from brussels to paris and beyond - on energy report november '15

1 ENERGY REPORT November 2015

Issue 7 | November 2015

INSIDE THIS ISSUE

GermanyHow NIMBYism will almost double the cost of Germany’s grid expansion

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6

Italy“Supergiant” gas field in Egypt

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NetherlandsThe Dutch civic energy revolution

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PolandIn the wake of the prosumer revolution

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ENERGY REPORT


Contents

Contents

Introduction 3

From Brussels to Paris and beyond 4

In the wake of the prosumer revolution in Poland 5

How NIMBYism will almost double the cost of Germany’s grid expansion – and the ongoing communications challenge for politicy-makers and industry. 6

“Supergiant” gas field in Egypt: how will it alter international geopolitics? 7

Low energy prices – the greatest threat to a lower carbon world? 8

The Dutch civic energy revolution 9

France Pushes ‘Green Growth’ - and Drastic Energy Cuts - as a Cop 21 Model 11

MSLGROUP can make the difference 12

2


Welcome to our latest edition of On. In this edition we take a look at the evolving European Energy landscape in the context of the forthcoming jamboree that is COP21. With carbon reduction at the top of the agenda, my colleagues from around Europe have looked at some of the challenges and opportunities that we face, and some of the communications needs that the industry has to grapple with.

What is clear from even a cursory review of this edition’s content, is that there is a diverse range of issues and no consistent thread that unites all markets. There are often some striking inconsistencies, such as the renewable explosion in Germany which has been combined with resurgent coal, or the UK’s constant tinkering on the regulatory environment. Other markets, such as Italy, are putting their faith in the huge new gas field discovered by ENI off Egypt, to not only provide access to close-at-hand supply, but also to diminish over-reliance on Russian gas.

Europe’s policymakers have been largely absent from the debate so far, instead working away on a common energy policy – something the Union is crying out for. It is a shame that it won’t be in place for COP21 as I am sure that the alignment of interests that it would represent would be very helpful in the debate.

Nonetheless, all eyes will be turned to Paris in December, to see what the world’s leaders can do to halt the seemingly inexorable increase in carbon emissions while meeting the need for heat, light and power from the world. What a great Christmas present for the world if a meaningful agreement can be reached which rewards performance and progress, while putting an appropriate price on the polluters.

Nick BastinPartner, CNC, Head of MSLGROUP EMEA Energy Practice

Introduction

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Cutting CO2 emissions and making energy systems more resilient are the twin goals of the EU Energy strate-gy outlined by the Commission earlier this year, whitch is now in the early stages of implementation. If the ulti-mate goals are not new, what is new is the way EU, policy makers are putting consumers at the center stage of their energy strategy, backed by a much greater sense of ur-gency for concerted action, never before seen in energy. External geo-political factors, but also a greater internal consciousness, show that nobody among the EU mem-ber states will gain in the longer term by a pan-European agenda that continues to deliver too little, too late in this area. A thoughtful House of Lords report unambiguously indicated in 2013 that “No country is an energy island1. There are therefore clear benefits to be derived from work-ing within the EU on the energy challenge”.

Clear focus and direction are now set around the five pil-lars of the EU strategy, namely supply security, energy efficiency, emissions reduction, integrated internal en-ergy market and innovation in low-carbon technologies. Joint engagement may also be at reach on the way to Paris for the UN COP 21 conference later this year. The alignment and target being defined jointly by the EU and its Member States towards a reinforced agreement on climate change in Paris is a good signal. Although the last negotiating session before Paris took place in Bonn, in 19-23 October, the extraordinary meeting of the Environment Council in September set out the EU’s position for the new global climate agreement. The EU Council is pressing for a “global, fair, ambitious and le-gally binding international treaty” that will prevent global warming from reaching dangerous levels. The increase in the global average temperature is aimed to be kept below 2°C above the pre-industrial level. The EU Coun-cil’s conclusions support a balanced Paris Agreement including strong action to cut greenhouse gas emis-sions and adapt to the impacts of climate change, as well as adequate support for financing climate action.

