system of language

    Since the introduction of the connectionism models the system of language is part of an ongoingdebate between the connectionists and the supporters of the classical rule-based system (Sas, 2002).

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    On the side of rule-based approaches and computational models we find Jerry Fodor (1975) who

    argues that there is a language of the mind that functions as a machine language where all

    computations find place that relate to a human cognitive intelligence and therefore also the

    language in which he communicaties. The defenders of the rule-based paradigm state that there is

    linguistic or propositional knowledge in a sort of stored memory that is associated with a set of

    explicit rules for the cognitive processing. Connectionists on the other hand argue that there is no

    such thing as a linguistic representation (as in a language of the mind) needed for the human mind to

    operate: Language is a social art, and linguistic behavior serves a communicative function [...]

    Language is principally a device for communication (Churchland, 1986 in Sas, 2002: 221).

    Knowledge of a language and gaining a language is part of the same process say connectionists: it is

    necessary to reject the opposition between competence as a matter of knowing explicit rules and

    performance as a matter of the application of such rules (Smith, 1992: np). There is no such thing as

    a stored memory, only an ongoing process of adapting neurons that reflect the current state of

    knowledge. By hearing words (input) we can develop a set of words, a vocabulary, by ourselves. From

    there we can construct correct sentences by hearing them over and over again. Daniel Dennett

    (1991) argues that not only our linguistic environment takes care of enough input, also our outputs

    can be used as new inputs. This autodidact behavior is wat Dennett calls a verbal autosimulation

    where we use our own neural network to stimulate itself (ibidem). That said, how would we define

    the acquisition of all grammatical rules or the vocabulary of a second language? These are explicitly

    told and learned. It is like a direct input of rules instead of learning them through a number of inputs.

    Of course one could argue that these rules are fed the same way as any other input into the neural

    network but the explicit and predefined nature of these kinds of rules divide our system of language

    in an understandable metaphor. One of a learned vocabulary and rules throughout the use of the

    language itself and one of fixed and added metarules to use the language in the best possibleoutputting way for others and yourself to input again.

    2.4 Simulating linguistic communication

    In the field of artificial intelligence the simulating of language use is perceived as a complex task.

    Although rule-based chatbots like ELIZA could pass Turing tests sometimes it still was bound to the

    boundaries set by the rules (Cilliers, 1998). Since the connectionism models came into the picture of

    simulating language scientists try to weave the complex and advanced system of language into an

    ANN. What remains a problem with these kind of networks is the amount of time and computational

    power needed to even come close to the same level as rule-based systems like the recent START

    project from Boris Katz (Katz et al, 2006; Xu, 2000). By adding prior knowledge to the neural network

    scientists like Frederic Morin and Yoshua Bengio (2005) managed to speed up the learning of the

    neural language model by a factor of 200. This addition of sets of rules and predefined knowledge

    exemplifies what we have already seen in the research of the economic system, but the important

    distinction being that these sets of rules are not fuzzy. In fact the data added to the neural network

    is fixed knowledge in the form of words and grammar. Therefore this hybrid model is what science

    actually is all about, it stands on the shoulder of giants. Proven giants in language that is.

    3 Hybrid models for the win

    When posing the main question of this article again: how do rule-based models remain useful when

    researching the operation of complex systems, we can answer it on different levels. What became

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    clear in this article is that the models posed in the beginning, the connectionism model and the rule-

    based systems, both have their advantages and caveats while using them to research and understand

    complex systems.

    What we have seen is that by looking at the complexity of a system like the economy and the system

    of language both models remain useful. What is more important though is what a combination ofthese two models can mean for research and understanding. When we look at it on the account of

    researching complex systems we can see a significant leap made possible by hybrid models like the

    neural fuzzy systems. These systems are a typical and clear example of the power of merging both

    models into one. Firstly, we have seen some powerful additions to the speed of the hybrid model

    compared to the separate models when researching complex systems like economy and language.

    Secondly, the addition of fuzzy logic into the artificial neural network can become real logic by the

    learning and correcting properties of the network so we can derive a new set of rules from it.

    When approaching connectionism models and rule-based systems as a metaphor for complex

    systems we can also see an advantage in using both properties. Understanding such a complexsystem as economy in terms of highly interconnected agents on all different levels and layers is a

    complex task itself. By extracting already existing and supervening rules out of the economy we can

    add them to the understanding of the economy of a connectionism model.

