freedom journal (january, 2010)

8/14/2019 Freedom Journal (January, 2010)

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In Full equality to Fairand Public Hearing

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WengHong Hung


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CPI

AKSYU

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CPI AKSYU ''

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KDNG


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PaO Solidarity

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Burma Democratic Concern (BDC)

(Rev. Shwekey Hoipang)

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" (Forum of Burmese in Europe - UK)

BDC

BDC

MZaw Aung

Burma Campaign UK NCUB () BMA IBMO ()


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Credibility () accountability ()

(www.burmacampaign.org.uk)
http://www.burmacampaign.org.uk/http://www.burmacampaign.org.uk/http://www.burmacampaign.org.uk/


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Ilyushin Il-76

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- Rashid Gumarovich Nurgaliyev () (-)


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(POLICE) POLICE -Polite Obey Loyal Intell igence Courageous Empathy

POLICE ( )


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source: Bangkok Post

Nuon Chea

Leng Sary -

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Tuol Sleng (Kaing Guek Eav,known by the alias Duch)


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quotation

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mindmaps


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plan

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Dim Lian ()

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The spirit of Laws

Montesquieu

(presidential election) (General election) (local election)

() Suffrage

() Nomination

(representative democracy)

(Directdemocracy)

() Electoral system

() Scheduling


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(Nature of Threats)


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Resolution 1308

8 agenda

security agendas

Risk assessment

shift from threat to risk allowed security's focus

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'shift from the idea of a clear and present danger tomore probabilistic assessment of potential hazards'

human agenda (GroHarlem Brundtland)

Richard Holbrooke)

Gro HarlemBrundtland

RichardHolbrooke

aid-based approaches

agenda security agenda

microbial world

Colin McInnes


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failed states

failed state good governance

- failed state

JamesWolfensohan

risk analysis Politicalrisks, Social risks, foreign exchange exposure

management


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political institutions socialinstitutions

rogue states

anthrax, botulinum toxin, small pox Kurdish Rajneesh Bhagwansalmonella sarin

9/11 anthrax spores


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Global Outbreak

Alert and Response Network

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Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) (2000) The GlobalInfectious Disease Threat and its implications for theUnited States, National Intelligence Estimate (NIE99-17D)

Elbe, S. (2003) The Strategic Implications of HIV/AIDS, Adelphi paper 357, International Institute ofStrategic Studies, Oxford University Press, Oxford

Garrett, L. (2005) HIV and National Security: Whereare the Links?, Council on Foreign Relations, New

York

McInnes, C. & Lee, K. (2006) 'Health security andForeign Policy', Review of International Studies, 32(1), 5-23

McInnes, C. (2008) 'Health' in Williams, P. (ed.)Security Studies, Routledge, London & New York

Ostergard, R. (ed.) (2006) HIV, AIDS and the Threatto National and International security, Palgrave,London

Price-Smith, A. (2001) The Health of Nations:

Infectious diseases, Environmental change, and theireffects on National security and Development, MITPress, Cambridge, MA.

Turner & Hulme (1997) Governance, Administrationand Development: Making the State work, MacmillanPress, Basingstoke


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Strong Leaders and Representative Democracy

Khin Ma Ma Myo

Each Representative may be considered in two capacities; in hiscapacity of Representative, in which he has the exercise of powerover others, and in his capacity of Member of the Community, inwhich others have the exercise of power over him(Utilitarian Philosopher James Mill)


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Each Representative may be considered in two capacities; in his capacity of

Representative, in which he has the exercise of power over others, and in his capacity of

Member of the Community, in which others have the exercise of power over him

(Utilitarian Philosopher James Mill)1

Andrew Heywood2 states that representative democracy is a limited and indirect form of

democracy that is based on the selection of those who will rule on behalf of the people.

The defining characteristics of limited and indirect clearly shows the nature of

representative democracy that recognizes the impossibility of all citizens being involved in

every decision making process, and the necessity of the election of representatives of the

people to government. In fact, the representatives are elected by the people to act in their

interest, thus the representative retain the exercise of decision-making power over others.

To exercise this power, political leaders have to demonstrate good practice in

comprehensive steering and capacity generation. They have to guarantee the

accountability of the decisions in accordance with the rule of law. Therefore, the role of

strong political leaders is seen as an inevitable and necessary part of representative

democracy. This essay analyzes the relationship between strong leaders and

representative democracy by exploring the conceptualizations of the role of leaders in

various political ideas related to representative democracy.

