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Finnish Journal ofEthnicity and Migration

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Vo l . 3 , No . 2 / 2008 www.etmu .f i

Publisher• TheSocietyfortheStudyofEthnic

RelationsandInternationalMigration(ETMU)

• Thisjournalisavailableonlineathttp://www.etmu.fi/fjem/

• ISSN1796-6582

Editorial Staff• Editor-in-chief:Matti Similä(CEREN)• Guesteditor-in-chief:Marja Tiilikainen (UniversityofHelsinki)• Assistanteditor:Maarit Forde

(NewcastleUniversity)• Guestassistanteditors:Susan Villaand

Janneke Johansson (FinnishLeagueforHumanRights)

• Bookrevieweditor:Heli Hyvönen(Uni-versityofHelsinki)

• Desktoppublishing: Mika Takoja (Popu-lationResearchInstitute/Väestöliitto)

Editorial Board• Elli Heikkilä(InstituteofMigration),

Mikko Lagerspetz(ÅboAkademi),Yngve Lithman(UniversityofBergen),Tuomas Martikainen(ÅboAkademi),Sari Pie-tikäinen(UniversityofJyväskylä),Vesa Puuronen(UniversityofKuopio),Teppo Sintonen(UniversityofJyväskylä),Ismo Söderling(PopulationResearchInsti-tute/Väestöliitto), Marja Tiilikainen(Uni-versityofHelsinki)andCharles Westin(CEIFO/UniversityofStockholm)

Partner Institutions• CEREN,InstituteofMigration,Popula-

tionResearchInstitute/Väestöliitto

Contact• AllcorrespondencetoMaaritForde,

[email protected]

Guidelines for Contributors• Internet:www.etmu.fi/fjem/

Special Issue: Female Genital Cutting in the Past and Today

Contents2 Marja Tiilikainen and Janneke Johansson: Introduction

Articles4 Janice Boddy: Clash of Selves: Gender, Personhood, and Human

Rights Discourse in Colonial Sudan14 William G. Clarence-Smith: Islam and Female Genital Cutting in

Southeast Asia: The Weight of the Past23 Basilica Dyah Putranti: To Islamize, Becoming a Real Woman or

Commercialized Practices? Questioning Female Genital Cutting in Indonesia

32 Claudia Merli: Sunat for Girls in Southern Thailand: Its Relation to Traditional Midwifery, Male Circumcision and Other Obstetrical Practices

42 Brigitte Bagnol and Esmeralda Mariano: Elongation of the labia minora and Use of Vaginal Products to Enhance Eroticism: Can These Practices be Considered FGM?

54 Courtney Smith: Creating Spaces: Challenging Conventional Discursive Norms Surrounding the Marking of Women’s Bodies

64 Aud Talle: Precarious Identities: Somali Women in Exile74 Sara Johnsdotter: Popular Notions of FGC in Sweden: The Case of Ali

Elmi

Project Reports83 R. Elise B. Johansen, Heli Bathija and Jitendra Khanna: Work of the

World Health Organization on Female Genital Mutilation: Ongoing Research and Policy Discussions

90 Ugaso Jama Gulaid: The Challenge of Female Genital Mutilation in Somaliland

92 Faduma-Hagi M. Hussein: Changing Attitudes towards FGM in the Somali Community in London

96 Janneke Johansson: Methods for the Prevention of Female Genital Cutting in Finland

About the JournalThe Finnish Journal of Ethnicity and Migration (FJEM) is devoted to the high quality study of ethnic relations and international migration. Published biannually by the Society for the Study of Ethnic Relations and International Migration (ETMU), this peer-reviewed, interdisci-plinary, open-access journal provides a forum for discussion and the refinement of key ideas and concepts in the fields of ethnicity and international population movement. The Editors welcome articles, research reports and book review essays from researchers, professionals, and students all over the world. Although international in its scope of interests and range of contributors, The Finnish Journal of Ethnicity and Migration focuses particularly on research conducted in Finland and other Nordic countries. Opinions expressed in the FJEM articles are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of ETMU.

http://www.etmu.fi/fjem/

www.etmu.fi/fjem/


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Vo l . 3 , No . 2 / 2008 www.etmu .f i

Marja Tiilikainen and Janneke Johansson

Introduction

Femalecircumcisionorfemalegenitalcutting(FGC)isanancientculturaltradition,whichispracticedinmanyAfricancountries,butalsoinsomeareasoftheMiddle-EastandAsia.Inthepasttwentyyears,asaconsequenceofincreasedmobil-ityandmigration,femalegenitalcuttinghasbecomeknownallovertheworld,evenintheNordiccountries.AccordingtoWHOestimates,thereare100–140milliongirlsandwomenliving today who have been subjected to the practice, andannually approximately 3million girls are at risk of under-going female circumcision. The procedure itselfmay rangefromminorprickingandpiercing to excisionof the clitorisandnarrowingofthevaginalorificewithcreationofacover-ingsealbycuttingandappositioningthelabia.(Fortheclas-sificationofdifferentFGC types, seeJohansenetal. in thisissue.)Theconsequencesandcomplicationsoffemalegeni-talcuttingvaryaccordingto theextentof theoperation, theinstrumentsused,theskillsofthecircumciser,aswellasothercircumstancesduringandaftertheoperation.

Medical experts, human rights activists, feminists, and alsomanycircumcisedwomenthemselvesseethepracticeasharmfultothehealthofgirlsandwomenandasaviolationoftheirhumanrights. Recently, also some religious authorities have openlyopposedthecontinuedpracticeoffemalegenitalcutting,atleastthemost radicaloperations.Furthermore, legislation inalmostallEuropeancountriesaswellasmanycountrieswheretheprac-ticeoffemalegenitalcuttingiswidelyspread,forbidstheact.InEuropeandAfrica,severalcampaignsandprojectsagainstFGC,bothonnationalandinternationallevels,havebeenconducted.Despiteall theseeffortsFGCcontinuestooccurbothinWest-erncountriesandinthecountrieswithlonghistoryofFGC.Isitpossibletoeradicateadeeply-rooted,culturallysignificanttradi-tion,andonwhatconditions?WhatkindofachallengeisFGCtoday,andwhomdoesitconcern,consideringthehistoricalandpresentcircumstancesliketherelativelyeasytravelandborder-crossings?Thesequestions are being addressed in this specialissueoftheFinnishJournalofEthnicityandMigration(FJEM).This thematic issue isbasedonselectedpaperspresenteddur-ingthe4thFOKOConferenceinFinland,arrangedjointlybytheKokoNainen(WholeWoman)ProjectofTheFinnishLeaguefor

HumanRights,Hanasaari–TheSwedish-FinnishCulturalCentreandKvinnoforum–FoundationofWomen’sForuminSweden,7─8September,2007.Theaimoftheconferencewastobringtogetherscholarsandotherexpertstodiscussthemulti-facetedphenomenonofFGC fromhistorical andpresent-dayperspec-tives.Inadditiontoacademicwork,experiencesfromprojects,communityworkandgoodpracticeswerepresented.Thecon-ferenceattracted120participantsfromFinlandandotherNordiccountries,aswellasfromotherEuropeancountries,NorthAmer-ica,AfricaandAsia.Duringthetwodaysover30presentationsweregiven,includingthekeynotespeechesofProfessorJaniceBoddyfromtheUniversityofToronto,TechnicalOfficer,PhDElise Johansen fromWHO andMollyMelching, founder andExecutiveDirectorofTostan,anorganizationthatwasawardedtheConradN.HiltonHumanitarianPrizein2007.

FOKO is a Nordic, multidisciplinary network for researchonfemalegenitalcutting(ForskningomKvindeligOmskæring)thatwas founded eight years ago by two doctoral students inanthropology, Elise Johansen and Sara Johnsdotter. The firstFOKOconferencewasheldinOslo,Norwayin2001,thesecondinMalmö,Swedenin2003,thethirdinCopenhagen,Denmarkin2005andthefourthinEspoo,Finlandin2007.InheropeningspeechDr.SaraJohnsdotterremindedtheaudienceofthehistoryandtheessenceoftheFOKOnetworkandFOKOmeetings:

FOKO was, and is, meant to create a zone free from politi-cal correctness and rebukes of dissidents. Debate – yes; cen-sorship – no. That is why it is of minor importance if a confer-ence participant chooses to say “female circumcision,” “fe-male genital cutting,” “female genital mutilation,” ”female genital modification” or something else. It is ideas, arguments and results that are in focus. We will have all these presentations and discus-sions in an air of respectfulness.

There isanongoingandsometimesheateddiscussiononappropriate terminology regarding female genital cutting.The termFGM, female genitalmutilation, has beenwidelyadopted. For example, in the 6th GeneralAssembly of theInter-African Committee on Traditional PracticesAffecting

Finnish Journal oF Ethnicity and Migration Vol. 3, no. 2/2008

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theHealthofWomenandChildrenthatwasheldinApril2005inMali,anappealwasmadetousethetermFGM.However,as the termFGM is politically aswell as emotionally verychargedanddoesnotreflectthevarietyofcircumcisiontypesnoritsculturalmeanings,othertermshavealsobeenrecom-mendedandused,particularlyinpreventiveworkatthegrass-rootlevel.IntheHelsinkiconferenceaswellasinthisthemeissue,wehavepreferred the terms femalecircumcisionandfemalegenitalcutting,FGC,whichwefindtoprovideamoreneutralplatformforacademicaswellasotherdiscussionsonthishighlysensitiveissue.However,manyothertermsinclud-ingFGMandlocalconceptsarealsopresented,whichmirrorsthemulti-sidednessofthephenomenon.

Indeed, the texts in this special issue show the complexnature of female genital cutting and question universaliz-ingdefinitionsandpracticesinrelationtoit.Thearticlesandreportsaddressthehistoricalandculturalvariationandspeci-ficityoffemalecircumcisionaswellasnewinterpretationsandpracticesfollowingsocial,religiousandpoliticalchanges.

In theopeningarticle,JaniceBoddyprovidesahistoricalviewonBritishattemptstostopfemalegenitalcuttingincolo-nial northernSudan and their eventual failure.The analysisofpastinitiativesentailsimportantlessonsforcontemporaryworkagainstfemalegenitalcutting.Thethreefollowingarti-clesformaninterestingsectionastheyalldiscussfemalegen-ital cutting inSoutheastAsia, an area that has been largelyignoredinthestudyoffemalegenitalcutting.ThesearticlesbyWilliamG.Clarence-Smith,BasilicaPutrantiandClaudiaMerlihighlight thecontroversial relationshipbetweenIslamand female genital cutting.They show the strongly Islamicconnotations of FGC in Southeast Asia and describe howIslamicdiscoursesmayleadtothedismissalofthepractice,orontheotherhand,toitsintensification.

Brigitte Bagnol and EsmereldaMariano contribute to thediscussiononWHO’sdefinitionofFGCbydescribingwom-en’svaginalpracticesinMozambiquethatarepositivelyrelatedtonotionsoffemininity,sexualityandhealth.CourtneySmithexaminestheconstructionofthefemalebodybycontrastingtwodifferentwaysofmodifyingthebodyintwoculturalcontexts–femalegenitalcuttinginSenegalandbreastaugmentationintheUnitedStates.Thelasttwostudiesfocusonfemalecircum-cisioninthecontextofmigration.AudTalleisconcernedwithhowSomaliwomen,ascircumcisedwomen,reworktheiriden-tityinurbanEuropeanmilieusinOsloandLondon.Shesug-geststhatthemoralexcellenceSomaliwomenstriveforcon-tinuestobeembodiedeveninexile─notprimarilysymbolizedbygenitalcutting,butbyincreasedveiling.Inthefinalarticle,SaraJohnsdotterdiscussesacourtcaseonfemalegenitalcut-tinginSwedenandarguesthattheconvictionofaSomalifather

hadtodowiththepoliticalcontextofFGCintheWestandtheemotionalpowerfieldsurroundingit.