    Looking at the complex system of language and what we know about it, or better said, come to know

    about it, we can see both models in action. When we are toddlers we hear words and their

    combination which forms sentences. Going to school and learning about certain rules influences our

    perception and use of the language. Although these rules are partly derived from our own trial and

    error and collective understanding, parsing sentences by verbs and indirect objects isnt part of that

    neural learning process.

    Returning to the overarching iceberg metaphor we can conclude that we need to treat all sides of the

    complexity iceberg as equal and turn it upside down and rotating it clockwise and counter-clockwise

    to see its full potential; combining the best from both worlds does lead, as in a number of fields, in

    complexity and the variety of complex systems that herein exists to more powerful methods in terms

    of analysis and description but also in terms of reproduction and representation.

    Bibliography

    Beltratti, A., Margarita, S., Terna, P. 1996. Neural Networks for Economic and Financial Modelling.

    London: International Thomson Computer Press

    Bonissone, P., Chen, Y.T., Goebel K., Khedkar, P. 1999. Hybrid soft computing systems: Industrial and

    commercial applications. Proceedings of the IEEE 87(9), pp 1641-1667

    Chomsky, N. 1968. Language and Mind. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Inc.

    Churchland, P.S. Neurophilosophy: Toward a Unified Science of the Mind-brain. Cambridge: MIT

    Press

    Cilliers, P. 1998. Complexity and postmodernism: Understanding complex systems. London:

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    Crescenzio, G., De Stasio, G., Di Letizia, C. 2006. "Artificial Neural Networks in Financial Modelling".

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    Haugeland, J. 1985. Artificial Intelligence: The Very Idea. Cambridge: MIT Press

    Hayek, F. A. 1982. "The Sensory Order After 25 Years", in Weimer and Palermo, eds, pp 287-93

    Hayek, F. A. 1945. "The Use of Knowledge in Society", American Economic Review. XXXV (4): 519-530

    Hebb, D. The Organization of Behavior. New York: Wiley

    Katz, B., Borchardt, G., Felshin, S. 2006. Natural Language Annotations for Question Answering.

    Proceedings of the 19th International FLAIRS Conference.

    Ledezma A., Berlanga, A., Aler, R. 2001. "Automatic Symbolic Modelling of Co-evolutionarily Learned

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    Rumelhart, D.E., McClelland, J.L. 1986. Parallel Distributed Processing: Explorations in the

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    Sas, P. 2002. "Computers en de natuurlijke taal van het denken" in Filosifie in Cyberspace. Klement:

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    Searle, J.R. 1980. "Minds, Brains, and Programs", Behavioral and Brain Sciences (3): 417-457

    Scott, A. (1995). Stairway to the Mind. New York: Springer

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    The Uniform Resource Identifier Revis(it)edWritten by Tom van de Wetering

    Abstract

    This article claims that the emergence of the World Wide Web has been accompanied by at least four

    widespread misinterpretations of its structure. First, scientific dreams on file structures are

    misinterpreted as being fulfilled by the very invention of the Web. Second, even after a dozen years

    of Web development many researchers from various fields misinterpreted the Web as a collection of

    connected documents. Third, the emergence of social software is misinterpreted as a fundamental

    change to the structure of the Web. Instead, the underlying technologies of contemporary Web

    represent the metaphor "Web2.0" quite well. Fourth, the "Semantic Web" is misinterpreted as being

    able to understand human beings. Instead of "Semantic Web", the title "Linked Data" is more

    precise. While exploring the differences between linked documents and linked data, the changed

    role of the Uniform Resource Identifier receives specific attention. An approach comparable to the

    emerging field of Software Studies results in the claim that the URI has lost its monopoly asconnection between web resources while transforming from locator to activator.

    Dream Machines Defined v1.0

    "It was Berners-Lee who brought all these dreams into reality" (2001, p. 15). Manuel Castells states it

    was because Berners-Lee "implented the software that made it possible to retrieve and contribute

    information from and to any computer connected via the Internet: HTTP, HTML and URI (later called

    URL)" (ibid.), that the dreams of a long research tradition were fulfilled. Among the members of this

    twentieth century tradition are Vannevar Bush, Douglas Engelbart and Ted Nelson, who all imagined

    "the possibility of linking up information sources via interactive computing" (ibid.). Using this abstract

    definition it seems appropriate to declare their dreams were fulfilled thanks to Berners-Lee, and wecan consider the latter as an very important inventor indeed. The questions which can be debated

    are whether dreams of interlinked information sources are indeed that easy defined and whether

    those dreams were indeed completely fulfilled when the web was introduced.