1 Mill, J. (2004) 'Essay on Government' in Blaug, R. & Schwarzmantel, J. (eds.)Democracy: A Reader, Edinburgh,Edinburgh University Press, p. 155, Originally written 1819-1823

2 Heywood, A. (2002)Politics, 2nd edition, New York, Palgrave Macmillan


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In Considerations on Representative Government3, John Stuart Mill highlights the

weaknesses of the ancient Greek idea of the polis. According to Mill, there are obvious

geographical and physical limits to the place and time of open meeting as well as the

problems posed by coordination and regulation in a densely populated country. Therefore,

the notion of self-government of government by open meeting and any form of classical

or direct democracy could not be sustained in modern society. He then recommends a

representative democratic system along with freedom of speech, the press and assembly,

that has distinct advantages of providing the mechanism whereby central powers can be

watched and controlled as well as establishing a forum (parliament) to act as a watchdog

of liberty and center of reason and debate through electoral competition, leadership

qualities with intellect for the maximum benefit at all.

For Mill, the 'ideally best polity' in modern conditions comprises a representative

democratic system in which 'people exercise through deputies periodically elected by

themselves the ultimate controlling power. 4 He believes that representative democracy

could combine accountability with professionalism and expertise and both democracy and

skilled governments are the conditions that complement each other. He argues in favor of

skilled governments and political leadership. However, in his book of Liberty, he also

argues in favor of the use of a utilitarianist doctrine in a democracy in which a political

leaders action is right only insofar as it is useful or directly benefits the majority.5

3 Mill, J.S. (1951) 'Considerations on Representative Government' in Acton, H. (ed.) Utilitarianism, Liberty andRepresentative Government, Dent,London, p. 175- 195

4 Mill (1951) p. 2285 Mill, J.S. (1982) On Liberty, Harmondsworth, Penguin Books


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In contrast, In The Prince, the Italian political philosopher, Machiavelli contrarily argues in

favor of a strong leader to govern a nation according to his own decisions and

observations by using the example of a disease in society stating as

"() by recognising from afar the diseases that are spreading in the state (which is a gift

given only to a prudent ruler), they can be cured quickly; but when they are not recognized and

are left to grow to the extent that everyone recognizes them, there is no longer an cure." 6

For Machiavelli, 'necessity' is the most concept for him and he uses it to determine

military might in foreign policy as well as strong leaders in governments. In his book of

the Discourses, Machiavelli states the twofold role virtuous individuals play in political

culture. The first function of virtuous men is to inspire and beget virtue in others, and

citizen virtue as well as military virtue is vital in protecting the republic from internal as

well as external dangers, thus individual leadership is necessary in some particular

affairs. The second function of virtuous men is to prevent corruption. All peoples tend to

become corrupt in time due to the gradual loss of fear and respect for the law, thus a

founding father figure is needed to perform excessive and notable executions to refresh

peoples memories.7

Similarly, in his writings ofThe Utility of the union as a safeguard against domestic faction

and insurrection, American Philosopher, James Madison argues in favor of the role of

leaders. He states that public views could be refined and enlarged through the medium of

a chosen body of citizens, whose wisdom may best discern the true interest of their

country and whose patriotism and love of justice will be least likely to sacrifice it to

6 Machiavelli, N. (1987[1532]) 'The Prince' in Bondanella, J. & Musa, M. (eds) The Italian Renaissance Reader,NewYork, Penguin Books

7 Machiavelli, N.(1983) The Discourses, Harmondsworth, Penguin Books


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temporary or partial considerations.8He also believes that the public voice, pronounced

by the representatives of the people, will be more consonant to the public good than if

pronounced by the people themselves. For Madison, the representative government

could overcome the excesses of pure democracy because elected few are likely to be

competent and have a capability for the interests of the people and the government ought

to be led by the best men.

The role of leaders are further broadened in Schumpeter's advocacy of 'leadership

democracy' or 'competitive elitism' which states as an 'institutional arrangement for

arriving at political decisions which realizes the common good by making the people itself

decide issues through the election of individuals who are to assemble in order to carry out

its will'

9

His theory of democracy highlights the five conditions for the satisfactory working

of democracy such as

The calibre of politicians must be high.