The project reports highlight current activities, achieve-mentsandchallengesintheworkagainstfemalegenitalcut-ting.R.EliseB.Johansen,HeliBathijaandJitendraKhannaoutlineongoingresearchandpolicydiscussionsintheWorldHealthOrganization that has set international standards forFGM,includingtheclassificationofdifferenttypesofFGM.ThewritersalsopresentarevisedclassificationofFGMeffec-tivein2008.UgasoJamaGulaidprovidesinformationaboutFGMeradicationactivitiescarriedoutbycivilsocietyorga-nizations inSomalilandaswell as current attitudes towardsFGM.Faduma-HagiM.Husseindescribesthechangeinatti-tudestowardsFGCamongtheSomalicommunityinLondon,basedonexperiencesgainedfromahealthclinic.Finally,Jan-nekeJohanssonintroducestheaimsandactivitiesofthemainprojectinFinlandthataimsatpreventingFGCinthecountry.

ThearticlesandreportsofthisspecialissueinevitablyrevealthattheissueofFGCisfarfrombeingemptiedoutbyresearch-ersor“solved”byactivistsandprofessionalsaimingatstop-pingthepractice.Onthecontrary,morestudiesareneededontopicssuchasthedefinitionandterminologyofFGC;medical-izationandcommercializationofthepractice;women’sagency,knowledgeandpowerinrelationtoFGC;femalebody,includ-ingdifferentkindsofbodilymarkings,modificationsandmuti-lations, constructed and lived in social, cultural and politicalworlds; FGC and re-creation of identities in exile; the inter-connectedness of male and female circumcision particularlyamongMuslimpopulations;andcurrentIslamicdiscoursesandimpactsonthepracticeofFGCindifferentpartsoftheworld.Inparticular,anoperationreferredtoassunnaneedstobestud-iedfurther─whatkindofanoperationdoesitmeanindifferentcontextsandwhatkindofconsequencesmayapossibletransfertosunna haveforthecontinuedpracticeofFGC?

We want to express our gratitude for all the anonymousreviewers,whose valuable suggestions significantly sharpenedand improved themanuscripts.We also thank all the authors,whopatientlycorrectedtheirtextsduringalongeditingprocess.The final editing and language checking was done byAssis-tant editor,Dr.MaaritForde.Without her expertise and expe-rience this publicationwould not have been completed in thegiventimetable.InformationOfficerSusanVillafromtheFinn-ishLeagueforHumanRightshasalsobeenofgreathelpintheeditingteam.Finally,wecordiallythankHanasaari–TheSwed-ish-FinnishCulturalCentreandKvinnoforum─FoundationofWomen’sForuminSweden,whichactedaspartners inorgan-isingthe4thFOKOconferenceandthesponsorswhomadetheconference, and ultimately this publication possible: Finland’sSlotMachineAssociationandTheNordicCouncilofMinisters.

MarjaTiilikainenPhD,PostdoctoralResearcherAcademyofFinlandUniversityofHelsinkimarja.tiilikainen@helsinki.fi

JannekeJohanssonSpecialAdviserFinnishLeagueforHumanRightsKokoNainenProjectjanneke.johansson@ihmisoikeusliitto.fi


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Vo l . 3 , No . 2 / 2008 www.etmu .f i

Introduction

Abstract This paper follows British attempts to stop female genital cutting in colonial northern Sudan through three phases: an initial period of midwifery reform which engaged with local practice in order to bring about change; a period in which local practice was suppressed and western-style education was deployed in an effort to reshape Sudanese gender sensibilities; and a final phase that saw the enactment of legal mea-sures to curtail the severity of the custom. I suggest that each of these methods produced contradictory results that owed much to an incompatibility between British and Sudanese concepts of self.

Janice Boddy

Clash of Selves: Gender, Personhood, and Human Rights Discoursein Colonial Sudan

InFebruary1924,HaroldMacMichael,civilsecretaryfortheAnglo-EgyptianSudan,openedafileathisdeskinKhar-toumandlabeledit“femalecircumcision.”Whatledhimtodoso,andwhyatthistime?Whywerecolonialofficialsattend-ingtofemalecircumcisionnow,whenforovertwentyyearsofAnglo-Egyptianrulethematterhadbeenallbutignored?Indeed, fewfield officers even knewwhat the practicewasor that itwasuniversal in theirdistricts.Notsothemedicaldepartment,which in 1920 had agreed to open amidwivestrainingschoolinOmdurman,acrosstheNilefromKhartoum,ostensiblyattheinsistenceofaBritishwomanwhohad“wit-nessedthebarbarouscustomsatcircumcisionandbirth”1andbeenappalledbywhatshehadseen.Itistellingthatincolo-nial imaginations the midwifery school owed its start to aspectacleof‘Africanbarbarity,’resonantasthisiswithpopu-laranti-FGMdiscoursetoday.

InnorthernMuslimSudan,mostprepubescentgirlsundergoinfibulation,locallyknownaspharaoniccircumcisionorphar-aonicpurification–aformofgenitalcuttinginwhichthevagi-nalopeningisobscured.Myrecentbook(Boddy2007)exam-inesBritishmeasurestostopthispractice,usingtheseasalensthroughwhichtostudycolonialincursionsintoselfhood.Inter-nationalconcernoverfemalegenitalcuttingfirstaroseinthe1920s,sixdecadesbeforethepracticewas‘outed’asaviolation

ofwomen'shumanrightsbyFranHosken,MaryDaly,GloriaSteinem,andRobinMorganinthewesternfeministpress.Thelessonsofcolonialeffortsareilluminating,butremainlargelyunavailed.Pastandpresentcampaigns,framedfirstinthedis-courseofcivilizing,nowofhumanrights,havebeensimilarlycaughtup in anantiquatedevolutionary teleology– the lad-derfrom‘savagery’through‘barbarism’onwhich‘civilized’criticsfindanagreeablyloftyperch.Theydifferonlyastothebodypartsdeemedsalienttothecause,partswhosephysicaleffacementinAfricanwomenfurnishesamirrorforcontempo-raryanxietiesinthewest.Whentheclitoriswas‘rediscovered’inthe1970sandbecameasymbolofwomen'semancipationandequalityinEuropeandNorthAmerica,theFGMliteraturefocusedonthedenialofAfricanwomen'srighttobodilyinteg-rityandtheostensiblelossoftheirabilitytoexperiencesexualpleasure.But in the1920s, following thedevastating lossoflifeinWWIandtheinfluenzapandemicthatensued,interna-tionalconcernfocusedonfemalereproduction,epitomizedbythevaginaandthewomb.Thus,infibulationwascondemnedasbarbaric,butnotso-called“simpleclitoridectomy.”

IntheAnglo-EgyptianSudan,governmentinterestinwom-en's bodieswasmore prosaic than ideological, a point thatbegsustoexaminepresentinternationalinterventionsinsim-ilargeopoliticallight.AttheendofWorldWarI,theBritishsoughttostabilizetheirpresencebymakingSudanfinanciallyindependentandfreeofEgyptianinfluence.Relationsbetween

ThearticlehasbeenpreviouslypublishedinCanadian Journal of African Studies,Vol4Number3(2007):402–26.

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JanicE boddy

theco-dominiwerestrained,asBritain,thedefactocolonialpower, had rebuffed Egypt's expectation of full autonomyafter thewar, andnationalist dissent threatened tounite theupperandlowerNileinapan-Islamiccoalition.WorkonanimmensecottonplantationinSudan'sGeziraregion,plannedbeforethewar,nowgotunderwaywithfundingfromprivateinvestorsandthecolonialgovernment,thatwasbacked,inaclear message to Egypt, by Parliamentary loan guarantees.TheprojectrequiredbuildingadamtodiverttheBlueNile,levelingfields,anddigginganetworkofirrigationditchesandcanals, theultimatepurposeofwhichwastofeedEngland'stextilemillsinlightofincreasinglyuncertainsuppliesoflong-staplecottonfromEgypt.Theschemewouldalsoservetocon-troltheflowoftheNile,therebystrengtheningBritain'seco-nomicandpoliticalholdoverallterritoriesdownstream.

ButtheGezira'ssuccessdependedonsecuringareliableanddisciplinedworkforce,andSudanwasplaguedbyaperennialshortageoflabourthat“suitable”migrantshadbeenunabletofill.Slaves,freedoryettiedtotheirmasters,wereconsideredtoounrulytoperformsuchregimentedwork.MostfreebornArabSudanese,whomBritishofficialsdeemedtractablework-ers,couldbedrawntocolonialprojectsonlyforbriefstints,attractedbyhighratesofpay,becausethelatenineteenthcen-turyhadseenwidespreaddepopulationinthenorthandacor-respondingriseinavailablearableland.WithBritish-enforcedpeace,peoplewereencouragedtoreturntotheirvillagesandfarm.Yet their numbers did not recover quickly enough toproduceausefulproletariatforcolonialprojects,asituationexacerbatedbythepost-warinfluenzapandemicand,accord-ingtoSudan'smedicaldirectorin1924,byariseinthepreva-lenceofmalariaironicallylinkedtolevelingandfloodingtheGeziraforcotton(Bell1998:296).Politicalofficials,unwill-ingtoblamestagnantgrowthontheboonsofprogress,heldthecustomarypracticeofpharaoniccircumcisiontoaccountforlowbirthratesandhighinfantmortality.2IntheshadowofagrowingrivalrywithEgyptfortheheartsandmindsofnorth-ernSudanese,thegovernmentinKhartoumsoughtanample,loyal,andorderlyArabpopulationnowmorethaneverbefore.Phrasedinthelanguageofhumanitarianadvance,andsurelyinseparablefromthisinofficials'regard,startingamidwiferyschoolwasonemeans toachieve thatend.Theplanwas toraisethebirthratebybringingreproductionundercloserscru-tinyandcontrol,whileproviding–andbeingseentoprovide–compassionatecare.Notsurprising,then,thatMacMichaelopenedhis“femalecircumcision”filein1924.

Whatissurprising,perhaps,ishowlittlehadchangedby1945,whenawidelycirculatedgovernmentpamphletwarnedagainstthepharaonicpractice.GovernorGeneralHuddlestonsupplieda forewordcautioningnorthernSudanese toabandon“acruelcustom”whosecontinuation“isanoffenceagainsthumanity.”Hedidnotpressfor“therapidpoliticalemancipationofwomen...[only]forareasonablestatusforSudanesegirlsandwomenwithinyourhouseholds,basedonhumanityoftreatmentandanopportunity for sound domestic progress”which, he claimed,isimpossible“solongastheevilofPharaoniccircumcisionisallowedtorotthefabricofyourhomelife.”3

TheviewwassharedbyInaBeasley,thecontrollerofgirls'educationinSudanfromthelate1930sthroughthe1940s,whoconfessed“thedifficulty”sheandhercolleagueshadexperi-enced“in tryingtounderstandthementalityofpeople,whocouldpracticethishumancrueltyandyetbefirst-rateindivid-uals inotherways” (Beasley1992:401).Beasley repeatedlytaughtherpupilsthat“suchoperationsareuselessasameansofpromotingchastity,”[acommonrationale]becausevirtue“canonlybeimplantedbypropermoraleducationandmain-tainedbytheindividual'sownconsciouseffort.”4

Thewordsofthesecolonialfiguresinvokenotionsofself,body,andsocietythat,Iwouldargue,wereunpalatabletothemajorityofnorthernSudanese.Theconceptsof‘will’and‘vir-tue’aspersonaldispositions,ofprogress,humanity,emancipa-tion,rationality,sensibility,andindeed,normality,weretrottedoutendlesslybyofficialsseeking toswaySudanesefromthe“evil” of pharaonic circumcision.Although implicitlymean-ingfultotheBritish,thediscourseofliberal,indeedProtestant,individualismwasopaquetomostSudanese.EventheeducatedlocaleliteatthecoreofSudan'snationalistmovementdidnotengagewiththatdiscourseunskeptically.ToArabSudanesemenschooledinEuropeanways,‘women'scustoms’suchaslip-tat-tooingandfemalegenitalcuttingwereanembarrassment,andjustifiedmakingwomentargetsforsocialreform.Yettheyalsosignifiedauthenticity, indigenousculture.Because suchprac-ticesdistinguishedMuslimSudanesefromEgyptians,Africans,andEuropeans, “nationalists,”writes historianHeather Shar-key,“...didnotwant[women]tochangetoomuch.... Indeedpreciselybecauseoftheirlocalparticularity,women'scustomsprovided a rationale for Sudanese nationalism” (2003:130).Thus,pharaonic circumcisionfigured, ambivalently, in strug-glestoextricateSudanfromcolonialrule.

