Frontiers of World Socialism StudiesYellow Book of World Socialism

Year 2013

edited by Li Shenming

Volume II

CANUT INTERNATIONAL PUBLISHERSIstanbul - Berlin - London - Santiago

This edition is an authorized translation from the Chinese language edition, published in cooperation with Social Sciences Academic Press, Beijing, China.Published with financial support of the Innovation Program of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences

Frontiers of World Socialism StudiesYellow Book of World Socialism - Year 2013 - Volume IIEdited by Li ShenmingChinese Title: 世界社会主义跟踪报告 (2012-2013), (ISBN: 978-7-5097-4482-6)Copyright © SSAP China, 2013

Canut International PublishersCanut Intl. Turkey, Teraziler Cad. No.29. Sancaktepe, Istanbul, TurkeyCanut Intl. Germany, Heerstr. 266, D-47053, Duisburg, GermanyCanut Intl. United Kingdom, 12a Guernsay Road, London E11 4BJ, EnglandCopyright © Canut International Publishers, 2017All rights reserved. No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without the written permission of the publishers.ISBN: 978-605-9914-36-9Printed in UKLightning Source Ltd. UKChapterhouse, Pitfield Kiln FarmMK11 3LWUnited Kingdomwww.canutbooks.com

About the Editor of the Book

Li Shenming, born in 1949, native of Wenxian city of Henan Province. For long years he served in the PLA and PLA Medical Research Institute, led major central publications and newspapers of the PLA, later worked as the secretary of Central Military Commission in 1998 he was assigned as the vice president of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences and was elected as the director of World Socialism Research Center attached to CASS. His major research areas include world socialism, global economic and politi-cal crises, international strategies of major world powers, and Mao Zedong Thought. He has authored and co-authored and edited abundant books and articles, including Globalization and Party Building (1991), Globalization and Chinese Strategy (2007), Trend of History, The Reasons Behind The Collapse of the CPSU and the Soviet Union, History’s Reflection: Memorial for the 20th Anniversary of the Disintegration of Soviet Union (2013), Return to Truth (History of Mao Zedong Thought and Truth of Facts Related To Mao Zedong, co-edited by Lie Jie, (2015) published by Social Sciences Press, Beijing. His two major articles in recent years include: “At the End of Hegemonism and Power Politics Is the Revival of Socialism” and “The New Features of the Present Capital Empire: Financial, Scientific and Technological, Cultural and Military Hegemonies.”

Contents

Acknowledgements for the Second Volume iAcknowledgement by the Chinese Publisher iiiList of Scholars of the WSRC attached to CASS vii

PART THREEStudies on the Theories of Socialism Theoretical Consciousness and

Having Confidence in the System

Y. 28Democratic Politics Has A Distinct Political Nature —Reading Notes On Democracy

Wang Weiguang 1

Y. 29Several Issues of Deepening the Concept of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics

Zhu Jiamu 17

Y. 30Following the Basic Line of the Party Unswervingly throughout one Hundred Years: A Review on Deng Xiaoping’s Speeches in the Southern Tour

Zhu Jiamu 33

Y. 31On Essential Distinction between Socialist State-owned Economy and Capitalist State-owned Economy

Yu Bin 51

Y. 32Building the Chinese Discourse System, Based on the Practice of Reform and Opening up

Cao Suhong 61

Y. 33A Popular Theoretical Reader That Clarifies the Causes of the Demise of Soviet Union: Be Vigilant Against Danger: World Socialism Book Series Well Received after Release

Yi Yuan 77

Y. 34What Do People Live For? —An Abstract from the Keynote Speech at the Opening Ceremony for Grade 2012 Freshmen of Graduate School, CASS on September 7, 2012

Li Shenming 91

Y. 35There Are No Universal Values as Supra-ideology: Why is there a Lack of Consensus on the Core Socialist Values?

Hou Huiqin 105

Y. 36Grasp the Hypocritical Nature of “Universal Values” and Refine Socialist Core Values

Li Zongfang 119

Y. 37An In-depth Investigation among Worker Groups of Beijing: Experience and Reflection

Lu Gang 131

PART FOURDevelopments and Struggles of Communist and Workers’ Parties

around the World

Y. 38The Major Changes and Transformations in the Contemporary World Socialist Movement

Nie Yunlin 137

Y. 39The Communist Party of the Russian Federation and Russia: Their Future

Ouyang Xiangying 153

Y. 40The Successful Practice of Chavez’s Socialist Exploration

Zhu Jidong 167

Y. 41The New Struggle of the Communist Party of Greece under Circumstances of the European Debt Crisis

Yu Haiqing 179

Y. 42The Active Position of the Communist Party of Greece in the Debt Crisis

Tong Jin 191

Y. 43The Views of the Swedish Communist Parties Regarding the Capitalist Economic Crisis

Li Kaixuan 201

Y. 44Vulnerable Countries Help Themselves: The Bolivarian Alliance — The Present Situation and Prospects of the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA)

Chen Airu 213

Y. 45Why Marxism is on the rise again

Stuart Jeffries translated by Song Lidan 227

Y. 46The Communist Party of India (Maoist) as the Major Component Part of Communist Movement in India

Wang Jing 233

Y. 47Review of the New Program of the Communist Party of Belarus

Kang Yanru 247

Y. 48New Exploration of the Socialist Development Path of the South African Communist Party in the New Period

Nie Yunlin & Cheng Guangde 259

Y. 49Post-War History of the Japanese Communist Party’s Movement as Narrated in the Autobiography Book by Mrs. Tetsuzo Fuwa

