future directions for research on state and local political parties

Future Directions for Research on State and Local Political PartiesAuthor(s): Malcolm E. JewellSource: PS, Vol. 19, No. 4 (Autumn, 1986), pp. 862-864Published by: American Political Science AssociationStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/419325 .

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Forum Forum

ment. The larger the coalition, the less it is able to gain from such transfers. Thus in a competitive two-party system where parties must try to satisfy 50% plus one of the electorate, parties are least likely to press for policies which will weaken the economy and society. Olson thus concluded that rather than seeking to make pressure groups more encompass- ing as suggested by neo-corporatists, it would be more beneficial to strengthen political parties. The four panelists thus provided a variety of unusual and helpful perspectives on political parties. When asked from the audience what relevance these ideas had for third world parties Shepsle noted that his different organizational images might be appropriate for parties at different stages of development. Thus the picture of party as insurance cooperative might be more appropriate for parties in their initial stages of development while that of the department store would apply to those which had survived for a longer period of time. March responded that the range of political parties to which these ideas might be applied would depend on the level of abstraction used. To the charge that none of the panelists had provided a blueprint for empirical research March replied with a bit of accepted wis- dom from the world of business: if you hire a consultant and he gives you specific advice, fire him.

Future Directions for Research on State and Local Political Parties

Malcolm E. Jewell University of Kentucky

The purpose of this roundtable was to assess recent research on state and local parties and more specifically to outline research strategies that should be fol- lowed in the future. In recent years we have seen a number of large-scale empirical studies of state and local party organizations and activists. The partici- pants in the roundtable have been in- volved in one or another of these studies.

ment. The larger the coalition, the less it is able to gain from such transfers. Thus in a competitive two-party system where parties must try to satisfy 50% plus one of the electorate, parties are least likely to press for policies which will weaken the economy and society. Olson thus concluded that rather than seeking to make pressure groups more encompass- ing as suggested by neo-corporatists, it would be more beneficial to strengthen political parties. The four panelists thus provided a variety of unusual and helpful perspectives on political parties. When asked from the audience what relevance these ideas had for third world parties Shepsle noted that his different organizational images might be appropriate for parties at different stages of development. Thus the picture of party as insurance cooperative might be more appropriate for parties in their initial stages of development while that of the department store would apply to those which had survived for a longer period of time. March responded that the range of political parties to which these ideas might be applied would depend on the level of abstraction used. To the charge that none of the panelists had provided a blueprint for empirical research March replied with a bit of accepted wis- dom from the world of business: if you hire a consultant and he gives you specific advice, fire him.

Future Directions for Research on State and Local Political Parties

Malcolm E. Jewell University of Kentucky

The purpose of this roundtable was to assess recent research on state and local parties and more specifically to outline research strategies that should be fol- lowed in the future. In recent years we have seen a number of large-scale empirical studies of state and local party organizations and activists. The partici- pants in the roundtable have been in- volved in one or another of these studies.

Cornelius Cotter and John Bibby, both of the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, suggested that the organization of Amer- ican political parties today is much different and more complicated than it was a generation ago. Cotter and Bibby are studying party cohesion and the differen- tiation among various political organizations. They have been analyzing the interactions among party organizations at various levels (from national to local) and the complex connections between parties and a variety of other political organizations, such as political action com- mittees.

Political party rules and practices have contributed to a structural integration of national, state, and local parties. Career patterns have established linkages among party and candidate organizations and between these and campaign con- sultants. Cohesion is reinforced by the services that party organizations provide for candidates and for lower-level parties. (The national Republican party's target- ing and support of state legislative candidates represent a particularly good exam- ple.) The national Republican party in par- ticular has developed complex financial linkages to state and local parties. Cotter and Bibby conclude that a priority for future research is the systematic examination of the points of intersection among these various party and political organizations. Interviews and surveys with political activists are becoming a particularly valuable research tool for examining the psychological bases of party cohesion. One central question is whether the political parties are becoming nationalized, and if so what are the consequences?

Cynthia Colella of the University of Mary- land and Timothy Conlan of the U.S. Senate Subcommittee on Intergovern- mental Relations discussed the survey of state parties carried out by the Advisory Committee on Intergovernmental Rela- tions. They emphasized the growth and variation in state party budgets and staff- ing patterns, as well as the services that state parties provide to candidates. Their research also suggests the effect that state regulation of parties can have, particularly on the minority parties.