Thegovernmentpamphletmentionedearlierwasintendedto prepare Sudanese for a law that in 1946made perform-ingapharaoniccircumcisionillegalandpunishablebysevenyearsimprisonment.Predictably,however,newsofthelaw'simpendingpassagesparkedarashofpharaonicprocedures–an“orgyofoperations”inBeasley'swords–performedevenonveryyounggirls,sometimeswithdistressingresults.5YetSudanese who so responded acted not from superstition orignorance,asBritishofficialsclaimed,butfromreasonwithintheparametersof culturalknowledge; they sought to createproperlygenderedmoralpersonsbeforetheywouldbeforbid-dentodosobythestate.Forthem,moralitywasnotsome-thingintangible,thepropertyofanautonomousmindandwill,buteminentlysocialandembodied.

Autonomy

Ithardlyneedstobepointedoutthat,foranthropologists,thenotionofautonomyisremarkablyfraught.Asapurport-edlyobjectivedescriptionofarealizablehumanstate,itstandsas a universal possibility, an evolutionary endpoint associ-atedwithpolitically“developed”societies.Moretractably,itisanethnographicconstructofsocietiesstrongly influenced


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byenlightenment thought and, as such, a culturally specificideal.Thesocialconstructednessofautonomyasapotentialoridealhumanstateis,toquoteVeenaDasandRenuAddlakha(2001:10), “fetishized,” hidden, or elided inwestern liberaldiscourse that has lately been globalized as truth. Its wideadoptionasauniversalimperativehasleadtotheclassifica-tionofother(equallyspecific)modelsasaberrant.Ordiffer-ent,wherethisimpliesunnatural,irrational,andunfree.

Many academics use western common-sense terms as iftheywereanalytictools,indescribingsocialinstitutions(suchas‘thefamily’)orideassuchasagency,identity,andself.Butsuch concepts regularly need to be exhumed and criticallyexamined, lest even themost cautious andethnographicallysensitivestudiesbeweigheddownbyuntenableassumptions.Anthropologistsandalliedscholarscontinuouslyconfrontourowncontingency,knowingthat the“facts”of lifewhichwehave been schooled to consider ontological are indeed pro-visional,continuouslyproducedbysocialinteraction,ethno-graphicallyreal,yetnotunalloyedreality.

ThisexcursionintoAnthropology101hasapurpose.Myearlier work (Boddy 1989) struggled to maintain a tensionbetween readability and conveying palpable difference inimplicitlycomparingSudanesewomen'sworldsandmyown.Yet,SabaMahmood(2005:7–8)hasrecentlyarguedthatwhenI suggested at the end of the book that women's participa-tioninzarspiritpossessionencouragedanincipientfeministawareness, I uncritically invokednormative liberal assump-tionsofhumannatureratherthanethnographicdetail.Toseeinwomen'spossessionnarrativesandevents“anactivefemaleconsciousnessarticulatedagainst...hegemonicmaleculturalnorms”crossedthefinelinebetween–tousesometimewornterms–thickdescriptionand‘etic’interpretation.Mahmoodwrites: “Agency, in this form of analysis, is understood asthecapacitytorealizeone'sowninterestsagainsttheweightof custom, tradition, transcendental will, or other obstacles(whether individualorcollective).Thus thehumanistdesireforautonomyandself-expressionconstitutesthesubstrate,theslumberingemberthatcansparktoflameintheformofanactofresistancewhenconditionspermit”(2005:8).

Thesecautionsareuseful.6Mahmoodadvisesthatwedecou-plethenotionofagencyfromthegoalsofprogressivepolitics,andsituateagencywithinthediscoursesthatcreatethecondi-tionsofitsenactment.Assuch,“agentivalcapacityisentailednotonlyinthoseactsthatresistnormsbutalsointhemultipleways inwhichone inhabitsnorms”(Mahmood2005:14–15).Subjectsarenotproduced inadvanceofpower relationsbut,she notes, following Foucault, through such relations,whichfurnishthenecessaryconditionsoftheirpossibility.Thusselfisineluctablyembeddedinsociality,and,drawingonJudithBut-ler(1999),continuouslyproducesitselfthroughperformanceoriteration.Selfhoodisneverautonomousofthesocial,norisitfixed,despitethemodelofliberalhumanism(prevalentwithinhuman rights discourse) that envisions a stable self existingpriortotheimpressofsocietyandinparttranscendingit.

Furthermore,theanalyticalimmanenceoftheselfjustdis-cussedmustnotbeconfusedwithwesternnotionsofaninte-

rior,privateself–arealmofbelief,virtues,desires,andinde-pendentthoughtthatiscoterminouswithasingularbody.TalalAsad,critiquingthenotionthat“faith”isaninteriorconditionantecedentandsuperiortopractice,writes:“Anyviewofreli-gious life [that] requires theseparationofwhat isobservablefromwhatisnotobservablefitscomfortablywiththemodernliberalseparationbetweenthepublicspaces(whereourpolit-icallyresponsible life isopenly lived)and theprivate(whereonehastherighttodowithone'sownasonepleases).Theideaseemstobethatone'sbeliefsshouldmakenodifferencetopub-liclyobservablelifeand,conversely,thathowonebehavescanhavenosignificanceforone's“inner”condition”(2001:214).

Thepositionreferredtohereisagainpremisedonaselfthattranscendsitscontext,isseparatefrom,priorto,andinthosewaysautonomousofthesocialworldinwhichitcametobe.Itisalsobasedontheassumptionthatfeeling,thought,ormindprecedespracticeorbodilybehaviorandmanipulation.Thislogic,derivedfromadistinctionbetweenprivateandpublicdomainsthatdevelopedinearlymodernEuropeinanefforttoseparateChurchfromState,underlaytheconvictionofcolo-nialofficialsthataSudanesebodilypracticeheldtohavereli-giousimportplayednopartincultivatingmoralsensibility.

Asad,Mahmood,andothershavealsoarguedthatinIslamicsocieties, theworkof cultivatingmoral sensibilities restsonlyinpartwiththeindividual(contraBeasleyandhercolleagues).Indeed,quotingAsad,“...thebody-and-its-capacitiesissubjecttoavarietyofrightsanddutiesheldbyothersasfellowMuslims.There is [in Islam] a continuous, unresolved tension betweenresponsibilityasindividualandmetaphysical,ontheonehand,andascollectiveandquotidian,ontheother”(2001:220).

IammindfulthatmostMuslimswouldexcludepharaoniccircumcisionfromthesortsofIslamicpractice,suchasprayer,towhichAsadrefers.Yetananthropologistwouldberashtodenyinformants'claimsthatensuringtheirsonsanddaughtersare circumcised is a religious responsibility, a collective actintendedtocultivatemoraldispositionsandpropersocialori-entationsintheyoung.Butinneithercase,notthatoftheBrit-ishinadvocatingthesupremacyofmindoverflesh,oroftheSudaneseinimpressingchildren'sbodieswithculturallypre-scribedsensibilities,shouldtheprocessbedescribedasoneofindividualsactingautonomously.Iamconvincedthattheinter-ventionists'inabilitytoappreciatethemselvesasculturallyandhistoricallysituatedcontributedtothefailureoftheirmissionand,quitepossibly,helpedtoensurethecustom'spersistence.

Midwifery reform: the Wolffs

Information from the colonial archives and myethnographic findings from northern Sudan reveal somestrategiesthatBritishofficialsusedtoreshapethemindsandbodilypracticesofSudaneseinthe1920s,1930s,and1940s.In 1921 a British nurse-midwife,MabelWolff, opened theOmdurmanMidwiferyTrainingSchool;hersister,Gertrude,joineditafewyearslater.TheWolffs'mandatewastotrainwomen in biomedical methods of birth, while convincing

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existing(traditional)midwives topracticescientifichygieneandabandon"harmfulcustoms"thatencouragedmaternalandchildmortality.Suchharmfulcustomsincludeduprightbirthpostureaswellaspharaoniccircumcision.

TheBritishcouldnotunderstandthesignificanceoffemalegenital cutting to Sudanese. So repulsed were they that itsmeanings were only superficially explored. The practiceseemedutterly irrational,muchasBeasley laterclaimed. Inallbutclosingthewombsofprepubescentgirls,olderwomenandmeninflicteduntoldsufferingontheirdaughtersinorderto control sexual reproduction andmaintain family honour,while in factcompromising the fertility theywished topro-tect.Intheprocess,theyalsodeprivedyoungwomenoftheiragencyandchoice.7

Yet by grounding their assumptions in liberal notions ofchoiceandfreewill,colonialagentsassumedthatselvesarepre-social,comprisedofmindsthattranscendtheirsocialandhistoricalcontexts.Theyacknowledgedthatselfhoodismedi-atedbysocialrelations,butnotthattheseveryrelations,alongwith the humanly produced objects and humanly organizedspaces throughwhichand inwhich theyoccur,produce theknowingselfandthevirtuoussubject,althoughnotinaself-consciousorteleologicalway.Inotherwords,theyoverlooktheprocessofembodiment, the immanenceofselfhood, thewaythatpeople,asMahmoodputs it,“inhabit”dispositionsandvaluesandproducethemselvesassubjectswithinthecon-textoftheirownpossibility.

A much truncated and well-worn ethnographic exam-plewillhelpexplain.IntheregionofthemainNilewhereIworked,wombsweredeemedanalogoustohousesinfunctionandform.Wombs,moreover,sharedqualitieswithjarsusedformixingbread,kisra,thethinmoistpancakethatisthesta-pleinnorthernSudan.Kisra inturnisanalogousincompo-sitiontothebodyofachild.Inthewomb,maleseediscom-binedwithfemaleblood(inlocalconceptiontheory)justasgrainproducedbymale labour is combinedwithwater thatwomenfetchfromwellsor theNileandstore in thehouse-hold's large clay water-vessels. These, because they areporous,keeptheircontentsfreshandcool.However, thejarusedformixingkisra,apotcalledagulla,oftensubstitutedforbyanenamelbowl(korîya),mustbeimpervious,sothatthecontentscannotseepoutwhenthebatterislefttoproveovernight,sometimesforseveraldays.Inthesefeatures,andinitsshape,thekisracontainerresemblesaninfibulatedpreg-nantwomb.Foodsthatareenclosed,suchaseggs,tinnedfish,andfruitssurroundedbyrindsorpeelsareprizedas“clean”(nadîf),fortheirenvelopeconservesmoistureandprotectsthecontentsfromcontamination.Hence, theadage“aSudanesegirl is likeawatermelonbecausethere isnowayin”worksalsobecause,likeblood,themelon'sfleshismoist,red,andclean,andprotectstheseedsinside.Consumingfoodsdefinedas“clean” issaid to“bringredblood,” therebycapacitatingfemale fertility.Orangepekoe tea is referred toas“doctor'sblood”andhighlyrecommendedforpregnantwomen.Foodsthatarewhitearealsoregardedascleanandsaidtoincreasethebody'sredblood;thosethatarebothwhiteandenclosed

(suchaseggs)areconsideredespeciallybeneficialtowomenwhowishtoconceive.