Zheng Ping 273

Y. 50On the Nature of the Current International Meetings of Communist and Workers’ Parties

Nie Yunlin 283

Y. 51An Analysis of the “International Meetings of the Communist and Workers’ Parties” from 1999 to 2011

Wang Ximan & Wang Zifeng 295

Y. 52The Brussels Meetings: The Analysis of the 21st Meeting of the International Communist Seminar

Wang Ximan 311

Y. 53For Equality, Democracy, Peace and Socialism —On the 26th Congress of the Communist Party of Israel

Wang Ximan & Wang Zifeng 323

Y. 54The 17th and 18th Meetings of the Sao Paulo Forum and the Development and Consolidation of the Latin American Left Forces

Xu Shicheng 337

Y. 55Review of the Eleventh Congress of the Communist Party of Turkey: Forging Socialist Alternative against Reactionary Power and Push Forward Socialism

Yu Weihai 349

PART FIVE

Lessons Drawn from the Collapse of the Soviet Union

Y. 56Ideological Realm and the Role of Intelligentsia during the Reverse Evolution of the Soviet Union

Zhou Xincheng 367

Y. 57Twenty Years Since the Fall of the USSR: Whose Fault? And What to Do?

Yuri Prokofyev 379

Y. 58A Round Table Discussion: The Disintegration of the Soviet Union and the International Financial Crisis — The Yin-Yang Imbalance Li Shenming, hosts guests from the Austrian Academy of Sciences led by Helmut Denk

Wang Xiaoju 387

Y. 59Soviet Scholars’ Debates on the 20th Congress of the CPSU and “the Sixties Generation”

Ma Xiaoming 397

Y. 60The Social Situation in the Former U.S.S.R. Territories, 20 Years after Its Disintegration

Xu Hua 409

Y. 61The Russian Scholars Are Beginning to Explore the Contemporary Value of the “Soviet Civilization”

Li Ruiqin 421

Y. 62A Proposal to Translate and Publish the Revised Editions of Stalin’s Collected Works, Volumes 14-18

Ouyang Xiangying 433

Y. 63The Analysis of Social Structure and Classes of Russia by the Russian Communists

Liu Shuchun 443

Y. 64The Collapse of the Soviet Union and East Europe: Reflection and Criticism by the Communist Party of Australia

Yang Chengguo 457

Y. 65Scientifically Revealing the Reasons Behind the Collapse of the Soviet Union

Gao Yong 469

Y. 66Unveiling the Truth and Thought-provoking “8/19” Event — The Archives of the Beijing Television (BTV)The documentary film “The Disintegration of the Soviet Union

Li Yan 481

Y. 67The Party Committees of Various Regions and Departments Have Organized A Campaign of Group Watching of the TV Documentary: “20 Years’ Reflections on the Soviet Union’s and CPSU’s Perishment: The Russians Narrating”

A News Report by China Fangzheng Press 487

Y. 68A Review of A Spectacular Event : The Educational TV Film “20 Years’ Reflections on the Soviet Union’s Collapse and the CPSU’s Perishment: The Russians Are Narrating”

Liu Ruisheng & Li Yan 495

i

Acknowledgements for the Second Volume

The second volume of Yellow Book includes three parts: Part III includes articles probing into the theories of socialism; part IV includes articles de-bating on the struggles of world’s communist and workers' parties; part V includes articles debating on the lessons drawn from the disintegration of the Soviet Union and demise of the CPSU.

The Yellow Book, a yearly catalogue book of world socialism studies of 2 volumes has been a valuable book created by the World Socialism Research Center attached to China Academy of Social Sciences and pub-lished by Social Sciences Academic Press in Beijing for years. This regu-lar publication is one of best in China among its kind in this sphere. It is the first time such a meticulous work has been translated into English and made available for the global readers. With the publishing this catalogue of academic articles, I have intended to reflect the current trends and mature level of Marxism and socialism studies in China, especially the researches on the history of the world socialism, history of the socialist camp and the Soviet Union.

Due to several other reasons and especially due to language barriers, little is known about Chinese academic studies of Marxism and socialism.

Most of the academic journals in China are published in Chinese, which means that much of the current research achievements are not readily avail-able to non-Chinese readers, those who are interested can only read an ab-stract of the work in English, from the national data base, cnki.net. But it is no secret that China’s scholars in this sphere are very keen to communicate with their colleagues throughout the world, some have already started to write and publish in foreign languages, yet being rare.

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Throughout my editing work, I have experienced that the studies on the theoretical system of Marxism, and scientific socialism in China enjoys an unprecedented vitality and academic diversity plurality in this country, especially their works on the newly added characteristics of capitalism and inevitable crises of capitalism, focusing on the new developments of the capitalist monopoly which is the core of hegemonism. Also in my deep conversations and interviews, I have personally experienced that Chinese academy has never given up the truth and methodology of Marxism in re-vealing the essence of current realities and trends of capitalism, monopoly capitalism and imperialism, which is misinterpreted by some, outside this country. Besides this sphere of academy has nurtured an abundant num-ber of masters which lead an army of middle age and young theoreticians, which means that China is still following the desire mentioned by Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping.

Marxism is gaining anew brightness and attraction, besides develop-ment of the world socialist movement shows clear signs of recovery and re-union, the current facts have proven that “barbarism” and wars can only be a temporary trend, and the prospects of socialist development trend is bright and its victory is inevitable as Wang Weiguang has solidly analyzed. In the second volume, you will read vivid discussions by renowned socialism researchers Li Shenming, Hou Huiqin, Zhu Jiamu, Zhou Xincheng, Zhu Jidong, Zheng Ping and Nie Yunlin and many others from the younger gen-eration, like Wang Ximan, Yu Weihai, Wang Jing. In this respect the read-ers will find valuable informative articles, related to communist, socialist and progressive movements in Russia, Japan, India, Greece, Venezuela, South Africa, Latin America and Caribbean Region, Belarus, Turkey, USA, Australia, Sweden, Israel.

Prof. Nie Yunlin and Wang Ximan has especially focused on the International cooperation and meetings of the communist and workers’ par-ties, their scope of cooperation, their cooperation mode and mechanisms which has blazed a trail in the studies of international cooperation and its improvement. I hope this book will increase the exchange of debates and theories among Marxism and socialism scholars of the world.