On the more operational front, a new initiative has been taken recently by the European Commission with a view to facilitate the transfer and trade of energy across na-tional markets. The European Commission adopted new rules governing its electricity market and enabling the so called ‘market coupling’ across Member States’ elec-

From Brussels to Paris and beyond

Leonardo Sforza MSLGROUP, Brussels

[email protected]

tricity markets. The new regulation will allow cross-bor-der cooperation between national power exchanges and bring them together as a more integrated market where bids and offers for services from providers can be made across borders with greater ease.

Meanwhile, the Commission has just concluded an impor-tant stakeholder consultation on the issues that may need to be addressed for a new European electricity market design. These issues include: (i) improvements to market functioning and investment signals; (ii) market integration of renewables; (iii) linking retail and wholesale markets (iv); reinforcing regional coordination of policy making, be-tween system operators and infrastructure investments; (v) the governance of the internal electricity market; and, (vi) a European dimension to security of supply.

The Commission considers that consumers need to be-come just as well-informed and empowered as buyers and sellers on wholesale markets through clearer billing and advertising rules, trustworthy price comparison tools and by leveraging their bargaining power through collec-tive schemes (such as collective switching and energy cooperatives). Consumers should also be free to generate and consume their own energy under fair conditions in order to save money, help the environment, and ensure security of supply.

Finally, recognising that citizens must be at the core of the Energy Union, the Commission has outlined its views on how the EU could deliver a new deal for energy consum-ers, based on a three-pillar strategy. These are: a) helping consumers save money and energy through better in-formation; b) giving consumers a wider choice of action when choosing their participation in energy markets, and c) maintaining the highest level of consumer protection.

1“No Country is an Energy island: Securing Investment for the EU’s Future”, HOUSE OF LORDS, European Union Committee, 02.05.2013


The EU Climate & Energy Package has always been a sensitive issue in Poland, whose energy mix is over 80% coal and crude oil (after all, Poland has one of the big-gest coal reserves in Europe). While the country might be perceived as a “climate contrarian” among EU mem-ber States, such a perception is not completely justified. Poland does not intend to fight tightening climate policy and defend the status quo at all costs. The Government is fully aware of the inevitable global transition from fos-sil fuels to renewable sources of power. However, deci-sion-makers want this transition to be gradual so it does not jeopardise Polish energy security and the competi-tiveness of its economy. Moreover, there are clear signs that better times are coming for renewable energy sourc-es and low emission technologies in Poland.

In January 2016, the new Renewable Energy Act comes into force, which implements the EU Renewable Energy Directive into domestic legislation. The document is the first act of law, that comprehensively regulates Poland’s renewable energy sector. It was finally signed by the Pol-ish President on 11 March 2015 after almost 4 years of work and a number of published drafts. In addition to provisions which apply to large-scale renewable power generation technologies, such as wind, hydro, biomass or ground mounted PV, the act also includes a so called

“prosumer amendment”, which grants support for re-newable power generation in prosumer micro-installa-tions. Owners of the smallest RES installations, up to 10kW, will benefit from fixed feed-in-tariffs. In turn, own-ers of larger photovoltaic systems from 10kW up to 40kW will be able to resell energy at wholesale prices from the previous quarter. Prosumer provisions also include a net metering solution.

The Polish Ministry of Economy estimates that due to the favorable RES law there might be 37,500 micro-instal-lations mounted in 2016, with a cap of 200,000. RWE’s study “Technology Scenarios for the Polish Energy Mar-ket through 2050” shows that in 2050 prosumers may ac-count for up to 25 TWh of electricity production, which is nearly half of the electricity produced by dispersed gen-eration.