    If we take a closer look at Ted Nelson's 'dreams', of which some are explained in his text "A File

    Structure for the Complex, the Changing, and the Indeterminate" (1965), we experience similarities

    with the earlier defined Web. Nelson's proposition for a file structure that suits complex tasks is

    characterized as "a simple building block structure, user-oriented and wholly general-purpose"

    (p.134). Further, "no hierarchical file relations were to be built in; the system would hold any shape

    imposed on it" (p.137). Where HTML suits a "simple building block structure", Berners-Lee's otherinvention, the Hypertext Transfer Protocol, suits a non-hierarchical structure. While it is tantalizing to

    make such a comparison, looking at the differences between the definitions reveals definitely more.

    Where Berners-Lee invented a file structure to organize relations between documents, Nelson's main

    concern was to invent a file structure to organize relations within documents. Where the first Web

    browsers, using Berners-Lee's HTML, HTTP and URI, realized the dream of easily accessing thousands

    of documents, stored at different locations, the "dream file" providing "the capacity for intricate and

    idiosyncratic arrangements, total modifiability, undecided alternatives, and thorough internal

    documentation" (p.134) still needed to be invented.

    In short, conflicting definitions of 'file structures' become problematic when documenting whichlong lasting dreams have been fulfilled. Even more importantly, the same is true for researching file

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    structures. Ever since its invention, the Web became not only ubiquitous in society, but also in

    science as an object of study. Castells' misinterpretations of scientific dreams became a tiny research

    flaw, but a wrong definition of the Web when the Web is the prime object of study, could make the

    project less useful. As the problem of weak definitions is specifically true for changing objects, and

    we take in mind the Web as an object that changes frequently, it is useful to consider whether the

    'file structure' of the Web has changed ever since its invention and how Web studies deal with such

    changes. Here this is done in reverse order: I will introduce influential Web studies first, before

    criticizing them by stating that the structure of the Web has changed over the years, and thus their

    object of study.

    Web Research Defined v1.1

    Web studies can be divided loosely into two categories. First those who treat the structure of the

    web as a given assumption, while researching another phenomenon. Among many studies to the

    philosophy, the geography and the culture of the Web, the field of hyperlink network analysis (HNA)

    implements basic definitions of the structure of the Web as assumptions into research projects, for

    example: "the basic structural element of the Internet is the hyperlink" (Park, 2003: 49). Park shows

    how HNA can be seen as an sub-division of social network analysis, in the case a "website is regarded

    as an actor and the hyperlink among sites represents a relational connection or link" (p.50). While

    Park is an enthusiast of the computer-assisted measurement method, which allows automated data

    gathering, his awareness of the methodological consequences of HNA appears in the form of a dozen

    critical questions, for example: "are meaningful communication relations being maintained or

    transmitted via hyperlinks [and] what does the location of websites in the hyperlink networks

    mean?" (p.58). Both questions show there is a need to study the structure of the Web.

    The Web-dedicated part of network science is an example of a field more directly concerned with

    the structure of the Web. Network scientists are especially interested in the behaviour of networked

    structures themselve, before trying to say something about what specific structures represent. For

    example, the behaviour of the Web as a network is investigated before, or even without, a statement

    is made on what this behaviour means for objects related to the Web. While trying to map the

    underlying architecture of the Web, Albert-Lszl Barabsi discovered some interesting properties.

    The structure of the Web, and a variety of other complex systems, is "scale free", that is, "some

    nodes have a tremendous number of connections to other nodes, whereas most nodes have just a

    handful" (2003: 52). Looking on Barabsi's methodology enveils a similar approach as that of HNA

    scholars. Nodes are defined as Web pages and the connections between those nodes are

    represented by hyperlinks. To which extent this is a correct observation of the structure of the Webis in principle not very important to the field of network science. The network and what it represents

    do not have to match completely to discover useful network properties and effects. It becomes more

    dangerous when network scientists try to declare something about the object they represented in

    the form of a network, without defining that object correctly. For example, when Barabsi declares

    that he discovered that a few Web pages contain lots of hyperlinks which make it possible to reach a

    lot of other pages without many links, he is right, but stating that "a few highly connected pages are

    essentially holding the World Wide Web together" (2003: 52), requires a correct definition of what

    the Web is, how it is hold together, what pages are and how they are connected.