I am thankful that Canut Publishing International has assigned me this task of editing and proofreading of this valuable book with rich content and writing this with acknowledgment for it. I am thankful to scholars of the World Socialism Research Center and Social Sciences Academic Press in Beijing who have very cooperatively helped me in accomplishing this task and especially the latter who enabled the co-realization of this book.

Daivya JindalJune, 2017Bombay, India

iii

Acknowledgement by the Chinese Publisher

The Yellow Book of World Socialism is a collection of authoritative, cutting-edge and representative research achievements made by the World Socialism Research Center. During the past year, the economic crisis in the Western capitalist have continued deepening, also the sovereign debt crisis which spread especially to European countries and to others has been per-sistent, besides the uncertainties and risks in the world economy rose sharp-ly. In spite of deepening crises and uncertainties throughout the world, the theory and practice of building socialism with Chinese Characteristics has made world-acclaimed achievements. With the current crisis the theories of Marxism has been popular again and revisited by people with foresight, the issue of direction and fate of human development has become a new reflec-tion and study subject, globally.

The yellow book consists of 5 parts: part I, on the general theories of Marxism and socialism, which may also be read as an introduction; part II, includes articles on the Crisis of the Capitalist System; Part III includes articles probing into the theories of socialism; part IV includes articles de-bating on the struggles of world’s communist and workers' parties fighting against exploitation and oppression; part V includes articles debating on the lessons drawn from the disintegration of the Soviet Union and demise of its historical party, the CPSU.

In the Part III of the book the first article by the president of China Academy of Social Sciences, Prof. Wang Weiguang has discussed the dis-tinct features of socialist democracy as compared with bourgeois democ-racy. Li Shenming has discussed, with the guests from Austrian Academy of Sciences, the dialectic of the Soviet Upheaval and global financial crisis. Zhu Jiamu, has analyzed an important period of the Reform of Opening, the spirit of Southern Talks of Deng Xiaoping.

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In the Part IV of the Yellow Book readers can find recent important research articles regarding communist, socialist parties, and their lat-est achievements. This part also includes 2 articles, related “International Meetings of the Communist and Workers’ Parties” and the annual Brussels Communist Seminars, hosted by the Labor Party of Belgium.

We hope that readers from all walks of life can benefit and broaden their views on the issues of socialism, the current world socialism and other crucial issues of the contemporary world. The book includes two valuable articles written by foreign scholars Stuart Jeffries and Yuri Prokofyev, to whom we owe special thanks.

We would particularly thank to the executive leaders and staff of the WSRC, who have cooperated with us during the realization process of the book, and we are grateful to Mr. Huang Changzhuo who has revised the English parts.

Social Sciences Academic Press, Beijing

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Y. 28

Democratic Politics Has A Distinct Political Nature —Reading Notes On Democracy

Wang Weiguang1

Abstract: Democracy is an important and a sensitive concept with theoretical and practical implications. This article approaches the issue of democracy from historical and practical perspectives in terms of three aspects: democratic politics has a distinct political nature; democracy is al-ways unique and historically determined, and formed itself in a developing process; and finally people’s democracy is the fundamental requirement of socialist democracy.

Key words: democracy; political nature; process; people’s democracy

1 Prof. Wang Weiguang, President of the CASS, Secretary of the leading Party members’ group of CASS.

PART THREE

Studies on the Theories of Socialism Theoretical Consciousness and

Having Confidence in the System

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I. Unique political features of democratic politics

Democracy is an important and a sensitive concept with theoretical and practical implications. It is an issue that has been in the political realm of socialism in China and that of the international society for a long time. Generally speaking, democracy has three connotations.

First, in terms of a state system, namely, democratic politics, democ-racy is a policy having distinct class nature, political nature and ideologi-cal nature. Socialist democracy and capitalist democracy are two political systems, which belong to superstructure, and which fundamentally con-tradict each other. Socialist democratic policy basically serves the social-ist economic base, while capitalist democratic policy serves the capitalist economic base. For instance, the fundamental political system of China, as a socialist country, is to exercise people’s democratic dictatorship, namely democracy for the people and dictatorship over the reactionaries. The basic democratic political system of China rises upon four pillars: the National People’s Congress system, the system of multi-party cooperation and politi-cal consultation under the leadership of the CPC, the system of ethnic and regional autonomy and citizens’ grass root autonomy system. Our above elucidation discusses democracy from the aspect of the connotation of the state system.

Second, in terms of specific organizational form, procedures democracy has its own distinct organizational forms distinct operating systems, institu-tions, mechanisms, operational procedures, and principles.

Organizational form of a state serves certain state system, certain politics and certain class and it belongs to or determined by what it serves, and acquires the nature of what it serves. It takes a form according to the ruling class it serves and acquires its nature. Generally speaking, the organization-al form of democratic politics, itself alone has no specific political nature, class nature or ideological nature. For example, whether it is a western par-liamentary system or a people’s congress system in a socialist county, presi-dent or chairmanship of the state—this organ—does not specify the nature of a state. If we take the renowned principle, “the minority is subordinate to the majority” as another example; this principle itself, as one general rule of democracy, does not imply a specific political nature, or class nature or an ideological nature.

Third, democracy also refers to democratic values, such as democratic value pursuit, democratic value judgment, democratic way of thinking, in-cluding democratic theories, opinions and understanding, and includes the pursuit of democratic style, like maintaining close ties with the masses and being open to different opinions. In this sense, democracy has an obvi-ous ideological and class natures. That is to say, any democratic theory is

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inevitably imbued with belongs the democratic value of a certain class, the bourgeoisie or the working class.