These associations ramify: a fetus miscarried during thesecondtrimesterisplacedinsideagûlla, liketheunfinishedkisraitresembles,thenburiedinsidethecourtyard,orhôsh.The unmarked grave is usually dug near the kitchen, thewomen'sareainthebackofthehôsh.Customsforhandlingotherfailedpregnanciesareintelligiblebythisculturallogic.Astillborniswrappedasacorpseandburiedalongtheouterwallofthehôshjusttoonesideofthemen'sentrancewhichis called the khashm al-bayt or “mouth of the house.”Asthe infant'sbodyhasemerged from thewomb /house fullyformed (formed by thewomb's internal heatmuch as kisraiscookedbytheheatofawoman'sgriddle),itrestsnearthewallof thehouse /maternalbodynext to thedoor /orifice(khashm al-bayt/vagina)throughwhichithaspassedanditsfather(formally,legitimately)comesandgoes.Moreover,thetermkhashm al-bayt isanidiomforthedescentlinearisingwithinthehôsh.Thepathofthestillbornbabeisarrestedinthewomb;he/shedoesnotentersociety, theworldofotherfamilies, descent lines, andhouses, for that requires breath,theobviouspresenceofasoul.Infantswhobreathethendieareburiedlikeanyotherperson,inthecemeteryonthefringeofthedesertbeyondcultivatedandhumanlyoccupiedspace.

Such features of everyday logic locate infibulation – thepractice of enclosing the womb – in a historical and cul-turalorderthatmadethatpracticepossible,indeedthinkable.Theidealsandmeaningsof thisordermust, to invokeMar-shalSahlins,be“understoodaspositionalvaluesinthefieldoftheirownculturalrelationshipsratherthanappreciatedbycategoricalandmoral judgmentsofourmaking” (1999:43).Thevalueslinkedtoinfibulationsuggestaworldwheremean-ingresidesinqualitiesthatpersonsandobjectsshare,whereimagesdonotreduceorcondensetounderlyingtruthsbutarethemselves truths – iconic, recursive, non-reductive.Bodiesand identities are inherently relative, implicatingotherbod-ies,objects,andhumanlyconstructedspace.WhenIworkedinSudaninfibulationwasnormal,deeplyrootedinthisworld,asitwaswhentheWolffsbegantoteach.

Undergoing infibulationorients agirl to aparticularuni-verseofprobabilitiesandsignificances (seeBourdieu1990,chapter 3). Through exposure to the connections immanentin thepracticalactsandobjectsofquotidian life, themean-ingofherreconfiguredbodyisgraduallybuiltupandcontin-uouslyreplenished.Theeverydaytasksoffetchingwaterorbakingbreadthatgirlsassumeastheygrowup,evenpeelinganorangeoropeningatinoftomatopaste,reverberatewithunspoken significance.They associate her lifewith protect-ing thefertility that ishergreatgiftandbearingchildren inmorallyapprovedways.Theyarepracticalmetaphors,meansbywhich subjective reality is embedded in bodilymemoryandperiodicallyrenewed.Girls,especially,areaskedtorelivetheir painful initiatory experiences as theymature: actually,when their bodies are opened and resewnwith each deliv-ery;vicariously,whentheywitnessothers'circumcisionsandbirths;andmetaphorically in theirdaily tasks(Boddy1989;


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1997;1998a;1998b).Theverywalls of ahôsh, its lay-out,withwomen'squartersintheback,men'sinthefront,itshighlychargedthresholdsanddoors,speaktothewomanofherself,andindeedinformit.Forsheishousedwithinherownbodywhen she isbodilypresent in thehôsh (Boddy1998b:102).Thecongruityandinterwovennessofideasthatidentifyinfib-ulationwithwomanhoodandprocreation render themespe-ciallypowerful,compelling,andpoliticallyeffective.

Viewed from this angle, female circumcisionwas not anobsoleteor isolable trait thatcolonizers (or their successors)could extract from its matrix like a rotten tooth, or expectwomen todiscardas“evil”onoutsiders'advice.Norwas itseparablefrommalecircumcisionwhich,accordingtovillag-ers,opensorunveilsthemalebodytoconfronttheworld.Thepracticesdefine thegenders in complementaryways.Yet toEuropeansarguingfromascientificviewofhumananatomyasideologicallyneutralandhistoricallytranscendent–unme-diated,culture-free–theywerewhollyincommensurable,andmalecircumcisionaminorprocedure.Thefactthattherewaslittle British outcry about unhygienic operations performedonSudanese boys suggests that colonial interest lay less inthealtruisticbettermentofnativehealththaninsimplepopu-lationgrowth.And,becausemalecircumcisionisreligiouslyrequired,inavoidingaffrontstoIslam.

Knowingthatnativemidwivesalsoperformedfemalecir-cumcisions, theWolff sisters tookapragmatic stanceat theMidwivesTrainingSchool.Theydidnot supportaperemp-tory ban on the pharaonic procedure. Controversially, theytaught a less damaging operation using sterile implements,local anesthetics, and antiseptic solutions, hoping to effecta gradual “reduction of harm,” and eventual abandonmentof genital cutting asSudanese becamebetter educated.Thetraineewhowasliteratewasrare.Thesistersthereforeelectedtoworkwithratherthanagainstlocalknowledge,takingheedof pupils' experiences and invoking their embodiedmemo-ries.Theyusedimagesthatfirstsummoned,thenattemptedtorevise,women'sculturaldispositions.TheytaughtinArabic,incorporatingwordsfrom“women'svocabulary.”8Theybuiltdiscursive bridges between local understandings and theirown by creating scientific analogies to the objects and actsofSudanesedaily lifewithwhichwomen'sbodies aremet-onymicallylinked–althoughhowfartheygraspedthatrela-tion isnotclearfromtheevidenceathand.Bythesemeanstheydevisedaningeniousandpowerfulsynthesisofbiomed-icalandlaytechniquesthatbenttolocalcustomevenastheystrovetoundermineit.

Thestrategyoflinkinglessonstowomen'sdailyliveswashardlynovelorunique,buthereitmayhavecomplicatedthesisters' aims. In a report about her first year'swork,MabelWolffwrote:“IillustratebylocalcolouralltheirlecturesasI find they understand and assimilate them better, – viz. ingivingthemananatomyandphysiologylessonIcomparethebodytoahouseandtheorgans[to]thefurniture–thefunc-tionsofthelungsaswindowsthatairthehouseetc.etc.”9Shelectured, “thebody resembles a furnishedhouseandall thecontentshaveaspecialuse.”10

Didstudentsexperienceashockof recognition?Orweretheir responses subdued, the wisdom so recognizable andbanal,somatter-of-fact?Forthesewereanalogiestheycouldreadily understand, a native house (hôsh orbayt) being notjusthomologouswiththebodyofawomaninlocalthought,butwithaninfibulatedbodyatthat.TheWolffsdidnotinventthisassociationbut,unwittinglyperhaps,invokedit.Studentmidwivesmaywellhavegleanedfromclassroomimagesthattheirmuchmaligned commonsensewasmoremodern thantheyhadbeen led tobelieve.Orperhaps that their teachersunderstoodthingsasdidthey.Undoubtedlystudentscreolizedinstructionalterms,11creatingnotionalmalapropisms–atleastfromthesisters'pointofview.TotheWolffs,anyresonancebetweenlocalideasandbiomedicalconstructswasfortuitousorheuristic,notsincere.Theirmissionremaineduncompro-mised:tosubstituterationalscienceforharmfulpracticeandfallaciousbelief.12

Central to the Wolffs' pedagogy was hygiene. “Thefirst lesson amidwifemust learn,” exhortedMabel, “is theimportance of good manners, morals and cleanliness.”Cleanlinesswasdemandedofthemidwife'sperson,handsandnails, her children, husband, house, midwifery equipment,andwork.13To theWolffs cleanlinessmeantmore than thematerialabsenceofdirtandgerms.Itwas,initself,amoralstate (Bell 1999:209). In this perspective, one detects theimpressofChristianity,wherewashingclean isan idiomofsocial and spiritual “enlightenment.” Thus, they counseled:“Youmustrememberthatinmidwiferytherearetwoormorelives dependent onyour skill and care, eachbabyyouhelpfromdarknesstothelightofDay,isagiftfromGodandyoushouldbeatalltimesworthytoreceiveit.”14

TheimagewasatonceChristianandMuslimSudanese:aninfantisindeedconsidered“Allah'sgift”who,inbeingborn,moves from the darkness of thewomb (enveloped by nowexhausted“black”blood),intothesocialworld,towarddivineLight(Nûr,oneofthenamesofGod).Thus,intheirinaugurallecture,addressedtoeachnewclassofrecruits,IslamandthenorthernSudaneseprinciplesofmorality,purity, andbodilycleanlinesswithwhich it isentwined,wereatonce invokedanddeposed,fortobetrulyworthyofreceiving“Allah'sgifts”a midwife needed the civilizing guidance of theMidwivesTrainingSchool. Judging from the persistence of pharaoniccircumcisionthroughoutthecolonialperiodandbeyond,suchpracticalanddiscursiveblendingmaywellhavesupportedthepracticebylinkingit toextantculturalmeaningsdespite,orindeedbecauseof,theendorsementsofcleanlinessandpuritytheycontained.

Moreover,pharaoniccircumcisionmayhaveacquirednewlayers ofmeaning. For one thing, given themidwife's roleasbothcircumciserandbirthattendant, thepartialmedical-izationofbirthnaturallyentailedapartialmedicalizationofcircumcision.TheWolffs' lessonbookadvised:“...shouldamidwifedocircumcisions...shemustperformtheoperationwithallcleanlinessjustasshewouldalabourcase,andattendthecasedailyforsevendays,ormoreifnecessary, inordertoavoid infectionof thewound.”15Althoughclearlybenefi-

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cial,suchcounselinsinuatedbiomedicineintolocalpractice,thereby wrapping “tradition” in modern medical mystique,lendingitnewauthorizations(althoughitneedednone),andfosteringfurthersyncretismsthatseemedlikelytoenhancethecustom'sresilience.

While reading the following passage from the Wolffs'lecturebook,recall thelocallogicofenclosurethatinformsinfibulation:

Most illnesses are caused by the entrance into the body by way of the mouth [khashm], the eyes, the nostrils, through the skin or a wound (or ulcer) of minute living things which cannot be seen except under a microscope. Just as there are a great variety of insects and seeds, so there are microbes... There are microbes that will turn milk sour and meat putrid and food poisonous, but if food is sterilized and kept in sealed tins, the microbes cannot penetrate and the contents such as tomato sauce, milk, sardines and numerous other foodstuffs, will keep good for long periods but as soon as the tin is opened microbes get on the food and it will soon be poisoned and unfit to eat. Ifourbodiesarehealthyandstronglikethesealedtins, the microbes cannot harm us, but if microbes get a hold of us, they may give us some illness according to what microbe has infected us (my emphasis).16

Theiranalogiesmadeperverseyetperfectvernacularsense.TherearefewrecordsofMTSmidwivesthemselves,andwecanonlyspeculatehowtheyabsorbedandre-transmittedthelessonstheylearned,whatinflectionsandnuancestheygavesuchwordsanddeeds.YettheWolffs'similesarehomeyandsuggestive,andthesistersmaywellhavereliedonSudanesestaffmidwivesindevisingthem.Wedoknowthatseniormid-wiveswere regularly sent on rural inspection tours to keeptrackof trainees'work, appearances, andmidwiferykits, aswell as to preach hygiene and exhort villagers to abandon“pharaoh's”circumcision(Bell1998,1999;Boddy2007).