Competition between rival leaders must take place within a relatively restricted range of

political questions, bounded by consensus on the overall direction of national policy, on

what constitutes a reasonable parliamentary programme and on general constitutional

matters

A well-trained independent bureaucracy of 'good- standing and tradition' must exist to aid

politicians on all aspects of policy formulation and administration

There must be a culture capable of tolerating differences of opinion

8 Madison, J. (1987[1788]) 'The utility of the union as a safeguard against domestic faction and insurrection', The

Federalist Papers,No. 10, Harmondsworth, Penguin Books, p. 1269 Schumpeter, J. (1976) Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy, London, Allen and Unwin, p. 250


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There must be 'democratic self-control', i.e. broad agreement about the undesirability of,

for instance, voters and politicians confusing their respective roles, excessive criticism of

governments on all issues, and unpredictable and violent behavior.10

He believes that democracy will function well if the above conditions are present. In his

modern democratic doctrine, he more emphasized the existence of a group of political

leaders who are competent to make political decisions as the bulk of the population is

uninvolved, uninterested and unable to think about the stuff of politics due to the

remoteness from most people's lives. He obviously held an elite view of the role of

leaders in society and democracy by claiming that the will of the people is not genuine

as it is manufactured by the propaganda of the leaders and parties and the elected

government is not the government by the people, instead, it is the government approved

by the people. Clearly, he redefines representative democracy as a mere leadership

competition and broadened the role of strong leaders.

Sartori also confirmed the leadership function of the superior few. He stated that

democracies have to reckon with minorities who count for much and lead, and with

majorities who do not count for much and follow11

. In his view, the main task of

democratic leaders was to defend democracy against itself, or rather against its own

excessive tendencies toward the perfectionistic pursuit of the democratic ideal and

demagogic mass manipulation. Leaders were the necessary stabilizers of a potentially

unstable system, thus, this is why adequate leadership is vital to democracy, he states by

adding that eminent leadership was most necessary when pressure from below was.

10 Schumpeter, p. 29611 Sartori, G. (1987) The Theory of Democracy Revisited, Chatham, N.J. Chatham House


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In his book of In Polyarchy: Participation and Opposition, Robert Dahl distinguished

political regimes by two axes - the degree of political competition and the degree of

political participation. For Dahl, the axis of political competition was rooted from

monopolistic regimes in which power is concentrated in the hands of a narrow elite to

pluralist regimes in which power is dispersed among groups and institutions while the axis

of political participation was referred by the proportion of the population that is entitled to

participate in a more or less equal plane.12 The higher the proportion of the population

that plays a part in decision making the more inclusion of the regime type and the lower

that proportion, the more exclusionary the regime type. Dahl argues in favor of the role of

leaders in his theory of polyarchy in which the identification of democracy with a set of

institutionalized procedures for selecting leaders among competing elites.

Moreover, in his leader democracy theory, Krsnyi states the role of leaders in

representative democracy. He states that the political process itself is generated by the

rivalry of political leaders who are initiators and persuaders. In his view, citizens vote first

of all for candidates or parties in elections, thus democracy is feasible either as a

selection of rulers or as a means of giving consent to (or retrieving from) the rule of the

office-holders. Therefore, democracy works, instead of self-rule, as an egalitarian version

of representative government13 where leader rules. For Krsnyi, leaders provide public

policy programs and not by citizens or by the people. Leaders can be seen as the rulers

and citizens can only participate at most in the selection of rulers.

12 Dahl, R. (1971)Polyarchy: Participation and Opposition,New Haven, CT: Yale University Press13 Krsnyi, A. (2007) 'Political Leadership: Between Guardianship and Classical Democracy', Paper presented at 4th

ECPR General Conference, Pisa (6-8 September, 2007)

http://www.essex.ac.uk/ecpr/events/generalconference/pisa/papers/PP1100.pdf (assessed on 3rd Decmber, 2009)
http://www.essex.ac.uk/ecpr/events/generalconference/pisa/papers/PP1100.pdfhttp://www.essex.ac.uk/ecpr/events/generalconference/pisa/papers/PP1100.pdf


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By using the accountability theory of representation in which the role of elections is to

provide an ex post evaluation of the governments record, e.g. not the expression of

citizens will on policy-issues to be carried out in the future, but making the rulers

accountable for their policy record in the past and for the impact of the public policy,

Krsnyi argues that the criteria of this accountability theory could be met if asymmetry

between leaders and citizens does not turn to be an extreme. Thus his leader democracy

firmly states that strong leaders are required as part of the representative government for

making effective decisions.