Fourth, the aforesaid different aspects of democracy are interconnected, and supplement each other and assimilate the best aspects of each other. For instance, it is inevitable that the principle of democratic centralism accords with socialist democracy. To implement democratic centralism, socialist democratic politics must adhere to democratic values and also the leaders and cadres must develop an excellent democratic style and should stick to democratic ideas. For example the public servants should refuse to use the advantages of being in the ruling positions and laws should restrict all privileges in the socialist society. However, every aspect is different from the other, consequently we must not confuse their different connotations. Some specific organizational forms, institutions, mechanisms, operating principles, procedures. In another word, rules of democratic politics can either be applied to the socialist democratic system or the capitalist demo-cratic system.

Democratic politics as the system of the state is unique, historically de-termined and changeable. Such an exclusive, supra-class, supra-historical, permanent and universal democratic politics or a democratic state system, do not exist. In the development of the human societies, the primitive soci-ety was the one without classes. In its later period, men created more ma-ture democratic discussion process, in accordance with the organizational forms and mechanisms. That is because the public ownership in the primi-tive society determined that for the people, democratic system should be the democratic politics of its commune, possessing a set of procedures and rules.

In the slave society, which had been the first class society and where the system enjoyed a distinct class nature, the minority ruled over the major-ity—the slave owners had absolute power to dominate and exploit their slaves. Thus the democratic politics was impossible in the slave society. However, in the Greek city states, which also implemented slavery system, some sort of the democratic politics of the state was implemented. Yet, the democratic practices in the slave society were only enjoyed and shared among the slave owners and thus belonged to the minority who ruled over the majority. In the feudal society, a monarchic dictatorial system which fundamentally opposed to democratic politics was implemented. In the feudal society of China which lasted for thousands of years, an absolute monarchical system which was fundamentally distinct from democratic politics was established. And in the period when China was a semi-colo-nial and semi-feudal society, a dark despotic dictatorial system had been implemented.

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As a new class that ascended within the feudal society, the bourgeoisie represented the development of the new productive forces. To establish the capitalist relations of production and to liberate and develop productive forces that was obstructed by feudal relations of production, the bourgeoisie firstly needed to abolish the despotism implemented by the feudal landlord class and set up a bourgeois democratic system which could fit and serve the development requirements of private ownership and market economy.

In that way, the interests of the bourgeoisie was secured within the basic political system and with the bourgeois democratic revolution where demo-cratic system replaced despotism. To put it in a different way, in accordance with the development of capitalist market economy, bourgeoisie had cre-ated a democratic political system which was in accordance with the needs of progress in the history of humanity. Hence, bourgeois democracy has been progressive and revolutionary in the rising stage of capitalism.

However, bourgeois democracy has a dual nature: on the one hand, bour-geois democracy was progressive and revolutionary compared to feudal political system. Yet its progressive character was temporary, historical and limited. On the other hand, compared with the political system of the work-ing class, we can say it is deceptive and reactionary.

After all, bourgeois democracy is the hegemony of the minority who rules over the majority and it seeks to protect the economic interest of the bourgeoisie. Thus, although bourgeois democracy in the rising stage of cap-italism was progressive and revolutionary, it is also limited, temporary, re-actionary, hypocritical and deceptive. For the proletariat and working class, capitalism uses democracy to camouflage its class nature of dominance and oppression over the majority. After the success of bourgeois revolution and establishment of capitalist system, bourgeois democracy has lost its pro-gressive and revolutionary nature.

The modern era has witnessed the competition between the socialist and the capitalist forces, which has been a new phenomenon in the history, in terms of historical progress, prospect and final destination to reach. When the bourgeois revolution won the victory, the hypocritical and reactionary nature of bourgeois democracy has become evident. Right from the mo-ment when the capitalist system was established as an economic system, the working class also emerged as the class opposing the bourgeoisie. Socialist factors that negate and substitute the capitalist system arose in the womb of the capitalist society itself. After since socialism has defeated the power of capitalism, won victory and emerged as a new social system, it has been besieged and exterminated by the capitalist economic, political, ideological and military forces.

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The bourgeoisie during its revolutionary period, when it strived to over-throw the feudal forces, carried the ideological and political weapons of democracy: like human rights, freedom, equality, solidarity and its weapons were indeed stronger than those of the feudal despotism and has been used to fight against feudal autocracy in that period. However, with the closure of the revolutionary period of the bourgeoisie, the bourgeoisie started ideo-logical attacks on socialist countries with the very same weapons and tried to westernize and dissolve them, besides fortifying its economic basis with bourgeoisie democracy and protecting itself with those weapons. In the so-cialist system, the democracy which serves the vast masses of the people is the democratic system based on the socialist public ownership. Since so-cialism is a new phenomenon and socialist democracy, which is a new-type democracy, has to be perfected gradually. We can obviously see that it still has many defects and shortcomings. Therefore, it is understandable that there is a life-and-death struggle between socialist and bourgeois democra-cies in the contemporary era.

II. Democracy is unique and historically determined and always establishes itself within a process

It has been five years since the global financial crisis broke out in 2008. It was caused by the American subprime mortgage crisis, and in the end it led to the European sovereign debt crisis. Politics is the concentrated expression of economy. Consequently, the economic crisis in 2008 has led to the lasting “Occupy Wall Street” movement and later “Occupy London” movement in the developed Western capitalist countries and gave rise to a succession of strikes, demonstrations and parades. The economic crisis turned into social crisis and then to an ideological crisis, triggering ideolog-ical disputes. Many of those living in the West, be it politicians, theorists, or civilians, began to criticize and oppose the Western capitalist system from different standpoints and cast doubts on the Western bourgeois demo-cratic system. Zbigniew Brzezinski, former National Security Advisor of the United States and famous expert on international affairs, once said, “the question today is whether democracies can thrive with financial sys-tems that are out of control, that are capable of generating selfishly ben-eficial consequences only for the few, without any effective framework that gives us a larger, more ambitious sense of purpose. That is the real problem.”2 With these words he criticized the Western democracy, saying “Western Democracy is the Real Problem” has been a heavy blow to those who advocate the “universal value” of Western democracy.