Thesistersachievedincrementalsuccessinthemidwiferyportionoftheirtask,especiallyintheregionofKhartoum.By1932,prenatalcarewasaddedtotrainees'responsibilities,andintroducedwith a signatureWolffian analogy: “[We asked,]whentheyputacookingpot(halla)withfoodonthefire,didtheyleaveituntilthefoodwasburntandspoiltorwasitusualtooccasionallyinspectthecontentsofthepot?Nowamongstthewomenfolk,thewords"KashfelHalla"[potcheck]havebecomearecognizedmeaningfor"Ante-NatalExamination"and attendances are so far very encouraging.”17Here again,wittinglyornot, in likeninggestation tocooking theWolffshadtappedintolocalmeaningswhileshiftingthemtoaccom-modate a biomedical view.Thewomenwithwhom I livedcomparedpregnancy tomaking thebatter forbread:mixing(female) fluid and (male) seed in an impervious container,something only enclosed, circumcised women are properlyabletodo.AsdepictedbytheWolffs,pregnancyislikemak-inga stew: amechanical, curiouslydisembodied, andasex-ualphysicalprocessthatneedstobemonitored,helpedalong,indeeddisciplinedbycontinuousvisualsurveillance.Butthe

midwife,notthemother-to-be,isherethecookresponsibleforcareofthepot.

Thecivilizingofmidwiferywas intendedtobothexpandthe Muslim population and improve the ‘degraded’ condi-tionofwomen,indicatingprogressforSudanasawhole(seeArnold1993:256).Yet it effectivelydeniedwomen'sworth,their agency as reproducers within their own milieu. Thechangestobirthposture–recumbentratherthanupright–andthe suggestedneed forpre-andpost-natal checksconveyedthe sense that women are inherently passive beings, at themercyofphysicalprocessesbeyondtheirkenandcontrol.Atthesametime,theyenhancedprofessionalmidwives'agencyandindependenceunderprotectionofthestate.

That said, trained women received little financial sup-port,despitetheWolffs'unstintinginterventions.Thesisters'last years in Sudanwere arduous and strained, their effortsincreasinglybelittledby seniorofficials.18Theproblemwasthat Sudanesemidwiveswere encouraged to preach againstcircumcision while being taught to perform it themselves.WithnorthernSudanpacified,theneedtotreadlightlyon‘tra-dition‘haddissolved,andtheparadoxnowstruckBritishoffi-cialsasabsurd.TheWolffsdepartedin1937demoralized,butnolessconvincedthattheirmethodsweresound.

Moves to end accommodation

In1937ElaineHills-Young, formermatronofKhartoumhospital,succeededMabelWolffasprincipaloftheMidwivesTrainingSchool.Hills-Younghadbeenchosenforherrefusaltotolerate“retrograde”Sudanesecustoms.Soonaftertakingover,shewitnessedamodifiedpharaonicoperationperformedbyoneof the school's staffmidwives.Although itwas car-riedout“undermorehygienicconditionsthanwerecustom-ary,”shenonethelessfound“thespectacle...sorevolting”thatsheatonceforbadetrainedmidwivestodocircumcisionsofanykind.19Sheintensifiedlessonsagainstanyformoffemalegenitalcuttingandceasedallinstructioninthemodifiedtech-nique(Sanderson1981:79).20

Itishardlysurprising,however,thatfewtrainedmidwivescomplied.Themajoritycontinuedtocircumciseinsecret,lestthey forfeit the public trust that they had taken such painsto win.And their small irregular stipendsmeant that illicitinfibulations and post-partum repairs remained “the mostlucrativepartoftheirwork.”21

Privately,Hills-Youngconcededthatitwasimpossiblefortrainedwomensuddenlytostopdoingcircumcisions(Sander-son1981:80).Shenonethelessprohibitedtheuseofgovern-mentsuppliesfor thepurpose,andifa trainedmidwifewasfoundtohaveperformedtheprocedure,hercredentialscouldberevoked.22Lessonscontinuedonhowtoopenthegenitalscarduringlabourand“thebestmethodofdealingwiththe...woundafterdelivery.”23Yettheoutcomessheproposedcouldhardlyhavematchedclients'expectationsordesires.ToHills-Young,tacticalcompromisewasanathemawherefemalegen-italcuttingwasconcerned.24Inthisview,shejoinedagrowing


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groupofBritishexpatriates,Sudanesedoctors,teachers,otherprofessionals,andseveralstaffmidwivesoriginallytaughtbytheWolffs,whocampaignedtoend“thebarbaricinstitution”25onceandforall.

AmongthemwasInaBeasley,mentionedearlierinherroleas controllerofgirls' education.DuringWorldWar II,Bea-sley andHills-Young collaborated inwhat they called theiranti-circumcision“crusade.”Theywere supportedbySuda-nesestaffmidwivesandseveral teachersat theGirl'sTrain-ingCollegewhotraveledtooutlyingareastopreachagainstthepractice(Sanderson1981:87;Beasley1992:129,note91).Mostmotherswere reluctant to change.Yet if they seemedbeyondreach,theirdaughters,futuremothers,mightbewon;futurefatherstoo.

For much of the early twentieth century, education fornorthern boyswas largely provided byMuslim clerics, fewof whom were formally trained, some of whom receivedgovernmentstipends.Sweepingreformswereadvisedin1932whena standardizedcurriculumwasproposedasacure for“indifferent agriculture, fanaticalMahdism [Islam], disease-carrying dirt, female circumcision, and all the cruelty andbarbarityofabackwardpeople”(quotedinBeshir1969:97).

Reforms to boys' education got underway in 1934 withemphasis on applied subjects, and creating a rural teachingserviceinkeepingwithSudan'sagriculturalcharacter.Inprac-tice, thismeant teachingthroughlocal traditionin the inter-estsofpoliticalstability,whilecultivatingboys'dispositionsinwaysusefultothestate.Aregularnewslettersenttoprac-ticingteacherskeptthemessagealive.Duringthe1930sand1940s,forinstance,instructorswereencouragedtoextol“theimportanceofmoney as ameans to civilization.”26Anotherbulletintellinglycounselsthatateacher'staskis“notonlytospreadnewknowledgebut also to train thenextgenerationtobeenterprisingandhardworking.”27Andtotrainthenextgenerationtowanttoconsume:“Civilisationmeans,amongstotherthings,havingmorepossessions–morefurniturethanthemaninthegrassgutia[hut],books,betterclothes,aclock–andatamorewealthystage,perhapsacar,agramophone,arefrigerator,aradio.”28Note:beforetheluxuryitems,aclock,classicdisciplinary tool,means toensurepunctualhabitsofworkthatbringnewlyimaginablerewards.Indeed,teacherswereurgedtoconsider“whatsortofthingsthecivilizedmanshouldhaveinhishouse.”

[T]hose who have given thought to the difficult question of

what are the characteristics of a civilized man are agreed that he hates ugliness and loves beauty and orderliness. His furni-ture must be of good design, his walls of a pleasant colour and perhaps decorated with pictures of suitable size and design, his books he will like to have decently bound and in repair. He will buy coloured rugs that are in general keeping with the rest of the room. His tea cups and plates will be chosen for their good shape and colour and so on.

Now this choosing or designing of beautiful things is not easy.... If you are unpracticed you may easily choose some-thing which attracts you very much for the moment but which

after you have bought it, quickly bores you. People, who have been poor and therefore unused to this difficult art of choos-ing, often make this mistake when they first get money. They fill their houses with china, rugs, curtains etc. which do not agree together and which are very ugly to anyone who has thought a little and observed a little as to what is really beau-tiful and orderly.

How then are we going to help the Sudanese boy as he grows up, to avoid wasting his money on things that are really ugly and instead choose what is beautiful and orderly? The most important ... way to learn to appreciate what is really beauti-ful is [by] trying to make beautiful things yourself. Hence both in the Elementary School and in the Training School Hand-work lessons are giving boys opportunities for trying to make designs, use different colours, create varying forms in vari-ous substances so that by experience each one for himself may gradually form a standard of judgment.29

Sensibleifpatronizingasthissounds,theseeminglynon-coerciverhetoricofuniversalaesthetics,rationality,andindi-vidual choice is remarkable.Native teacherswere schooledtoshapepupils'sensibilities,cultivatetheirworkskills,disci-plinetheirhabitsandmaterialdesires.

Femaleeducationwasagonizinglyslowtodevelopandany-thingbutinclusive.Despiteagrowingdemand,by1932girls'schools hadgraduated less thanonepercent of the elemen-taryagedpopulation.By1960,fouryearsafterindependence,thatfigurehadrisentofourpercent–ahumbleimprovement(Sanderson1961:91;seealsoBeshir1969:96–98).30Thecur-riculum stressed “domestic science:” housework, cooking,sewing,hygiene,andraisingchildreninarational,disciplinedway (Beasley 1992:185.) “Progressive” mothering tech-niqueswere expected to generate healthier, better adjusted,morematurecitizensfromaEuropeanpointofview.Studentswereenjoinedtoabandonpracticessuchassleepingwiththeirbabiesandnursingthemondemandasthesewerethoughttoinducecharacterweaknessinadults.

Althoughtheyoungwerenowthefocusofcolonialinter-ventions,maturewomenwerenotneglected. In1941Hills-YoungandherstaffopenedaGovernmentChildWelfareCen-tre in Omdurman near theMidwives Training School. Shewrote:

We had a room converted into a model women's quarter, with all native furnishing but kept clean, tidy and simple. The mothers would often say: “Oh, but this is just like ours.” Then I would say, ”Yes, to a certain extent, but we have shelves for the dishes and do not stack them on the mud floor under the bed or table. Also our windows have wire netting to keep out the flies and the beds have mosquito nets, even baby's cot, also we have small beds for children so that they can sleep alone.”31

Womenwere taught to limit and schedule feeding times,usingthepositionofthesunforreference,asfewhouseholdsin fact owneda clock.32Althoughbabies innorthernSudanwere (and are) seldom out of theirmothers' arms, those of

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pupilmidwiveswereplacedinwoodenplaypenswhiletheirmothers attended class.33 All this was supposed to amend“character deficiencies” in Sudanese young by encouraginggreaterindependence,wholesomeself-restraint,andarational,measuredsenseoftime.

The novelties of playpens and scheduled feedings are asrevealingastheymusthaveseemedpragmatic.Notonlydothey show howBritish envisioned ideal character and typi-fiedSudanese,but theyalsoproposeda remedyforSudan'sdeplorablestatistics.AttentiontomotherandchildwelfareinSudanwaspartofaglobalcampaignchampionedinthe1930sand 1940s by the International Save theChildrenUnion inGeneva, and supportedbyprominentwomenparliamentari-ans.Theapproachwasideologicalandparticularistic,stress-ingindividualresponsibilityandaimingtocreateself-aware,self-disciplined female subjects who would naturally aban-don“backwardsuperstitions”and“evil”customs.Theseini-tiatives,however,leftwomen'ssocialandeconomicsituationslargelyunaddressed(seeVaughan1991).

When,despitetheirefforts,Sudan'sresilientevilshowednosignofbeingabandoned,Hills-YoungandBeasleytookmoredrasticsteps.TheymobilizedBritishmedicalprofessionalsandpoliticianstoaskembarrassingquestionsoftheBritishgov-ernmentandpress,suggestingthatcolonialpolicywastoolax.Hills-Youngproposedadraconianmove:“HighereducationforgirlsintheSudanshouldbeconditionalupontheirbeinguncircumcised...TherefusalofadmissiontoIntermediateandHigherSchoolsofcircumcisedgirlswouldhaveconsiderableinfluencewith the parents and the rising generation.”34 Sheandhercolleagueswerebettingthatbecauseeducatedyoungwomenattracteducated,well-placedhusbandswhoenhancetheir wives' family status, upwardly mobile parents wouldrefrainfromcircumcisingtheirdaughters inorder toprotectthem as a resource. This, however, ran counter to culturallogic,forsuchprotectionwasavailednotbyavoidingcircum-cision but by practicing it.Moreover, the transfer of statuswentbothways:anhonourablewifeenhancedthepositionofherhusband'sfamily,justasanhonourabledaughtercontrib-utedtothestatusofherparents,siblings,andotherkin.Andadaughterattendingschoolfarfromhomewassusceptibletoaspersionsthatbeingcircumcisedpartlyallayed.Inseekingtopitwesterneducationagainstlocalstandardsofintegrity,Brit-ishprofessionalwomenwronglybelievedthatvirtueinMus-limSudanwasanindividualizabletrait.