According to the data collected by the Energy Regulatory Office, in the first half of 2015 prosumer micro-installa-tions of up to 40 kW produced nearly 10,600 MWh of electricity, which is almost nine times more than in all of 2014. This resulted from a significant increase in the number of mounted micro-installations in the first half of 2015. At the end of June, there were 1,954 of them compared with 875 at the end of 2014 and 41 at the end of 2013.

Although there are not even 2,000 prosumers yet in the Polish energy sector, there is a strong reason to believe that the market will grow in the next few years. Big Polish energy companies co-owned by the State treasury, which were once reluctant towards micro generation no longer deny it and now include photovoltaic products in their commercial offers directed at big companies, SMEs, local governments and, more often, households.

In the wake of the prosumer revolution in Poland

Marcin Obersztyn Poland

[email protected]



Not long ago, energy supply in Germany was a compara-tively straightforward affair. Electricity was predominantly generated where it was consumed. This led to numerous coal-fired power plants being erected around the Ruhr, and nuclear power plants being constructed in the south to supply the major population centres there. In an effort to combat climate change, and following the Fukushima nuclear disaster, Germany embarked on a major ener-gy reform. As a result, the share of CO2 -emitting power plants in electricity generation is to be slashed, and all nuclear power stations will be shut down by 2022.

New grids seen as crucial for switch to renewables The shutting-down of nuclear and coal-fired plants will lead to a shortage of energy sources in close proximity to the major consumption centres in the south and west of the country. This shortfall is supposed to be compensated for with renewable energy sources from the north of Ger-many, such as wind (especially offshore), solar power and biomass. In order to collect all this renewable energy and transport it south and west, an unprecedented expansion of Germany’s grid capacity is underway. But much more is needed, and popular resistance is on the rise.

Public resistance delays expansion and creates uncertainty for industryThe planned construction of several major “energy mo-torways” running from the north to the south has turned into a major communications challenge, affecting local communities, regional and national politics, industry,

and the country as a whole. Since the Federal Network Agency (Bundesnetzagentur) presented its grid expan-sion plan, protest groups have been springing up all across the country. Residents worry that transmission lines will destroy the countryside, devalue property and bring unknown health risks. The situation escalated when the Prime Minister of the south-eastern state of Ba-varia snapped. Horst Seehofer, who is also the leader of the Christian Social Union (CSU), sister party of Angela Merkel’s CDU, bowed to public concern and revoked his support for the grid expansion plans which had previous-ly been agreed upon by all 16 federal states. The resist-ance is developing into a major headache for Chancellor Merkel. It is dividing her coalition, undermining her most ambitious domestic policy and creating considerable un-certainty for grid operators, their suppliers and a whole industry sector.

A new compromise, a huge bill, and an unresolved dilemmaIn July, a new compromise was hammered out by coali-tion leaders. Grid expansion is to continue more or less as planned (with a few minor route changes) but under-ground cables will be given priority over transmission lines on new routes. At first glance, it may seem like a reasonable compromise. But it could turn out to be little more than a very expensive short-term fix. While under-ground cables might indeed be the better alternative in the long run, their deployment will be four to ten times more expensive than fitting above-ground transmission lines. Moreover, the compromise merely shifts problems to other places and on to other issues, rather than resolv-ing them. Protests will continue in the affected areas, new ones are likely to spring up in the areas newly affected, underground cables may not be the silver bullet in terms of potential health risks, and the uncertainty for grid op-erators and affiliated industries remains. Politicians and industry continue to face an unresolved communications challenge which could lead to still more delays and drive up costs even further.

Florian Wastl Germany

[email protected]

How NIMBYism will almost double the cost of Ger-many’s grid expansion – and the ongoing communi-cations challenge for policymakers and industry.



Field Zhor just discovered in Egypt by Eni

850

70

762

1,700

2,100

Others Egyptian fields

Italian con-sumption (per year) Cypriot

fields

Israeli fields

“Supergiant” gas field in Egypt: how will it alter international geopolitics?The Italian oil company ENI has discovered the largest gas field in the Mediterrane-an, and confirms its strategic importance for international politics.