2 See article by Can Kao, Xiao Xi, “Western Democracy is the Real Problem”, quoted from Zbigniew Brzezinski’s keynote address on April 3, 2012. in the Columbia Law School Faculty House.

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Democracy is unique and historically determined, establishing itself within a specific and special process. It does not transcend history, time, space or national conditions; nor is it abstract, permanent, static or univer-sal. Democracy is unique to the societies, and historical conditions within it emerges and develops. It is a special, unique and objective social existence, such as socialist democratic politics with distinctive Chinese characteris-tics, American bourgeois democratic political system, British bourgeois democratic political system, and so on. These are by no means abstract and universal systems that can survive without specific historical and so-cial conditions. Democracy is a historical concept. Democracy is a prod-uct emerging under certain historical conditions and it evolves with the historical developments, the transitions of history and the accumulation of practices. Hence, it presents itself in a historical process. There is no such thing as permanent, fixed, unchangeable and thus there is no absolute dem-ocratic system. Democracy, be it in democratic politics as part of the politi-cal system, democratic thoughts of ideology, or specific forms, procedures and rules of democratic political system, is the product of certain historical periods, special national conditions and certain unique conditions. It is a historical product which is gradually generated and perfected and develops along with a certain nation, party, class and groups of people.

Different democratic politics, democratic thoughts, democratic forms, procedures and rules share certain common intrinsic natures with other de-mocracies. That is to say, democracies have similarities and general and universal characteristics. Still, in reality these characteristics do not lead specific democracies to transcend history, time, or space or to be abstract or be “universal”. Those are the dialectic relationships between the individu-ality and similarity, particularity and generality, exceptionality and univer-sality of democracy, which can be summarized as democratic particularity and democratic generality. Particularity of democratic refers to particular, unique and historically formed democracies in the real history, such as the inner-party democracy of the Chinese Communist Party, special multi-par-ty system of China led by the CPC, and the multi-party democracies of the Western bourgeois societies. Universality of democracy refers to the common characteristics of democracy that dwells within its particularities. Universality of democracy is embedded in its particularity and it is the com-mon characteristics that demonstrates itself through comparisons we make among different specific democracies. That is to say, universality of democ-racy is the general expression of specific democracies. In terms of episte-mology, democratic particularity and democratic generality represent the relationships between “individuality” and “similarity”, “particularity” and “generality”, “exceptionality” and “universality”. In the history of Chinese philosophy, the discussion over “name” and “substance” is one important

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example that demonstrates the relationship between particularity and gen-erality, in the Chinese sense “name” refers to generality and “substance” re-fers to particularity. For instance, table is the “name” used for a category of objects, while the specific tables that people can see and touch, such as long table, round table, wood table, stone table, large table and small table, all refers to “substance”. “Name” is the abstraction of the common nature of “substance” and exists inside it, “name” cannot exist without “substance” and where there is “substance”, there is a “name”.

“Individuality”, “particularity” and “specificity” refer to individual, par-ticular and specific things that objectively exist. “Similarity”, “generality” and “universality” refer to the general characteristics and universal rules that is shared by individual, particular and specific things. “Similarity”, “generality” and “universality” exist within all the “individual”, “particu-lar” and “specific” concepts. Universality cannot stand alone, that is be-cause all specific, individual and particular things share a general nature and universal rules when compared to each other. Individuality and similar-ity, particularity and generality, specificity and universality are dialectically merged into each other in the individual, particular and specific things. Similarity, generality and universality cannot exist without individual, par-ticular and specific things. Hence, democratic politics, democratic thoughts and democratic rules all exist within a specific country, class, political par-ty, people and individual. That is to say, democracy is a soul and cannot survive without a lively flesh.

The similarity, generality and universality of democracy should not be ne-gated due to its specificity, particularity and individuality. We should object the idea that democracy is universal and will transcends history and class and that it can be detached from democratic particularity. Nevertheless, we are not against the opinion that every specific democracy shares certain similarity, generality and universality.

Lenin had argued that absolutization of a fragment of human cognition ultimately leads to idealism. The relationships between individuality and similarity, particularity and generality, exceptionality and universality, which are a node of human cognition, reflect the cognition process and rules of the human cognition. Generally speaking, human cognition starts with the understanding of individual, specific and particular things, goes through repetitive practices and understandings. Then a circular process emerges where sensible cognition turns into rational cognition and then again turns back into sensible cognition. Through this process, human cog-nition grasps the similarity, generality and universality of individual, spe-cific, particular things by abstracting them. Hence, people first learn about individual, specific and particular things and then gradually abstract the similarity, generality and universality embedded inside the specific things

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by comparison. For instance, people summarize the general characteris-tics of different kinds of peaches covering flat peach, wild peach, juicy peach, etc., and of different shapes of peaches and then categorize them as “peach” and thus the concept of “peach” comes into being. Besides, specif-ic peaches share common genetic natures. Almost everyone has ever eaten specific, fresh peaches in different shapes, but none of them has tasted its concept, namely its generality. The abstract generality of a peach does not equal to its specificity which allows it to be eaten. Epistemologically, over-stating people’s abstract understanding of the peach will lead to idealistic conclusions.

Take human beings as another example. Almost everyone has ever seen specific individuals like Zhang San, Li Si, etc. they are not abstract in-dividuals that are neither male nor female, neither foreigner nor Chinese. “Human being” is just a general concept abstracted from specific individu-als and is embodied inside each of them. During the Warring States Period of China, Gongsun Longzi raised the famous paradox: “a white horse is not a horse”. A “white horse” is an individual, particular and specific horse, while “horse” is a general concept that covers all the common character-istics of specific horses. Since universal is embedded within particular-ity, the general concept of horse’s species characteristics naturally exists within each specific horse. If universality is detached from particularity, then the general concept of horse would be detached from specific horses. Overstating the general concept of horse will lead to a mistaken judgment.