    This study can be seen as an attempt to further investigate Park's questions and to develop a betterunderstanding of how the Web is structured. I will not propose a new set of justified definitions,

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    following: "whether we are browsing a web site, use Gmail, play a video game, or use a GPS-enabled

    mobile phone to locate particular places or friends nearby, we are engaging not with pre-defined

    static documents but with the dynamic outputs of a real-time computation" (2008: 19). In other

    words: contemporary web sites are not a collection of connected static HTML documents, but a

    much more complex system of real time computations and HTML documents are not directly

    transported from a server to a client (a browser) which tries to display them. This facts have

    inevitable consequences for our understanding of how the Web works. Where much attention is paid

    to the hardware which facilitates the Web, the study of the involved software needs more

    investigation.

    Without trying to grasp the full arsenal of contemporary Web software, three examples are critical

    for the structure of the Web and need therefore strong attention. What happens when a browser

    tries to access a typical web page (for example:"http://www.networktheory.nl/view/test.html") is

    loosely described as follows. The domain name "networktheory.nl" is reached just as it were 1990:

    on this level we do not expect structural changes. Then, in the original situation of 1990, the server is

    asked to deliver a document named "test.html" that is stored in sub folder "view" on the server, but

    typically for recent web sites, the subfolder and the document do not physically exist. Instead, the

    server redirects the browser to the root folder, where the file "index.php" is opened. This single file,

    a script, replaces all documents previously stored physically in server folders. The script, which acts in

    collaboration with a lot of other scripts, connects to a MySQL database. This kind of software

    contains all of the data needed for the construction of the requested web page and is stored into

    defined pieces. The script retrieves the needed pieces and sends them to the browser in the form of

    a HTML document containing pieces of eXtensible Markup Language. Using the browser's JavaScript

    engine, the user is able to view, update, move, sort, edit, remove and mix up the pieces of XML

    content and information on such user-actions is stored in the MySQL database.

    Semantic Web Defined v2.2

    Scripts, databases and XML (which is a database in the form of a document), are obviously used by

    the majority of websites to date and facilitate the emergence of "Web2.0". Regarding to Van den

    Boomen (2007) Web2.0 is a metaphor which refers to websites where the user is "in control".

    Popular Web2.0 websites like Wikipedia, Facebook and Blogger are dependent on the combination of

    scripts, databases and XML and use technologies on top of these foundations to become "user

    controlled". RSS-feeds are built on top of XML to allow content to flow around other web sites. API's

    are built on top of databases to allow other web sites to retrieve and store data. Complex user scripts

    are written on top of general scripts to allow users to add profiles and other data to the website. It isimportant to note that Web2.0 is built on top of a common set underlying technologies. However, it

    is even more important to realize that the Web did not require "user-control" to become next-

    generation, or "2.0". The fluent, but ubiquitous transition of a Web consisting of static HTML-

    documents which are stored physically on servers, to a Web consisting of XHTML-documents which

    are dynamically created through interactions between various scripts and databases, brought the

    Web to a fundamentally different structure.

    If we do associate the Web2.0 metaphor with the actual development of the Web technique, the

    underlying software, instead of a particular group of (social) practices built upon that technique, then

    various efforts to conceptualize the Semantic Web deserve credibility as first attempts to a Web"version 2.0". As mentioned earlier, authors like Bush (1945) and Nelson (1965) were already

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    dreaming of file systems which were not actualized by the very invention of the Web, but are closely

    related to dreams of a Semantic Web. While "revisiting" a previous conceptualization of the Semantic

    Web (2001), Berners-Lee et al. describe the concept as "a Web of actionable information --

    information derived from data through a semantic theory for interpreting the symbols" (2006: 96). In

    words more familiar to Web development: a "semantic theory for interpreting the symbols" would

    be the process of standardization. Where "the use of HTTP within the CERN particle physics

    community led to the revolutionary success of the original Web" (linked documents) standardization

    is again the key instrument to allow the emergence of linked data.