Alessandro Chiarmasso, Massimo [email protected], [email protected]

30 August 2015, Sunday, the stock exchanges are closed. ENI, the number one Italian oil company and one of the major international ones, issues a statement destined to make history: the largest underwater gas field in the Medi-terranean has been discovered off Egypt. With a volume of 850 billion cubic metres and an area of about 100 square kilometres, the discovery of gas in the “Zohr” exploratory area is set to become one of the largest in the world. Drilled to a depth of 4,131 metres, a column of about 630 metres of hydrocarbons was found in the Zohr field.

First the wires, then the internet and finally TV and the press. On 30 August, the importance of ENI is equiva-lent to that of a state, and forces all the national and in-ternational media to focus attention on it. A great event that merges national and corporate interests. A company made up of 25,000 employees at home and 85,000 around the world, but - especially on 30 August – a company that plays a key role potentially capable of shifting European balance and moving the geopolitical weight of at least two nations: Italy and Egypt.

Let’s start with Egypt. When production gets underway, the African state will not only become independent in terms of energy supply, but will also be able to release additional gas for export to other countries. Spin-off ac-tivities, trade and more. Egypt will become the point of reference for transforming an area afflicted by continuous tragedies into a new engine for collective development.

The opportunity for Italy is no less significant. Up until now, it has been tied to energy supplies from Russia and North Africa, both hampered by the civil wars in the Ukraine and Libya, but now it will gain its own independ-ent, viable alternative.

In this context of euphoria, a private company takes on a leading role for institutional and political communica-tion. The Italian Prime Minister, Matteo Renzi, was one of the first to praise the work done by Eni: “Congratulations on the extraordinary result of a research project that con-tributes to the economic and strategic relations between Italy, Egypt and the entire African continent”.

So how will this alter Italy’s geopolitical weight and what future developments can we expect? Will Italy and Eu-rope finally be able to free themselves from supplies from Russia? Some experts are already talking about the pos-sible construction of a network of underwater gas pipe-lines connecting the gas fields in the Mediterranean not only with Israel, Cyprus and Egypt, but also with Greece and, through Italy, with the whole of Europe. A second hypothesis, on the other hand, could involve piping the gas from the eastern Mediterranean to ENI facilities in Egypt, and liquefying the natural gas there, to then trans-port it by ship to Italy.

According to ENI’s latest updates, under the field that has been discovered, it seems that there might even be another.

What will be the end result? Only time and the specific ex-ploitation plans will tell, but one thing has already sparked our interest: ENI’s communication path will be accompa-nied and supported by political institutions, and national and private interests will continue going hand-in-hand with a common objective on the international political scene.

The network of the future

The undersea gas pipeline that could connect gas fields of the eastern Mediterranean with the Tap and Italy

DATA IN BILLIONS OF CUBIC METERS

GAS PIPELINE TAP


Ahead of this year’s United Nations Conference on Cli-mate Change in Paris, where world leaders will gather to debate how to balance the world’s energy needs with controlling carbon emissions to slow global warming, the elephant in the room is the dramatic decline in energy prices and the effect that is having on global energy de-mand. It is not just the oil price which is affecting the market, but coal is now so cheap that it has had profound impact on the European energy mix, making gas, which should be an attractive bridge to a low carbon future, un-attractive.

While the precipitous decline in global oil prices has been a boon for many consumers, who have suffered under high prices of previous years, it has also relieved the pressure on politicians to keep up the pace of change.

This is particularly evident in the UK, where the newly elected Conservative Government has largely unwound the subsidies it was paying to support new renewable energy projects. Presumably, the intention was to lower energy prices for consumers by getting rid of all the “green crap”, as David Cameron so eloquently put it. But the irony is that due to the slow pace of legislation, and the intervening election, it is only now that this is being implemented, against a backdrop of already much lower

Low energy prices – the greatest threat to a lower carbon world?