So is that with democracy. What is democracy? It embraces the specific democratic systems of different parties, different classes, different coun-tries and different historical periods. But also it refers to the general char-acteristics—democratic generalities—abstracted from the corresponding democratic thoughts and rules. Democratic similarity, democratic general-ity and democratic universality only exist within specific, individual and particular democracies. Take the democratic politics as an example. It is unrealistic to apply the democratic system of a certain historical period to all historical periods, or to apply the democratic system of a country to all the countries, regardless of their specific historical conditions, historical periods, geographical conditions and ignore their stages of development. No democratic system is applicable to all the people, parties, classes, coun-tries and historical periods. As the phrase goes, “tangerine grow into tan-gerine in the south, but becomes trifoliate orange in the north.” Without a specific soil, environment, climate conditions and process, a tangerine will into a trifoliate orange. American democracy which mainly features a two-party system has been gradually formed since the national liberation and the War of Independence due to the national conditions of the America, the developmental requirements of American capitalism, the requirements of

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the American bourgeoisie and the subjectivity of the American people who have adjusted themselves to it. It is distinct from British democracy, let alone from socialist democracy. In the British democracy, the democratic politics is based on the constitutional monarchy which is the result of the specific historical development that is the bourgeoisie has compromised did not make a complete bourgeois revolution. Although British democratic system and American democratic system are both bourgeois democracies, they differ from each other in some aspects due to different historical condi-tions. Yet, they still share similarities as two bourgeois democratic systems. Therefore, it is unrealistic to assume any democracy under certain condi-tions as something absolute, permanent and applicable to all. It is inevitable that democracy arises from and exists in specific historical conditions. But the limitations and requirements of those historical conditions also make it necessary to perfect democracy in new historical periods with arduous efforts.

To abstract the universal democratic principles from a unique, specific democracy and fit them into everything is nothing but a joke, from which the pretext to interfere other countries and democracies is produced. Some Western politicians and theorists claim that American “democracy” and Western “democracy” represents the “universal values”. Thus they bully others with their democracies. For the American politicians, American de-mocracy is the best system in the world imbued with universal values and it should be the right model for others. They publicize it all around the world, try to impose it on those countries that they are unsatisfied with based on their own standards and bully those that are different from them in terms of understanding of democracy. Double standards are applied against those Americans don’t like and they are labeled as “despotic”, “dictatorship” and even as “evil” states and that they should be transformed and eliminated. For instance, they tries hard to intervene and manipulate the general elec-tions in Russia and became furious when Putin was elected. They also in-terfere to other countries’ domestic affairs, impose arbitrary sanctions and blackmail on them. We have also seen their military attacks and invasions which were camouflaged as promoting “universal democracy”.

The financial crisis has indeed awakened a lot of Westerners about the hypocrisy of Western democracy. Some people allegorically call Western democracy as “democracy of the money” and consider “money is the moth-er’s milk for democracy”, which sharply reveals the nature of Western de-mocracy. According to a report by Agencia EFE on January 27, 2012, some of the well-known scholars who attended to the World Social Forum have argued that the “European democracy has been blackmailed by the greedy financial markets and moreover the markets do not have any base line to stop threatening human rights and political rights of the European people.”

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The Portuguese sociologist A. de Santos once said that neither European democracies nor their constitutions are qualified because their control is now subordinated to Goldman Sachs. The current crisis gives people a “basis to believe that capitalism is anti-democratic.” The Famous French economist Paul Jorion commented to a reporter from the Tribune of France in December 2011 that, “the election won’t change anything… Politicians have no turning back in the face of a gradually declining system. Regardless of the camp they are fighting for, they can do nothing but only pretend to be in charge under these circumstances. The people who have been considered as a hope in solving this problem stands just in the center of the problem itself”3.

So far, those who are concerned about this reality have raised this criti-cal question: “What are the drawbacks and deficiencies of the Western de-mocracy?” Isn’t it the “universal, perfect and eternal democracy” that is advocated? Is the democracy that brings fortune to the minority instead of happiness to the majority what the people need? Consequently, it becomes evident that the specific Western democracies which advocate the so-called “universal values” is an historical product that will inevitably exit the stage of the history when the conditions are ripe.

III. People’s democracy is the essential requirement of the socialist democracy

Socialist democracy is the broadest democracy for the people, which is in essence completely different from bourgeois democracy. The bourgeoi-sie has created bourgeois democracy that is distinct from despotism and superior to other previous forms of class states. Its main features are as follows: firstly, it has ended the rule of feudal despotism and promoted a distinct anti-despotic character. Secondly, it was adapted to the needs of the capitalist market economy and aimed a catalyzer role to promote capi-talist economic and social development. Thirdly, compared to other social forms such as the slave society and feudal society, it has endowed certain political rights—freedom, equality and human rights—to all sectors of the society such as recognizing each citizen’s voting right to vote and right to be elected, but only within the scope and limits allowed by the bourgeoisie interests. Fourthly, it has formed democratic politics in line with bourgeois democratic ideology and bourgeois democratic theories and consequently created a set of democratic forms, mechanisms, procedures and rules ad-vanced than any other former democratic politics in human history. Thus bourgeoisie democracy has provided prerequisites and patterns for a more advanced, reasonable and more sophisticated socialist democratic thoughts, 3 Quoted from “Western Democracy is Indeed a Problem”, Can Kao and Xiao Xi, April 3, 2012/10 in the Journal of Political Reference

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theories, forms, procedures and principles. These four points are strengths of the bourgeois democracy.

However, hitherto existing democracies, humans have encountered in any historical period and democracies of any exploiting classes have their historical and exploitative class limitations. Their narrow interests play the decisive role in these limitations. The exploiting classes of any historical age were the minority classes. So, undoubtedly that the democracies it cre-ated would inevitably serve and obey the interests of the minority and this democracy is minority class democracy, and this is an obvious ironclad fact.