The law

Hills-Youngandhersupportersmayhaveforcedthehandof Sudan's colonialmasters before the latter considered thetime politically opportune. In 1945, government passed thelawagainstpharaoniccircumcision(butnotallformsoftheoperation)withwhichthisarticlebegan.Afewmonthsafterit came into effect, amidwifewas foundguiltyof commit-tinganunlawfulcircumcision.TotheleaderoftheRepubli-can(Gumhuriya)Party,whichadvocatedimmediateindepen-

dence forSudan, theconvictionwasunjust.35Riotingbrokeout.Itwaspromptlyquashedandblamedontheactionsof“afewfanatics,”butbytheirownadmissionithadtakenadmin-istrators“bycompletesurprise.”36

In1947,morepropagandawasreleased,remindingSuda-nesethatthenewlawfellwithinthepurviewofIslam.Aleaf-lettocomplementananti-circumcisiontalkgiveningirls'ele-mentaryschoolsasked:

Which ... do you believe, Pharaoh the enemy of God or Mo-hamed the Prophet of God? ... The holy men of the Sudan ... have agreed that Pharaonic circumcision should be abolished. Is your opinion different from that of the holy men?

Do you understand more than they do?The doctors have advised that Pharaonic circumcision may

cause sterility. Do you wish for sterility?Your religion forbids doing harm to the body. Will you dis-

obey your religion?37

Thelessonhadunforeseenresults.Beasleyreportedaten-dency to keep girls away from school after its delivery,38endangeringthemodestsuccessoffemaleeducationandnodoubtpromptingsomeparentstosettlethematterforthwith.Circumcisionswouldthereafterbecarriedoutinschoolhol-idays, with curtailed celebrations lest the revelry alert thepolice.39Especially in rural areas, but notonly there,Suda-nesehôshs becamemore tightly closed to colonial scrutinythanbefore.

By the startof1949, the situationwasmoredismal still.InKhartoum, untrained ruralmidwives ran a brisk trade inpharaonicandmodifiedpharaonicoperations.Britishofficerseverywhereweretoostretchedtoinquireinto“sodifficultasubject.”40 Indeed, the illegality of the proceduremagnifiedSudanese reluctance to reportwhatwas taking place. Eventhemosteducated,highlyplacedmenhadinfibulatedkinandcould not “talk with ease.”41 The issue remained polarizeduntilindependencein1956,andindeedbeyond.

Incompatible selves?

In colonial Sudan, British teachers, nurses, and govern-mentofficialsclungtoamodelofthesubjectasanindivid-uated entity capable of autonomous behavior and transcen-dentofhersocialcontext.Tothem,thiswasself-evidenttruth,nothistoricallyandculturallycontingent,andallwhofailedtoagreeweresimply“wrong.”Officials,ofcourse,inhabitedthismodel,muchasnorthernSudaneseinhabitedtheirsofcol-lectiveandembodiedmorality.

Contemporary human rights discourse is clearlyempowering for Sudanese whowork to improve their ownandothers' lives; still, there are lessons to be gleaned frompast initiatives. TheWolffs’ techniques and compromises –howeverfraught–mayhaveofferedthebestchanceatthetimeforreducingtheharmthatattendsfemalegenitalcuttingandsettingacourseforlocallyrelevantchange.Yetonewonders


12

ifamutualrecognitionoftheimmanenceandsituatednessofselfhoodmighthaveprovidedfirmergroundforconstructivecollaboration. Or would that have required a level of self-consciousnessthatnoneofuscansustain?

Acknowledgements

I gratefully acknowledge the following for their supportofmy research: the Social Sciences andHumanitiesCoun-cilofCanada,aConnaughtSeniorResearchFellowshipfromtheUniversity ofToronto, aH. F.GuggenheimFoundationResearch Fellowship, a Rockefeller Foundation BellagioResidency, and a faculty grant from theUniversity ofBrit-ishColumbia.Iamendebtedtothefollowinginstitutionsforallowingmeaccesstotheirarchivalcollectionsforthispaper:the National Record Office, Khartoum; the SudanArchive,DurhamUniversity;theBodleianLibraryofCommonwealthandAfricanStudiesatRhodesHouse,Oxford.Iam,asever,deeplygratefultothewomenfromtheKabushiyaandGedoregionsofnorthernSudan.

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Abusharaf,RogaiaMustafa (2001b) ‘VirtuousCuts:FemaleGenitalCircumcisioninanAfricanOntology,’Differences12(1):112–40.

Arnold,David (1993)Colonizing the Body: State Medicine and Epidemic Disease in Nineteenth-Century India,Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress.

Asad,Talal(2001)‘ReadingaModernClassic:TheMeaningandEndofReligion,’History of Religions40(3):205–22.

Beasley, Ina (1992)Before the Wind Changed, edited by J.Starkey,Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress.

Bell, Heather (1998) ‘Midwifery Training and FemaleCircumcision in the Inter-War Anglo-Egyptian Sudan,’Journal of African History39:293–312.

Bell, Heather (1999) Frontiers of Medicine in the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, 1899–1940,Oxford:Clarendon.

Beshir,MohamedOmer(1969)Educational Development in the Sudan, 1898–1956,Oxford:Clarendon.

Boddy,Janice(1989)Wombs and Alien Spirits: Women, Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan,NewDirections inAnthropological Writing Series, Madison, Wisconsin:UniversityofWisconsinPress.

Boddy,Janice[1982](1997)‘WombasOasis:TheSymbolicContext of Pharaonic Circumcision in Rural NorthernSudan,’ inRogerN.LancasterandMicaeladiLeonardo(eds.)The Gender / Sexuality Reader: Culture, History, Political Economy,,NewYork:Routledge.

Boddy,Janice(1998a)‘RememberingAmal:OnBirthandtheBritishinNorthernSudan,’inMargaretLockandPatriciaKaufert (eds.) Pragmatic Women and Body Politics, ,Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress.

Boddy, Janice (1998b) ‘Violence Embodied? FemaleCircumcision,Gender Politics, and Cultural Aesthetics,’inR.Dobash andR.Dobash (eds.)Rethinking Violence Against Women,ThousandOaks,California:Sage.

Boddy, Janice (2007) Civilizing Women: British Crusades in Colonial Sudan, Princeton, New Jersey: PrincetonUniversityPress.

Bourdieu,Pierre(1990)The Logic of Practice,translatedbyR.Nice,Cambridge:PolityPress.

Butler, Judith (1999) Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity,NewYork:Routledge.

Daly,M.W.(1986) Empire on the Nile: The Anglo-Egyptian Sudan 1898–1934, Cambridge: Cambridge UniversityPress.

Das, Veena, and Renu Addlakha (2001) ‘Disability andDomesticCitizenship:Voice,Gender,andtheMakingoftheSubject,’Public Culture13(3):511–31.

Hunt,NancyRose(1999.A Colonial Lexicon: Of Birth Ritual, Medicalization and Mobility in the Congo.Durham,NorthCarolina:DukeUniversityPress.

Mahmood,Saba(2005)Politics of Piety: The Islamic Revival and the Feminist Subject,Princeton,NewJersey:PrincetonUniversityPress.

Sahlins, Marshall (1999) Waiting for Foucault and Other Aphorisms,3rdedition,Cambridge:PricklyPearPress.

Sanderson, L. Passmore (1981) Against the Mutilation of Women: The Struggle against Unnecessary Suffering,London:Ithaca.

Sharkey, Heather J. (2003) Living with Colonialism: Nationalism, and Culture in the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan,Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress.

Vaughan,Meagan(1991)Curing Their Ills: Colonial Power and African Illness,Stanford:StanfordUniversityPress.

Author

ProfessorJaniceBoddyDepartmentofAnthropologyUniversityofTorontojanice.boddy@utoronto.ca

Notes

1M. Wolff to British Social Hygiene Council, February 1933,Sudan Archive, Durham University (hereafter cited as SAD)582/10/16.

2WillistoDCs,19February1924,NationalRecordOffice,Khartoum(hereaftercitedasNRO)CIVSEC1/44/2/12.

3E.D. Pridie et al. ‘Female Circumcision in the Anglo-EgyptianSudan.’Khartoum,1March1945,SAD658/9.

4E.D. Pridie et al. ‘Female Circumcision in the Anglo-EgyptianSudan.’Khartoum,1March1945,SAD658/9,6;andBeasley'smarginalnotesPridie'saccount.

5Local Vernacular Press Summary: ‘Untimely Circumcision,’ El-Sudan El-Gedid, 8 June 1945, Bodleian Library of Common-

13

JanicE boddy

wealth andAfrican Studies at RhodesHouse,Oxford (hereaf-tercitedasRH)MssPerham575/3;NROCIVSECIntelligenceReportNo.87,8June1945,RHMssPerham571/1/18–19;Bea-sleytoRobertson,16August1945,SAD657/4/51;‘TranslationofaspeechgivenbySittNafissatothemothersofOmdurman,’7March1946,SAD657/4/107.

6ThoughIwouldpointoutthattheyreflectthedevelopmentofourthinkingsincethelate1980swhenthatbookwaswritten,abookwhoseargumentwas therefore formulated in response toothertheoreticalconcerns.Thecautionsarethereforechronocentric,touseMichaelLambek'saptword.

7Sudanesephysicianandprominentanti-circumcisionactivist,NahidToubia,echoesthisview.Toubiamaintainsthatifagirlunder-standsthemedicalconsequencesoftheoperationand,ateighteenyearsofage,stillchoosestohaveitdone,sheshouldnotbepre-vented,butyoungergirlsshouldnothavetheiroptionsforeclosed(DiscussioninProjectBody,UniversityofHannover,2002).

8‘ElementaryPracticalLessonsforMidwivesoftheSudan,’nodate,SAD581/5/5.

9M.E.Wolff,SpeechtotheCommitteeoftheGuildofService,1922,SAD579/3/29.


11SeeHunt(1999)forasustaineddiscussionofwesterntrainednativemediators,or‘middles’asshecallsthem,incolonialZaire.

12SeealsoBell(1999,chapter7)ontheWolffsistersandtheirmeth-ods.





17MTSAnnualReport,1932,SAD581/1/46.18M.E.WolfftoDickens,12February1946,SAD581/4/19.19Hills-Young,‘FemaleCircumcisionintheSudan,’November1944,

SAD631/3/36–37.20Hills-Young,‘FemaleCircumcisionintheSudan,’November1944,

SAD 631/3/36-37; M.E.Wolff to Dickens 12 February 1946,SAD581/4/18.

21M.E.WolfftoDickens12Feb.1946.SAD581/4/18.

22Hills-Young,‘FemaleCircumcisionintheSudan,’November1944,SAD631/3/36–37.

23Hills-Young,‘FemaleCircumcisionintheSudan,’November1944,SAD631/3/36–37.

24Britishmedical personnel, like those in the political service, didnotvoiceconcernaboutmalegenitalcutting,eventhoughittoowas performed under unsanitary conditions.Thiswas, in part,becausemalecircumcisionisdecreedbyIslam,andadministra-torswere loath to offend theirMuslim subjects for reasons ofkeepingthepeace.Inpart,too,itwasbecausemalecircumcisionwasconsiderednottojeopardizepopulationgrowthtotheextentthatinfibulationdid.Indeed,thelesserformoffemalecircumci-sion,calledsunnaor‘religiouslyapproved,’wasnotdiscouragedbymaleofficialsintheleast.

25Hills-Young,‘FemaleCircumcisionintheSudan,’November1944,SAD631/3/38.

26Bakht er Ruda Newsletter,No.13, 21March 1942,RHMssPer-ham561/3/93.