    URL to URI 3.0

    Berners-Lee et al. describe a set of Web standards to be contributing to a web of linked data. They

    describe the Web Ontology Language (OWL) which offers "greater expression in [...] object and

    relation descriptions" between different data sets. The Resource Description Framework (RDF) is a

    standard to specify relations between pieces of XML-documents, another semantic Web standard,

    through assigning "specific Uniform Resource Identifiers (URIs) to its individual fields" (p. 97). To

    understand how RDF works, it can be compared to bibliographical references, pointing to resources a

    specific field (a citation) is related to. However, it may be difficult to trace the resource of a

    bibliographical reference, because it may be out of stock, it may have changed over time or it may be

    incorrectly identified. The URI, often inadequately described as "hyperlink" or "Universal Resource

    Locator" (URL), may return identical problems as the bibliographical reference, which reduces the

    semantic results the RDF standard could deliver to the Web. For Berners-Lee et al., and for

    researchers like Castells and Park who limit the URI's definition still to a "hyperlink" between

    documents, it is important to be aware of the changing role of the URI.

    The Internet Society, the administer of Internet protocols, observes that ambiguity too, as is

    described in document written by Berners-Lee et al. to define the general syntax of the URI:

    "A common misunderstanding of URIs is that they are only used to refer to accessible resources. The

    URI itself only provides identification; access to the resource is neither guaranteed nor implied by the

    presence of a URI. Instead, any operation associated with a URI reference is defined by the protocol

    element, data format attribute, or natural language text in which it appears" (2005)

    The current URI standard offers opportunities that reach further than accessing documents, as can

    be interpreted of the following scheme:

    foo://example.com:8042/over/there?name=ferret#nose

    \_/ \______________/\_________/ \_________/ \__/

    | | | | |

    scheme authority path query fragment

    Contemporary websites make exhaustive use of the query-functionality of the URI standard as

    described earlier in an example of a typical process of Web page retrieval. The only document

    directly accessed using URIs is the index.php file. The "path" is subsequently virtualised by the

    underlying scripts of the website system. The resource identified is stored in a database, but asmentioned by Berners-Lee et al.: "access to the research is neither guaranteed nor implied" (ibid.).

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    This very statement has consequences for fields like HNA, who cannot declare there is a relation

    between a specific URI and a specific resource without testing whether the connection between the

    indentifier and the resource really exists. But more importantly, the change from server-stored

    documents to database-stored data, redefined the ontology of the resource. In a practical sense it is

    sometimes arguable to relate a specific URI, like http://www.networktheory.nl/user/john/, to the

    document the browser displays when asking the browser to request that URI. The facts are different:

    the only resource requested is the index.php script, which controls in cooperation with other scripts,

    which output is assembled using data stored in the database. For example, the index.php script can

    be designed to always deliver exactly the same output, no matter what the URI identifier behind the

    "authority". In the old situation such a trick would require multiple copies of documents, which are

    from an ontological perspective identical, but different documents and resources.

    Practically, the situation of linked data simulates the situation of linked documents, especially if we

    look at the output displayed by a browser which is still an HTML document most of the time.

    Practically, the current situation offers advantages compared to the situation of linked documents.

    For example, the index.php is still able to output a document, even in the case a misspelled URI is

    accessed. The most profound change is therefore found in another practice built upon Web

    standards: practices realizing Berners-Lee's wildest dreams of linked data.

    In short, a URI accessing a index.php script, which relates the data contained in that URI to data

    contained in the database, is already a form of linked data. Two sources of data are linked and form

    together an output. However, the power of the concept of linked data, is that practically every data

    source can be linked to others at the same time. This data sources can be other Web databases using

    Application Programming Interfaces (API), data output transmitted via interfaces like the human-

    computer interfaces (HCI), GPS-interfaces and many other sources. In fact, like Cramer and Fuller put

    it: "the distinction between a 'user interface', an 'Application Program Interface' (API), and a

    computer control language is purely arbitrary" (2008: 150). In other words: every available data

    source can be useful for script-actors, and their programmers, to construct an assemblage to output

    to the browser.

    To conclude: the URI is far from the only "resource identifier" on the Web. Instead, many other sets

    of data relate to resource assemblages, stored in various databases. Such identifiers play an

    increasingly role in the process of, formerly called, resourc