Even though the bourgeois democracy is more advanced than its prec-edents, it still abides by this iron law. To put it correctly, bourgeois democ-racy is still a minority and one that the exploiting class as a minority uses it to maintain its class interests, and this is the class nature of the bourgeois democracy.

Of course, while serving the overall and long-term interests of the capi-talist minority, the bourgeois democracy has taken into consideration the interest and the demands of the other classes and the strata in the society. In this sense, compared to the former exploiting classes, bourgeoisie grants more rights and a broader democracy to other classes. While implement-ing democracy, the bourgeoisie has never forgotten and forsake dictator-ship. Democracy and dictatorship are the two sides of the same coin, they are twin brothers. Where there is democracy, there is dictatorship. Hence, the dictatorship must be fortified when the democracy is expanded and strengthened. In order to protect bourgeois democracy, capitalist states need to establish and maintain gigantic state apparatuses of dictatorship, on the basis of which the democracy has been implemented.

Bourgeois democracy during the revolutionary period of bourgeoisie possessed a highly revolutionary and progressive nature. In order to unite the working class, the peasantry, the petty bourgeoisie and other strata, the bourgeoisie had to claim their democracy being universal and “democracy for all the people”. That is also true that in the early period of the establish-ment of the bourgeois state, bourgeoisie promised more equal rights, free-dom and democracy to the other classes.

Bourgeois democracy although being revolutionary was at the same time hypocritical and deceptive. Bourgeois democracy although claims to be de-mocracy for all the people, but if we examine its essence and ultimate goal, it is a democracy serving the minority exploiting class.

Bourgeois democracy, under its cloak of democracy, and with the slogan of universal democracy for all, and with a broad range of formally defined rights, in fact has a strong dualistic characteristic. Engels wrote in one of his

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late works: “classical outlook of bourgeoisie, is the juristic world outlook” and this world outlook worships formality.

Of course, bourgeois democracy is not totally deceptive or an illusion be-cause it indeed satisfies some basic requirements of other classes and grant more democratic rights compared to former exploiting classes.

However, along with the decline of capitalism, the progressiveness of the bourgeois democracy becomes reduced, while its deceptive, formal, deco-rous, character will increase more and more, and it will become more and more reactionary.

Three are mainly three differences between the socialist democracy and the bourgeois democracy. Firstly, the socialist democracy is the true de-mocracy for the majority, democracy for the oppressed and the exploited. Secondly, in the socialist democracy, dictatorship and democracy are dia-lectically implemented at the same time, which was called as the dicta-torship of the proletariat by the classical authors of the scientific social-ism. This also applies for the people’s democratic dictatorship practiced in China, which is a specific form the proletarian dictatorship. Thirdly, while the socialist democracy openly claims to be democracy for the overwhelm-ing majority of the people, but it does not conceal that it is the people’s dic-tatorship on the minority. That is different from the attitude of the bourgeois democracy which claims to be universal and embracing “all the citizens.”

During the Revolution of 1911, Sun Yat-sen led China’s old type of democratic revolution adopted the democratic theories to fight against the feudal despotism in the rising period of the bourgeoisie, tried to establish a bourgeois democratic republic and lead China into the path of indepen-dence, liberation and prosperity.

The democratic revolution led by Sun Yat-sen was progressive, because the democratic theories was used by him as the weapons to awaken people and armed them with lofty ideals to join the revolution. However, in that period China was in the status of a semi-colonial and semi-feudal country and the world had entered the era of imperialism and the colonies were divided among big powers, consequently China was not allowed to enter into an independent path of bourgeois democracy. Nor could China’s weak national bourgeoisie lead bourgeois democratic revolution to victory as the Western bourgeoisie had done in its revolutionary period. Hence, Sun Yat-sen’s old type democratic revolution was strangled by the siege of domestic and international reactionary powers.

Although Chiang Kai-shek called himself as the successor of Sun Yat-sen, his dictatorial rule only put China further into civil war and darkness and brought no changes in the miserable life of the masses.

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Chinese Communists, armed with Marxism, inherited and developed the democratic ideals and thoughts of Sun Yat-sen and put forward the pro-gramme of the new democracy that were in the line with China’s national conditions to start the new democratic revolution.

The new democratic revolution is a new-type of a bourgeois democratic revolution led by the Communist Party of China, therefore it was radically different from the former old type of democratic revolution.

First of all, it is led by the working class and its party rather than bourgeoi-sie and its party. Secondly, it is based on the alliance between the working class and the peasantry, and also embraces patriotic factions of bourgeoisie and other classes in a most extensive democratic revolutionary united front. Lastly, new democratic revolution, after its victory, without any interrup-tion transits to socialist revolution so as to establish the socialist system.

The new democratic revolution, led by the CPC aimed to establish a new democratic economy, a new democratic politics and a new democratic cultural system, among these the new democratic politics means a brand new type of democracy. The new democracy is different from the old-type of bourgeois democracy, being the most extensive democracy led by the Communist Party of China based on the alliance of working class and the peasantry. Later the new democracy has evolved towards the establishment of the socialist democratic politics with Chinese characteristics.

The path of democracy building led by the CPC is in accordance with China’s national conditions and the most advanced ideology of democracy in the history of China. The thoughts of new democracy by the Communist Party of China inherits and develops the former democratic thoughts of Sun Yat-sen, as well. And today’s socialist democracy of China has inherited and developed the democracy of the new democracy.

The new democracy theory is created by the CPC based on the condi-tions of China, and designed to meet the requirements of China’s society, it includes two organic components: the most extensive democracy for the people and most effective dictatorship over a handful of reactionar-ies. Hence, the essential characteristics of the new democracy is people’s democratic dictatorship. Comrade Mao Zedong in his famous “On New Democracy” has elaborated on the institutions, systems, procedures and rules of the new democratic politics, which is his innovative contribution to the Marxist views on democracy and important part of Mao Zedong Thought. The new democracy and the socialist democracy which the CPC further deepens are inseparable. The new democratic democracy has been the prerequisite of and the preparation for the socialist democracy while the socialist democracy is the continuance and the development of the demo-cratic new democracy.