Essentially, democracy is the rule of the common people in classical conceptualization.

However, in practice, it is a balanced product of some level of strong leadership and

some level of political participation. In terms of representative democracy, participation in

political life is defined by voting, involvement in local administration and jury service. On

another spectrum, strong political leaders are also required to retain the exercise of

decision-making power over others for the interests of the people. Thus strong leaders

may said to be inevitable and necessary part of representative democracy in a modern

democratic society.

References

Dahl, R. (1971) Polyarchy: Participation and Opposition, New Haven, CT: Yale University Press

Krsnyi, A. (2007) 'Political Leadership: Between Guardianship and Classical Democracy', Paper

presented at 4th ECPR General Conference, Pisa (6-8 September, 2007)

Heywood, A. (2002) Politics, 2nd edition, New York, Palgrave Macmillam


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Machiavelli, N.(1983) The Discourses, Harmondsworth, Penguin Books

Machiavelli, N. (1987[1532]) 'The Prince' in Bondanella, J. & Musa, M. (eds) The Italian Renaissance

Reader, New York, Penguin Books

Madison, J. (1987[1788]) 'The utility of the union as a safeguard against domestic faction and insurrection',

The Federalist Papers, No. 10, Harmondsworth, Penguin Books

Mill, J.S. (1982) On Liberty, Harmondsworth, Penguin Books

Mill, J.S. (1951) 'Considerations on Representative Government' in Acton, H. (ed.) Utilitarianism, Liberty

and Representative Government, Dent,London

Mill, J. (2004[1819-1823]) 'Essay on Government' in Blaug, R. & Schwarzmantel, J. (eds.) Democracy: A

Reader, Edinburgh, Edinburgh University Press

Sartori, G. (1987) The Theory of Democracy Revisited, Chatham, N.J. Chatham House

Schumpeter, J. (1976) Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy, London, Allen and Unwin


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In full Equality to a Fair and Public hearingTaunggyithu

Everyone is entitled in full equality to a fair and public hearing by anindependent and impartial tribunal, in the determination of his rights andobligations and of any criminal charge against him(Article 10, Universal Declaration of Human Rights)


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Human Rights violations in Burma are mostly in the

category of violations resulting from actions, policies

and legislation on the part of government. As

Burmese people are not living in a law-governed

society, they do not have the rights of equality to a

fair and public hearing. The worst victims of these

violations are students, members of the political

parties, monks and journalists.

The use of public trials is essential for any

governments for integrity of the judicial process. The

basic aim of public trial is to help ensure a fair trial

and protect the accused from abuse of criminal

process. A public trial may also facilitate accurate

fact-finding and encouraging witnesses to tell the

truth. In addition, the public has a right to know how

justice is administered, and what decisions are

reached by the judicial system. So governments all

over the world have the judicial process with public

trials and there are only some regimes that have

violated the Article (10) of the Universal Declaration

of Human Rights. Burmese SPDC regime is one of

them!

Hundreds of individual cases of these Article (10)

violations by SPDC Regime were well documented in

the reports of _

Oo, Win Naing (1996) Cries from Insein, All

Burma Students Democratic Front

ABSDF (1996) Pleading Not Guilty in Insein

AAPP (2001) Spirit for Survival and so on.

Imagine if one were arrested in midnight, tortured

for months, taken to the prisons military court and

sentenced to 20 years or more prison sentence,could we call it as justice? The Human Rights claimed

everyone is entitled; however, for the Burmese

people, no Burmese is entitled.

Under the SPDC regime, Being Burmese has become

automatically being lost of human rights. Being

Burmese has become subjected to arrests without

warrant, cruel tortures, unfair trials and living behind

bars. In fact, Being Burmese means living with

fear. Injustice acts have been taking place in the

whole judicial process.

To overcome these, there may be one solution. There

is a well-known saying that When Injustice becomes

law, Resistance becomes duty. I believe that we shall

stop these injustice acts by means of the People

Resistance to the dictatorship government that made

us to be deprived of human rights.


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(Free Burma Federation)(Free Burma Federation) -

()(- )(- )()(-)(-)(CEC)

(CEC)(CEC)

(CEC)(CEC)(CEC)(CEC)(CEC)(CEC)Dim Lian (CC)

(CC) (CC)(CC)

(CC)(CC)(CC)(CC)


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(Free Burma Federation)

(Free Burma Federation)

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freedom journal (january, 2010)

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