Nick Bastin UK

[email protected]

global energy prices. It therefore seems disingenuous, when energy prices are relatively low and falling, and consumer’s disposable incomes are rising, to be taking this step.

The feeling seems to be that renewables are just too finan-cially attractive and no longer require subsidy. However, in the context of global climate change, questions over energy security, and the laughable attempts to modern-ise the British nuclear fleet, now surely is not the time to be pulling back from a more diversified and distribut-ed energy mix? It also sends a very confused message to the general public, and, with the backdrop of COP21, does not position the UK favourably relative to peers.

In fact, the UK has recently fallen out of the top ten of EY’s renewable energy country attractiveness index for the first time in its 12 year history, sending a pretty unin-spiring message to the world.

While the German Energiewende may be too radical, and expensive, (a step for the UK to take), at the same time there has never been a greater need for consistency and continuity in the Government’s approach. Now that the election is out of the way and the Conservatives in power for the next 5 years, surely this is the time for the govern-ment to be showing leadership in trying to address some of these challenges head on.

While no-one would advocate throwing money away un-necessarily through overly generous subsidy schemes, the UK does need to maintain an attractive mechanism for modernising power production in the context of de-livering a lower carbon world. New nuclear is proving almost impossible to deliver and so the burden will fall on renewables and shale to fill the gap that coal will leave behind.



The Dutch civic energy revolutionHow grassroots activism changed the public paradigm on energy and forced significant policy changes

The Netherlands has experienced somewhat of an odd path towards a sustainable energy transition. Where Germany had its ‘Energiewende’ and Sweden also went through a sustainable energy revolution, the Dutch market can be characterised more by evolution than by revolution. This has to do with the Dutch way of doing politics, which by tradition is strongly focused towards consensus. The most prominent example when it comes to energy: the Energy Accord, which has no less than 200 strongly diverging signatory parties and which, unsur-prisingly, self-destructed shortly after its entry into force due to the lack of choices being made and subsequent struggles between the stakeholders involved. This shaky and unstable agreement is a strong reflection of the cur-rent situation in the Netherlands, and Dutch politics. Al-liances and coalitions are shifting, requiring makeshift solutions and deals with a large number and range of actors involved. And then…the crowd stepped in.

Power to the People, the term mostly used for the 60s of the past century and not very common in the Nether-lands, seems to have re-emerged in full force in this coun-try. Citizens are more and more committed to exert direct influence on civic society, NGOs, politicians and media through a range of social & digital channels that are avail-able to them. The establishment still seems unable to cope with this development. They were reactive already, but this now comes under even greater scrutiny. It might seem easy or cliché to credit social & digital media as the main reason, but we have seen some recent, striking examples in the Netherlands.

Take the pending lawsuit by ‘green’ platform Urgenda versus the Dutch State regarding the lack of progress on Dutch CO2 emissions reduction policy. They won, with the court judging that the Dutch State needs to make amends in order to fulfill its promises. At this moment, an appeal by the Dutch government is taking place. The same goes for the Dutch moratorium on shale gas explo-

ration and extraction for the coming five years after active campaigning against it by municipalities, NGOs and cit-izen platforms. This also forced the Dutch government to fundamentally reconsider its stance on shale and its energy policy at large.

The most ground-breaking development, however, has to do with the exploitation of the enormous Slochteren gas field, located in the Northern Netherlands and long considered vital to the Dutch economy and energy mix. Drilling has been significantly decreased after grassroots activism during the past year. And it did not stop there: over the past few years, small earthquakes have occurred in the Northern Netherlands as a result of drilling by a company named NAM, which is a Shell-ExxonMobil consortium. Many homes in the affected area are (slight-ly) damaged, contributing to the public outrage among citizens, housing associations and NGOs. In total, 12 of these housing associations and 900 individuals collabo-rated in a joint action platform which filed a claim in the hundreds of millions of euros against NAM to compen-sate for the decreased value of their homes. This sum-mer, after a three-year battle, legal authorities judged that an estimated 100,000 homes have decreased about a bil-lion euros in worth altogether. By judicial ruling, NAM must directly pay for any decline in the value of homes in the affected earthquake zone.