27Bakht er Ruda Newsletter,No.5,13March1938,RHMssPerham531/3/8.

28Bakht er Ruda Newsletter, No.7,10March1939,RHMssPerham531/3/53.

29Bakht er Ruda Newsletter,No.7, 10March1939,NROCIVSEC2/10/2/4.

30G.C.Scott, ‘NoteonEducationin theNorthernSudan’quotedinDaly1987,386.

31Hills-Young,‘CareoftheChildintheSudan,’AddresstotheNursesLeague,4November1944,SAD631/3/34.



34Theproposalhadalsobeenput toNewboldbyC.L.Armstrong,GovernorofKhartoum.RHMssPerham538/1/68.

35SeeAbusharaf(2001,119)formoreonTaha'sposition.36CivilSecretarytoGovernors,October1946,SAD524/11/12.37SAD657/4/172,SAD657/4/180(Beasley).38SAD657/4/184(Beasley).39SAD657/4/183(Beasley).40Summary of Reports from Provinces, 14 March 1949, SAD

6573/4/232–233.41BeasleytoRobertson,4February1948,SAD657/4/197.


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Vo l . 3 , No . 2 / 2008 www.etmu .f i

Abstract Scholars writing on FGC in the Islamic world have ignored Southeast Asia, and yet there is the po-tential for serious problems, even if the procedure has traditionally been minor in nature. Reform-ers have been divided, but ‘fundamentalists’ call for more severe operations. Islamic Southeast Asia overwhelmingly adheres to the Shafi’i school of law, the only one to make FGC obligatory. It marks the entry of a woman into the faith, whether as an adult convert, or as a child born into the commu-nity. In more ‘orthodox’ areas, babies are circumcised, in a ceremony hidden from the eyes of men. In less ‘orthodox’ areas, it is more a rite of puberty, and may be publicly celebrated. FGC arrived with Islam, and is not an Animist remnant. Hindu-Buddhist rejection of genital mutilation means that the greatest opposition is found among Java’s syncretic Muslims, or Javanists, some of whom perform a symbolic operation on a turmeric root. The UN policy of ‘zero tolerance’ may be stiffening the re-solve of the pious, and Southeast Asian Muslims should rather be encouraged to probe the religious underpinnings of FGC.

William G. Clarence-Smith

Islam and Female Genital Cutting in Southeast Asia: The Weight of the Past

WritingonFemaleGenitalCutting[FGC]asageneralphe-nomenon, scholars have generally ignored Southeast Asia.TherecentlypublishedEncyclopedia of Women and Islamic Cultures considersonlyAfricaand theMiddleEast (Kassa-mali2006).ThesecondeditionoftheEncyclopaedia of Islamacknowledges thepractice amongMuslimMalays,but sayslittlemore(Bosworthetal.1978:913).JonathanBerkey,inalearnedsurveyofthemedievalNearEast,includescompara-tivematerialonAfricaandCentralAsia,butnotonSoutheastAsia(Berkey1996).KeciaAlidoesmentiontheregioninherrecentandlivelycontributiontothedebate,whileadmittingthatshefoundlittleinformationonthisfar-flungperipheryoftheIslamicworld(Ali2006:100).

Thislacunaisunfortunate,becauseFGC’sstronglyIslamicconnotationsgiveitthepotentialtobecomeaseriousprobleminSoutheastAsia.Theprocedurehastraditionallybeenminor,fallingunderWHO'sTypesIorIV.Prickingisusual,with,atmost,fleshthesizeofagrainofricebeingremoved.Indeed,someFGCispurelysymbolicinnature,anobjectbeingcutinstead of the girl’s genitalia. It is therefore difficult, evenimpossible, toverifyphysicallywhether awomanhasbeencircumcised.However, growing calls for deeper, purer, and

more‘orthodox’formsofIslamicpracticearealreadyleadingtomoresevereoperations.

The Shafi‘i connection to the wider Islamic world

The ulama, the scholars of Islam, quite quickly came toagreethatFGCwasarecommendedpracticeforwomen,butthis at times conflicted with local custom, which enjoys arecognizedstatusinIslam.Fortheulama,whetherSunniorShi‘i,FGCwasrituallypurifying,initiatedgirlsandconvertsinto Islamic womanhood, and moderated excessive femalelust.Al-Ghazali [d.1111],whose influenceonmysticalSufiformsofIslamwasimmense,endorsedthisposition.However,localcustomarylawoverrodetheviewsofulamaandSufisinplaces,forexampleintheRomanisedMaghribandIberia,andintheTurkiclands(Berkey1996).

Theulama’spositionwasbynomeansself-evident,fortheKoranissilentonFGC.Indeed,theonlypointofrealconsen-susisthattheholytextsdonotspecificallyprohibittheprac-tice(Berkey1996:20;Awde2000:192,n28).FGCisknownaskhafdorkhifadinArabic,withthebasicmeaningof‘lower-


15

ing,’butitismuchmoreoftenplacedunderthegeneralrubricofkhitan,circumcisionforbothmenandwomen,related towords indicating kinship and marriage (Berkey 1996:20).FGCmightseemtoruncountertoanIslamicprohibitionofbodilymutilation,basedonaninterpretationof4:118intheKoran(Levy1957:77,n1;Meinardus1969:50–1).However,thisiscounteredbyageneralacceptanceofmalecircumcision(Bouhdiba1982:213–14).

AsfortheHadiths,thesayingsanddeedsoftheProphetandhiscompanions,thosedealingwithFGCareeitherofuncer-tain authenticity, or lend themselves to different interpreta-tions.Furthermore,anytraditioncanbeover-ruledbydeploy-ingthefundamentalinjunctionintheKorantocommandgoodandforbidevil(Ali2006:110–11).ThemostexplicitHadithcites the Prophet saying to a female circumciser: “Do notcut severely, as that is better for awoman andmore desir-able forahusband.”Althoughmuchquotedover thecentu-ries, this commandonly appears in the canonical collectionofAbuDa’ud[d.817],whoclassifieditasunreliableintermsofitstransmission(Ali2006:105;Berkey1996:25,28;Davis2006:359,n1).Anotherweaktradition,collectedbyIbnHan-bal, refers to FGC asmakruma, noble, forwomen (Berkey1996:25; Ali 2006:105). A Hadith commanding circumci-sion also enjoins trimmingone’smoustache, indicating thatthiswasnotdirectedatwomen(Awde2000:199,n8;Berkey1996:24–5).Asoundertraditionimposesritualablutionwhenthe two circumcisedparts have touched in sexual congress,but this implies no obligation to circumcise, and the trans-lation is contested (Ali 2006:105–6;Berkey 1996:22). LesscanonicalisthestorythatSarah,inafitofjealousy,circum-cisedHagar[Hajar],theservileconcubineofAbraham[Ibra-him],andthe‘Eve’figureforallArabs(Kassamali2006:131;Berkey1996:22).

TheShafi‘ischooloflaw,oneoffourthatsurviveinSunniIslam,istheonlyonetodeemFGCtobenotonlyhonourable,butactuallyobligatory,fardor wajib.InthethirteenthcenturyCE,thiswasclearlyspelledoutbythereveredSyrianscholaral-Nawawi, claiming the authority of Imam Shafi‘i himself(Berkey1996:25;Kassamali2006:131).In1958,ShaykhHas-sanal-Ma’mun,mufti[jurist]inEgypt,reiteratedtheobliga-torynatureofFGCforShafi‘iadherents(Masry1962:45).

SoutheastAsia’s overwhelming adherence to the Shafi‘ischooloflawcreatesdangerthatmoresevereformsofFGCmay be adopted in future. Predominant in Lower Egypt,Syria,andwesternandsouthernArabia,theShafi‘imadhhabretains some adherents in Iraq and Persian-speaking lands.Its supremacy is clearest in East Africa, Southern India,Sri Lanka, and SoutheastAsia, areas intimately tied to oneanother for centuries by maritime communications acrossthe Indian Ocean (Chaumont 1997:187; Snouck Hurgronje1931:183–4).ThecoincidencebetweenShafi‘itraditionsandFGCisnotabsolute,however.SouthernIndianandSriLankanMuslimsappearnottocircumcisetheirgirls,incontrasttotheIsma‘iliBohra of the sub-continent (Ghadially 1991).EveninSoutheastAsia, theestablishedShafi‘idoctrine thatFGCisobligatoryclasheswithpopularperceptionthatitismerely

sunat [sunna], or recommended (Snouck Hurgronje 1923–24:IV,205–6).

TheHanafischooloflaw,forwhichFGCishonourablebutnotobligatory,prevailsamongsmallMuslimcommunitiesscat-teredaroundnorthernBurmaandnorthernThailand,withhis-toricalrootsinChineseandBengaliIslam(Yegar2002;Forbes1988-89).SomeHui[ChineseMuslims]circumcisedtheirgirlspriortotheRepublicanRevolutionof1911,especiallyinwest-ern China (Broomhall 1978:249, n1; Shui Jingun, personalcommunicationtoMariaJaschok).Incontrast,BengaliHanafitraditionsdidnotencompassFGC(Ghadially1991:20,n3).

‘Orthodox’ Islam and FGC in Southeast Asia

Some authors suggest that FGChad pre-Islamic roots inSoutheastAsia,buttheyciteonlyvaguereferences,possiblyrelating to cutting males rather than females (Putranti etal. 2003:19; Laderman 1983:206). In reality, there is nocompellingevidencethatanyAnimistspeakersofAustronesianlanguagespracticedFGCpriortothespreadofIslam.Indeed,B.J.O.Schriecke,afterconsulting56reportsfromallaroundIndonesia, in 1921 denied that Animists anywhere in thearchipelago ever circumcised girls (Feillard and Marcoes1998:345–8). Only on the furthest periphery of SoutheastAsia,amongnon-AustronesiansofNewGuineaandAustralia,aretheretraditionsoftypesofFGCthatdivergeconsiderablyfromSoutheastAsianforms(New Encyclopaedia Britannica1993:II,318;III,390).

WhatisoftenignoredinthisdebateisthespreadofHinduandBuddhistbeliefsacrossSoutheastAsiaduringthefirstmil-lenniumoftheCommonEra.Theseinfluenceswereparticu-larlypronouncedinJava,overlayingearlierAnimistconcepts(Hefner1985;Koentjaraningrat1988).Hindunotionswouldhaveentailedaprohibitionofgenitalmutilation,asinmodernIndia (Ghadially1991:20).HindusandBuddhists in today’sSoutheastAsia certainly reject the circumcision of boys orgirls(Hanks1968:126,128;Hefner1985:144–5;Putrantietal.2003:44).

ItthereforeappearsthatFGCisanIslamicphenomenoninSoutheastAsia,broughttotheregionaspartofthepackageofconversionfromthethirteenthcenturyCE(Ali2006:100;Feillard andMarcoes 1998:340, 342–3).This interpretationsubverts the mantra that FGC is everywhere a pre-Islamiccustom, tolerated by the new faith (Bosworth et al. 1978;Hodgson 1974:I, 324). The theory of an Islamic origin forFGC is reinforcedby theprevalenceofArabic terminologyamong the ‘orthodox.’A common Indonesian term is sunat perempuan, emphasizing that this is thewoman’s sunna, inthesenseof‘way’or‘recommendedaction.’Similarly,khitan perempuan and khitan wanita are expressions that add aMalayword for female after the genericArabic expressionfor circumcision (Feillard and Marcoes 1998:339–41;Koentjaraningrat 1988:361; Moore 1981:182–5; Newland2006:399;Putrantietal.2003:16–17).