Cornelius Cotter and John Bibby, both of the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, suggested that the organization of Amer- ican political parties today is much different and more complicated than it was a generation ago. Cotter and Bibby are studying party cohesion and the differen- tiation among various political organizations. They have been analyzing the interactions among party organizations at various levels (from national to local) and the complex connections between parties and a variety of other political organizations, such as political action com- mittees.

Political party rules and practices have contributed to a structural integration of national, state, and local parties. Career patterns have established linkages among party and candidate organizations and between these and campaign con- sultants. Cohesion is reinforced by the services that party organizations provide for candidates and for lower-level parties. (The national Republican party's target- ing and support of state legislative candidates represent a particularly good exam- ple.) The national Republican party in par- ticular has developed complex financial linkages to state and local parties. Cotter and Bibby conclude that a priority for future research is the systematic examination of the points of intersection among these various party and political organizations. Interviews and surveys with political activists are becoming a particularly valuable research tool for examining the psychological bases of party cohesion. One central question is whether the political parties are becoming nationalized, and if so what are the consequences?

Cynthia Colella of the University of Mary- land and Timothy Conlan of the U.S. Senate Subcommittee on Intergovern- mental Relations discussed the survey of state parties carried out by the Advisory Committee on Intergovernmental Rela- tions. They emphasized the growth and variation in state party budgets and staff- ing patterns, as well as the services that state parties provide to candidates. Their research also suggests the effect that state regulation of parties can have, particularly on the minority parties.

862 PS Fall 1986 862 PS Fall 1986



There is a growing body of information about the behavior and attitudes of those party activists who have served as delegates to state conventions that choose delegates to national conventions. Alan Abramowitz of SUNY at Stony Brook summarized some of the findings from such surveys in 1980 and 1984. He and his colleagues find evidence of nationali- zation of the party system in the sense that Democratic activists in the various

Democratic activists in the various states have similar social characteristics and attitudes, and these are distinguishable from those of Republican activists.

states have similar social characteristics and attitudes, and these are distinguishable from those of Republican activists. Their findings also challenge the view- point that there is an inherent conflict between party loyalty and ideological motivations of activists; moreover, they find that, in choosing presidential candidates to support, the activists often give greater weight to electability than ideological purity. Abramowitz suggested that more attention needs to be paid to the impact that the new party activists have on state and local party organizations. To what extent and under what conditions do activists who are drawn into politics by presidential campaigns remain active at the state and local level? Are there differences in these patterns between caucus-conven- tion and primary states?

Reporting on my studies of state party preprimary endorsing conventions, I suggested that, where such practices exist, party activists have greater incentives for participation in the party. Endorsement systems may strengthen party organizations and protect them from highly inde- pendent candidates, but in some states the endorsing system has recently been challenged successfully by such candidates, who rely more on the media than on traditional organizations. Endorse-

ment systems also have an impact on relationships between the party and interest groups. Organized interests may make greater efforts to infiltrate those party conventions that make endorsements. Jewell argued that the nominat- ing process is so important to party organizations that changing patterns of endorsements deserve priority in organizational studies.

University of Houston scholar James Gib- son, reporting about data on the activi- ties of local party organizations through the country in both 1980 and 1984, found that the pattern of activity is rela- tively stable and strong, and is not declining. One notable change is the growing activity of southern Democratic parties, trying to "catch up" with southern Republicans. Like Cotter and Bibby, he stressed the need to study interactions between various levels of party organization and between them and other organizations.

Gibson suggested that our research strategy must be longitudinal and dynamic, and that it must combine intensive and extensive analysis. As we have begun to accumulate questionnaire data from large numbers of local party leaders, we discover the wide variety of practices and relationships that exist, and we also see the need for more in-depth analysis of a sample of local party organizations.

In choosing presidential candidates to support, the activists often give greater weight to electability than ideological purity.

Samuel Eldersveld of the University of Michigan illustrated the importance of both intensive and longitudinal studies by reporting on his studies on the Detroit party organizations in both 1956 and 1982, and his findings suggest no decline in the level of party activity. He urged that we pay attention to the studies of party activists and organizations that have been done in other countries.

863



Forum Forum

In outlining an agenda for future research, Eldersveld asked if local parties are actually both dynamic and adaptive structures, and suggested that this ques-

In outlining an agenda for future research, Eldersveld asked if local parties are actually both dynamic and adaptive structures, and suggested that this ques-

If local party organizations are really strong and active, why is voting participation declining?