Erik MartensNetherlands

[email protected]

Timen van HaasterNetherlands

[email protected]

“Occupied! Claimed by and for the ‘Groningers’ (local population’).”


Considering all these examples, we can confidently state that agenda-setting by ‘ordinary people’, green collectives & platforms, NGOs and green academics has become an integral part of Dutch decision making when it comes to energy policy. This also has to do with the inability and reactivity of the traditional actors in this sector such as politicians, the government and companies when it comes to communication and stakeholder engagement. For too long they assumed they could tackle any issue with traditional communication and public engagement (“We’ll tell you what’s right and what’s not”), but this approach has now clearly backfired because civic stake-holders increasingly felt ignored or marginalized.

On the other hand, the rise of civic activism might actu-ally be a quite necessary development: when we take a look at Dutch progress in the energy transition, we can characterize it as a European laggard. The share of re-newable energy in the total mix is on average 15% in the European Union, however it is only 5% in the Nether-lands. There is an obvious reason for this lag. The Neth-erlands has long relied on and has been dependent onits

gas reserves, whereas many other European countries had a clear urgency to diversify their energy mix. Activ-ism has brought an end to the status quo and heralds a new reality in which the traditional actors have to take into account the new civic stakeholders.

These developments in the Netherlands more or less reflect on a small scale the ones that are also relevant for the upcoming COP 21 climate conference in Paris later this year. Citizens and civic society are not satis-fied with vague promises by governments, and expect more of companies as well. In the Netherlands, there is the example Urgenda again which calls upon everyone to join their chairwoman Minnesma’s march to Paris, The Climate Miles, in the run-up to the climate conference. This pressure from below, the grassroots activism, puts additional pressure on the participating parties (esp. from the Western world) to speak out and commit themselves wholeheartedly to a sustainable energy transition. In such a way, even the consensus model in the Nether-lands is wavering.


On a hot day in July, the French parliament approved a ‘Green Growth’ energy transition law that the govern-ment will propose as a model to the 190 nations coming to Paris in the cold days in December when the country hosts COP-21.

It wants to prod the laggards and the non-committed to stop the acceleration in global warming caused by burn-ing fossil fuels in order to avoid passing the point where global warming becomes impossible to stop, with cata-strophic impact on the planet.

That point is said to be two degrees C above pre-indus-trial levels, while the current predictions indicate that the rise could go as high as five degrees C.

The French energy transition law includes no less than a quadrupling of tax on carbon-based fuels between 2016 and 2030; the government says that it will avoid a poten-tially damaging hit on economic actors by reducing other taxes.

The other related carbon energy reduction objectives are just as impressive:

• A 40 per cent reduction in greenhouse gases by 2030, compared to the level of 1990, and reducing them to a fourth by 2050;

• A 50 per cent reduction in energy consumption by 2050, with an intermediary objective of a 20 per cent reduction by 2030;

• A decrease of 30 per cent of fossil fuels use by 2050;

• A reduction of nuclear energy to 50 per cent of France’s power needs by 2025, compared to 75 per cent today.

Those objectives are said to be reachable because of the ‘Green Growth’ stimulus also present in the law.

Some of that growth – including an objective of creating 100,000 new jobs – is said to be possible through the en-couragement of renewable energy. The aim is for renew-able energy to account for just under a third of French energy consumption by 2050.

Other ‘Green Growth’ provisions include incentives for investment in energy efficient and less-polluting homes and automobiles, an energy subsidy for low-income households, and the installation of energy consumption meters in homes by 2025.