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The further establishment of the socialist system in China provides the fundamental guarantee for the establishment of the socialist democracy. Comrade Mao Zedong has led the Chinese communists through an arduous exploration for the establishment of the socialist democratic politics and claimed that socialist democracy should: first of all, adhere to the guidance of CPC, the political party of the working class and adhere to the socialist path guided by Marxism; secondly, socialist democratic politics should be conducive to the consolidation of the public ownership of the means of pro-duction and the system people’s democratic dictatorship; thirdly, socialist democratic politics should practice democratic centralism and realize the unity between the extensive democracy and centralized guidance; fourthly, socialist democratic politics should establish and carry out a set of demo-cratic practices, such as the democratic system suited to the rule of law, democratic forms, rules and procedures that are in accordance with Chinese conditions; fifthly, promote socialist democracy through implementing in-tra-party democracy of the ruling party.

Through the practices of building socialist democratic politics, the Party has successfully established the following institutions such as the system of the People’s Congress, the system of regional national autonomy, the system of multi-party cooperation and political consultation under the lead-ership of the CPC, and regulations for the grass-roots democracy and so on. These theoretical and practical explorations on the theories and the prac-tices have created a new situation for China’s socialist democratic system, and laid the theoretical and practical foundation for the building of socialist democratic politics with Chinese characteristics.

Although the socialist democracy is supposed to be a more extensive and advanced than the bourgeois democracy, and since there wasn’t any ready made available model for our inspiration our Party has gone through a pro-cess of cognition, practice, re-cognition/examination and re-practice when pursuing to establish the socialist democracy in our country. Currently, the democratic politics of China still needs further development and perfection.

In the meantime, due to the deep-rooted influence of the remnants of the old feudalism, we have encountered with great detours in our path to achieve socialist democracy in China, such as the “Great Cultural Revolution” pe-riod in which the people’s democracy and the legal system were greatly damaged.

Since the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee of the CPC in 1978, China has entered the new period of Reform and Opening- up when the Party resumed the ideological line of seeking truth from facts, and established the correct line of “One Central task and Two Basic Points” and began to form the theoretical system of socialism with Chinese

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characteristics, so as to lead the correct path of socialism with Chinese characteristics. In line with the reform process and establishment of the socialist market economy, the Party leads the people to the building of so-cialist democratic politics with Chinese characteristics.

Socialist democratic politics with Chinese characteristics should criti-cally inherit all the excellent achievements of democracy experienced in the history of humanity, including the positive results of the bourgeois democ-racy, simultaneously discarding the dross of the bourgeois democracy and inheriting the fine tradition of new democracy, it should also summarize the experiences and lessons from the democratic politics of former social-ist countries in the international communist movement and those of the socialist democratic political construction practice led by the CPC since the founding of New China, so as to create the socialist democracy with Chinese characteristics.

First of all, socialist democracy with Chinese characteristics is a democ-racy with socialist characteristics (nature), and also suits to the transition period till China will passage to the higher stage of socialism and commu-nism; it is the democracy of China corresponding to the primary stage of socialism. Socialist democracy with Chinese characteristics also conforms to its economic foundation in which public ownership plays a dominant role and other diverse forms of ownership also develops side by side with it; besides conforms to distribution according to labor contribution being the dominant mode and a variety of modes of distribution coexisting be-sides the former. It is the most extensive type of people’s democracy led by the working class, with workers, peasants and intellectuals being the main basis, including all the patriotic strata. It is a democracy, formed during the specific history of China which upholds “the system of multi-party co-operation and political consultation under the leadership of the CPC”, and includes this system as the basic feature. It is a democracy which applies democracy for the majority and dictatorship over the few. Since China in the current situation has evolved from a semi-feudal and semi-colonial so-ciety, it is particularly crucial to eliminate the influence of feudal residuals and carry forward people’s democracy;

On the other side since China is under the influence of the mature bour-geois democracies of the West, it has to guard against the invasion of the Western democracy as well as learn from them. Consequently, socialist de-mocracy with Chinese characteristics is in a historical process of gradual establishment, gradual improvement and maturation.

As Lenin asserted, “proletarian democracy is a million times more democratic than any bourgeois democracy” (quoted from “The Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade Kautsky”, Lenin, V.I.) Currently we should

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strive for the goal of building socialist democratic politics which can ac-complish the people’s democracy for the broadest possible of the citizens. The essence and the form of socialist democracy with Chinese character-istics are consistent. In order to fulfill the goals of people’s democracy for the broadest, the democratic systems, institutions, forms, procedures, rules and mechanisms in accordance with Chinese conditions should be estab-lished. As Comrade Mao Zedong depicts in his work “The Situation in the Summer of 1957,” “[o]ur aim is to create a political situation in which we have both centralism and democracy, both discipline and freedom, both unity of will and personal ease of mind and liveliness” Since the foundation of the New China, the Party has led the people to create a set of democratic politics in accordance with the conditions of China, but we are still far away from the goal we strive to arrive, therefore concerted efforts are nec-essary. To realize socialist democracy with Chinese characteristics, neither should we copy the practice of Western democratic politics blindly; nor should we ignore the circumstances of the current stage and attempt to go beyond the times. We should bear in mind that the realization of socialist democracy is a lengthy and a gradual process which requires down-to-earth efforts. We should not deny our achievements or underestimate ourselves just because our democracy does not sound enough. We should never con-sider the bourgeois democracy as the civilization of the millennium and accept total democratic Westernization. Certainly we should continue to promote and perfect our socialist democracy with Chinese characteristics. I would like to note that the bourgeois democracy has been improved and evolved throughout several hundred years, however socialist democracy with Chinese characteristics has just emerged and being established; we know that novel phenomena are not perfect in the beginning, but their fu-ture is always bright and radiant.