If local party organizations are really strong and active, why is voting participation declining?

tion can be answered partly by analysis of changing local party coalitions. We need to understand exactly what impact party organizations have on voters. If local party organizations are really strong and active, why is voting participation declining? He suggested that we need more sophistication in studying the multi- ple motivations of party activists, which are particularly important because of the parties' need for members with some sense of organizational loyalty. The panelists succeeded admirably in enlarging the agenda for research on state and local parties. Not surprisingly they failed to find topics that could be eliminated from study or to reach any consensus about priorities among the goals and topics. How should research of the next decade differ from that of the last ten years? The most obvious answer was that greater attention needs to be paid to the complex relations among party units and between parties and other political organizations. These relationships are changing rapidly, and our research strategy must be flexible enough to monitor and analyze these changes. In studies of political activists, it is no longer enough to ask their motiva-

tion can be answered partly by analysis of changing local party coalitions. We need to understand exactly what impact party organizations have on voters. If local party organizations are really strong and active, why is voting participation declining? He suggested that we need more sophistication in studying the multi- ple motivations of party activists, which are particularly important because of the parties' need for members with some sense of organizational loyalty. The panelists succeeded admirably in enlarging the agenda for research on state and local parties. Not surprisingly they failed to find topics that could be eliminated from study or to reach any consensus about priorities among the goals and topics. How should research of the next decade differ from that of the last ten years? The most obvious answer was that greater attention needs to be paid to the complex relations among party units and between parties and other political organizations. These relationships are changing rapidly, and our research strategy must be flexible enough to monitor and analyze these changes. In studies of political activists, it is no longer enough to ask their motiva-

Greater attention needs to be paid to the complex relations among party units and between parties and other political organizations.

Greater attention needs to be paid to the complex relations among party units and between parties and other political organizations.

tions or classify them as amateurs or pro- fessionals. We need to study their career patterns; to understand their views on ideological issues and their attitudes

tions or classify them as amateurs or pro- fessionals. We need to study their career patterns; to understand their views on ideological issues and their attitudes

toward the party; and to examine how these variables affect the role they play in party and other political organizations.

toward the party; and to examine how these variables affect the role they play in party and other political organizations.

Does the Electoral System Discriminate Against Women?

Wilma Rule

This roundtable was the first political science session to consider the impact of electoral systems on women's political opportunity. Among the questions discussed were: Does the electoral system deny women candidates equal opportunity to be elected to political office? Does it deny women equal opportunity to participate in the electoral process? What is the impact of different electoral systems on women's political recruit- ment? Is reform needed?

The effect of electoral systems on other political minorities has been the subject of recent litigation. Blacks and Chicanos have brought their grievances to court stating that their rights, under the 1982 amendments to the Voting Rights Act, have been violated. However, that act applies to race and color, but not to denial of the voting rights of women.

Historically, representatives to the local, state and even federal levels of govern- ment have been elected by a multimember system of representation. While this form is extant in many cities, coun- ties and state governments, Congress mandated the single member system for elections to the House of Representa- tives in 1842 (Harris, 1972, p. 55). The roundtable examined the effects of electoral systems on women at the local, state and federal levels.

Impact at Local Level

Any type of multimember district is more hospitable to women than the single member district system. This includes at- large systems, semi-proportional systems, such as the single transferable vote (rank order), or party list/proportional representation. The single member dis-

Does the Electoral System Discriminate Against Women?

Wilma Rule

This roundtable was the first political science session to consider the impact of electoral systems on women's political opportunity. Among the questions discussed were: Does the electoral system deny women candidates equal opportunity to be elected to political office? Does it deny women equal opportunity to participate in the electoral process? What is the impact of different electoral systems on women's political recruit- ment? Is reform needed?

The effect of electoral systems on other political minorities has been the subject of recent litigation. Blacks and Chicanos have brought their grievances to court stating that their rights, under the 1982 amendments to the Voting Rights Act, have been violated. However, that act applies to race and color, but not to denial of the voting rights of women.

Historically, representatives to the local, state and even federal levels of govern- ment have been elected by a multimember system of representation. While this form is extant in many cities, coun- ties and state governments, Congress mandated the single member system for elections to the House of Representa- tives in 1842 (Harris, 1972, p. 55). The roundtable examined the effects of electoral systems on women at the local, state and federal levels.

Impact at Local Level

Any type of multimember district is more hospitable to women than the single member district system. This includes at- large systems, semi-proportional systems, such as the single transferable vote (rank order), or party list/proportional representation. The single member dis-

864 PS Fall 1986 864 PS Fall 1986



future directions for research on state and local political parties

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