The law is also environment-friendly in other ways, in-cluding a phase-out of single-use plastic bags.

Will Paris succeed in obtaining similar ambitious and firm constraints on major polluting countries where other Kyoto-round follow-up meetings have failed?

The biggest polluters have made some commitments. In fact, France‘s promise to cut carbon emissions by 40 per cent compared to 1990 levels by 2030 is also an engage-ment announced by the EU. The US will cut its emis-sions by 26 per cent to 28 per cent, compared to 2005 levels, by 2025. China says it will pledge to cap its emis-sions by 2030.

However, there are major countries that have missed March deadlines to come up with targets. India is one of them. And a real problem continues to be developing countries demands for industrial countries to help fi-nance their energy and economic transition.

The pressure will be on for a successful end-year con-clave as current commitments on greenhouse gas emis-sions run out in 2020. So what happens in Paris will be important for the next decade which could very well de-termine if planet Earth has the intelligent life it claims.

France Pushes ‘Green Growth’ - and Drastic Energy Cuts - as a Cop 21 Model

Seth Goldschlager France

[email protected]

Seth Goldschlager is a director of Publicis Consultants, the agency appointed by the French government to support COP-21 communications.

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personer

MSLGROUP can make the difference

MSLGROUP is Publicis Groupe’s strategic communications and engage-ment group, advisors in all aspects of communication strategy: from con-sumer PR to financial communications, from public affairs to reputation management and from crisis communications to experiential marketing and events. With more than 3,500 people across close to 100 offices worldwide, MSLGROUP is also the largest PR network in Europe, fast-growing China and India. The group offers strategic planning and counsel, insight-guided thinking and big, compelling ideas – followed by thorough execution.

MSLGROUP’s EMEA Energy Practice is a leader in advising companies from Europe and around the world on communications issues in the energy sector. Across 15 countries and 27 offices, our European network supports clients that range from large publicly listed Fortune 500 organisations, to small, privately held companies. We currently advise a third of the energy companies in the Eurotop 100.

From attracting the best talent, to communications with investors; from cri-sis preparedness, to corporate reputation management; and from nuclear to renewables: we understand the key communications issues that keep energy companies awake at night.

With both breadth and depth of energy communications expertise across Europe’s key markets, we know that effective, best practice communications can deliver value to stakeholders across the energy value chain.

In January 2015, Capital MSL merged with CNC, our sister company within MSLGROUP. CNC is one of the largest strategic financial communications agencies in Europe and this merger brings significantly enhanced scale and reach, with 150 specialist colleagues in 11 offices in 8 countries, all under the umbrella of MSLGROUP.

Have a look at our new website to find out more - www.cnc-communica-tions.com.

If you want to find out more about the work we do, or enquire as to how we might be able to help, don’t hesitate to contact our team member in your mar-ket – or contact Nick Bastin at [email protected].

Anders KempeRegional president MSL-GROUP EMEA

[email protected]

Nick BastinHead of Energy MSLGROUP EMEA

[email protected]

Per Ola BossonSweden

[email protected]

Alessandro ChiarmassoItaly

alessandro.chiarmasso@ mslgroup.com

Liam ClarkUK

[email protected]

Seth GoldschlagerFrance

seth.goldschlager@ consultants.publicis.fr

Otto FrickeGermany

otto.fricke@ cnc-communica-tions.com

Peter SteereBelgium/ Sweden

[email protected]

Marcin ObersztynPoland

[email protected]

Erik MartensNetherlands

[email protected]

Florian WastlGermany

[email protected]

OUR TEAM

12

Leonardo SforzaBrussels

leonardo.sforza@ mslgroup.com


www.mslgroup.com

To find out more about MSLGROUP’s services, please contact

Nick Bastin +44 (0) 20 3219 8814 [email protected]

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from brussels to paris and beyond - on energy report november '15

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