16

williaM g. clarEncE-sMith

Debates have long existed about the age atwhich a girlshouldbecircumcised.Al-Nawawi,writingin thethirteenthcenturyCE,recommendedthatFGCbeimplementedshortlyafter birth, while recognizing divergent opinions in thisdomain(Wensinck1986:20).Inthenineteenthandtwentiethcenturies,SoutheastAsiangirlsweremostcommonlycircum-cisedbetweenaboutsixandtenyearsofage,typicallypriortomaking the formaldeclarationof the faith [shahada]andbeginningtolearntorecitetheKoran(FeillardandMarcoes1998:339–40,343–9).Theonsetofpubertymightalsobecho-sen,notably if itwasdesired that theeventshouldcoincidewith a brother’s circumcision. In Sundanese-speakingWestJava,circumcisionaccompaniedthefilingofagirl’steeth,abreachof the Islamicprohibitiononmutilation. Indeed, thetwo practices were even known in Sundanese by the samename,gusaran(SnouckHurgronje1923–24:IV,206).

TheageatwhichFGCisperformedhasbeencomingdownovertime,asmore‘orthodox’formsofIslamhaveprevailed.Intheearlytwentiethcentury,areasknownfortheirIslamicpietywerealreadylikelytocircumcisegirlsininfancy,beforetheageoftwo.ThiswasthecaseinpartsoftheOuterIslandsandWestJava,althoughbynomeanseverywhere(FeillardandMarcoes1998:342–8;SnouckHurgronje1906:I,395).Muslimmothersprogressivelyassimilatedcircumcisionto theceremonies thatmarkedtheendof thepostpartumphaseofagirlbaby’s life,celebrated some 40 days after birth, although it could stilloccuraslateastenyearsofage(Berlie1983:88,n42;Feillardand Marcoes 1998:357; Jaspan and Hill 1987:13, 22; Merli2008:270; Newland 2006:399–400; U.S. State Department2001).Increasingly,FGCisbeing‘packaged’withpiercingtheearsandthefirstcuttingofhair,bothearlyritesofpassageforagirl(Budiharsanaetal.2003:27–8).PiercingtheearswouldalsoseemtobreachtheIslamicprohibitiononmutilation.

Tobesure,JamesSiegelreportedthatgirlsinAcehwerebeingcircumcisedaroundtheageoftwelveinthe1960s,butthis would have meant that they were being cut later thanboys, who underwent the operation at around eight yearsof age (Siegel 1969:154–5). Siegel’s report is of doubtfulreliability, both becauseAceh was renowned for it Islamic‘orthodoxy,’andbecause itwasgenerally thecase thatgirlswerecircumcisedatayoungeragethanboysinSoutheastAsia(Koentjaraningrat1988:359,361;Peacock1978a:62–5,160).

AdultwomenarecircumcisedonconversiontoIslam,withreportsdatingfromatleastthefifteenthcenturyinSoutheastAsia(FeillardandMarcoes1998:347).Thiswasjustifiedbytheexampleoftherightly-guidedCaliph‘Uthman,whoorderedthecircumcisionofcaptiveByzantinewomenconvertingtoIslamasa formof ritualpurification (Abdu’r-Razzaq1998:48,53;Berkey1996:25).Itwashistoricallylinkedtotheconversionofslaves(Clarence-Smith2006:81,158).Thus,AnimistDayakwomen,raidedorpurchasedfromtheinteriorofBorneointhe1840s,wereconvertedandcircumcised(Low1968:119).

More generally, marrying a Muslim man entails theobligatory adoption of the husband’s faith, and thus thepossibility of FGC for an adult woman. Indeed, this wasroutinelyexpectedinthesouthernPhilippines,whenmarriage

to Catholic women was common, and in North Sulawesi,where marriage partners could be Protestants or Animists(Budiharsana et al. 2003:35;Moore 1981:135, 196, n7). Inthe Lesser Sunda Islands, containing many Christians andAnimists, circumcision was apparently only demanded ofmaleconverts(FeillardandMarcoes1998:346).InsouthernThailand,whereTheravadaBuddhistwomenquiteoftenmarryMuslimmen,spousesareapparentlyable todecidewhetherthewomanshouldundergoFGCornot(Merli2008:271–2).

Al-Nawawicalledforalimitedoperation,writingthat‘itisobligatorytocutoffasmallpartoftheskininthehighestpartofthegenitals’(Wensinck1986:20).Descriptionsoftheproce-dureinSoutheastAsiadonotexistforearlycenturies,butthefirstknownreports,datingfromthelateseventeenthcentury,confirm this approach. In South Sulawesi, a region that hadonlyrecentlyconvertedtoIslaminthe1680s,MuslimsaloneengagedinFGC.Circumcisedgirlscouldwalkaboutagainthenextday,indicatingthattheinterventionwasminorinnature,andthatitwasnotperformedshortlyafterbirth.Aboytowhomagirlwaspromisedinmarriagewouldpreferablybecircum-cisedonthesameday,albeitinadifferentlocation(Gervaise1971:139–40).TomásOrtizrecountedthatthesonad[sunna]ofMuslims in thePhilippineswas aminorprocedure in theearlyeighteenthcentury,whichhadspreadtosomeextenttonon-Muslims(BlairandRobertson1903–07:XLIII,110).

Evidence ismost abundant from the 1950s, when socialanthropologistsbegantorecordtheprocedureingreaterdetail.FGCwaspartofcomplexceremonies,endinginaritualmeal.Amidwifeorhealerwasusuallyentrustedwiththejob,andmadeaminorcut,prick,scratch,rubbing,orstretching,totheclitorisorthelabiaminora,ortoboth.Asharppieceofbam-boowasperhapsthemosttraditionalinstrument,butpandanusthorns,needles,pen-knives,kitchen-knives,finger-knivesforcuttingrice,razor-blades,andscissorswereallused.Witness-ingasingledropofbloodwasacommonsignthattheopera-tionhadbeensuccessfullyperformed.Asmallpieceoffleshmightberemoved,saidtobenolargerthanagrainofrice,andburiedceremonially(Budiharsanaetal.2003:29–38;FeillardandMarcoes1998:339–45,359–60;Hanks1968:128;JaspanandHill1987:22;Laderman1983:205–7;Merli2008:270–3;Moore 1981:182–5;Newland 2006:394–400; Putranti et al.2003:32–3;Strange1981:58;U.S.StateDepartment2001).

Thecompleteexcisionoftheclitoris,theremovalofalargepartofthelabiaminoraandinfibulationthusallappeartobealientoSoutheastAsiantraditions.InsouthernThailand,vil-lagersboycottedamidwifewiththereputationofcuttingtoodeeply(Merli2008:271).JamesPeacockwritesabout‘clitori-dectomy’inSingapore,butreallyreferstocircumcision(Pea-cock1978a:160).Budiharsana’steamreporton22%of‘exci-sions’intheirsample,butusethewordtorefertoanyremovalofflesh,whichwasmostcommoninWestSumatra(Budihar-sanaetal.2003:viii,28).JeffHadlermentionsreportsofcom-pleteexcision inAceh,NorthSumatra,butadmits that theyareunconfirmed(‘WomeninIndonesia’1998).

ChristiaanSnouckHurgronje,thefamousDutchscholarofIslam,stressedtheobsessivesecrecysurroundingthecircum-


17

cisionofgirlsby‘orthodox’MuslimsinbothJavaandNorthSumatra,buttheword‘secrecy’issomethingofanexagger-ation.Tobesure,theprocedurewasusuallyhiddenfromtheeyesofmen,celebrationwasmuted,andtheonlyoutsidercer-taintobepresentwastheofficiatingmidwifeorhealer(SnouckHurgronje1923–24:IV,206;SnouckHurgronje1906:I,395).Alreadyinthe1680sinSouthSulawesi,thiswasaprivateandunostentatiousceremony,reservedforfemalefamilymembers(Gervaise 1971:139–40). Female relatives and neighboursfromoutside the householdmight be invited, however, andevenfathersorgrandfatherswerepresentonoccasion.More-over,itwasoftenwidelyknowninthecommunitythatthecer-emonyhadtakenplace(FeillardandMarcoes1998:343;Merli2008:271).IfsecrecytherewasinSnouckHurgronje’stime,itmayhavebeenaconsequenceofcolonialdisapproval.

Themain justificationforFGCput forwardbySoutheastAsianMuslims,bothmenandwomen,haslongbeenthatitmarksthefullentryofawomanintotheIslamicfaith(Budiharsanaetal.2003:24;FeillardandMarcoes1998:340–1,360;Putrantiet al. 2003:10; SnouckHurgronje 1923–24:IV, 205).As anessentialformofreligiouspurification,FGCenableswomentoprayinthemosque,marry,andhavechildren.Awiderandlessprecisenotionofphysicalcleansing,kebersihan, isalsofrequentlyasserted(FeillardandMarcoes1998:360–1;Merli2008:271; Moore 1981:182; Newland 2006:399–401). InsouthernThailand,itissaidthatuncircumcisedgirlsbecome‘stubborn’(Merli2008:272).

Circumcisionhasoccasionallybeenmentionedasservingtoregulatewomen’slust.Thisisportrayedasexcessive,andthusasthreateningthestabilityoffamilies,and,morewidely,themoralorderofsociety.Malereligiousspecialiststypicallyhold such views, which may be shared by some mothers(FeillardandMarcoes1998:348–50,361;Newland2006:401;Putranti et al. 2003:48; U.S. State Department 2001). InNegeriSembilan,southwesternMalaya,FGCwasconsiderednecessarytopreventagirl’sclitorisfromcontinuingtogrowandbecomingtoobig(Peletz1996:208).

Conversely, there are reports that FGC of the minorSoutheastAsiantypemayservetoenhancewomen’ssexualpleasure(FeillardandMarcoes1998:361;Newland2006:401).AnarticleappearinginaWestSumatrannewspaper,probablySinggalang, on 17 September 2004, alleged that womenwhohadbeencircumcisedweremoreeasilystimulatedandaroused when touched, and thus more loved and honouredby their husbands (LynParker, personal communication). ItmayberelevantthatcontemporarybeautyclinicsintheWestpurportedlyremovetheprepuceof theclitoris toheightenawoman’ssensualpleasure.

AnthonyReidmakestoomuchofthis,however,suggestingthatFGCrightacrossSoutheastAsiawas linked to increas-ingwomen’senjoyment,asasurvivalofpre-Islamicbeliefsandpractices.ThisassertionisbasedonRuthMoore’sobser-vationsonSulu,intheSouthernPhilippines,inthelate1970s(Reid1988:148–9).Leavingasideseriousproblemsinherentin generalizing and projecting backwards in time, Moore’sTausug informants only told her that FGC enhanced sexual

proficiency,andtheyinsistedthatitwasaclassicallyIslamicprocedure(Moore1981:183).

‘Syncretic’ Islam and FGC

Intheearly1890s,ChristiaanSnouckHurgronjebelievedthat large numbers of Indonesia’sMuslimwomenwere notcircumcised because of resistance by Muslims who wereprofoundly affected by older Hindu and Buddhist norms(Snouck Hurgronje 1923–24:IV, 205). Numerous SoutheastAsianMuslimsadheretoformsof‘syncretic’Islam,especiallyin East and Central Java, where it is known variously askejawen,kepercayaan,or kebatinan.Theyopposesantri,or‘orthodox,’Muslims,whoabidebyShafi‘iprinciples.CliffordGeertz furtherdividedsyncretists into twogroups,abanganpeasantsmostlyinfluencedbyAnimism,and priyayiaristocratsclingingmore to elementsofHinduism.This simplebinarydistinction has been strongly challenged, however, and it issafer to consider ‘syncretic’ Islam as a single, albeit highlyfragmented,group(Geertz1960;Woodward1989).

The refusal of both Dutch and Indonesian authorities toaccept‘syncretic’Islamasacensuscategorymakesitimpos-sibletoknowhowmanypeopleadheredtosuchnotionsovertime,butthemajorityofSoutheastAsianMuslimsmayalwayshavebeenofthispersuasion,givenremarkablyhighpopula-tiondensitiesinEastandCentralJava(Clarence-Smith,forth-cominga).OthersyncreticMuslimsexistoutsideJava,albeitinsmallernumbers,forexampleintheislandofLomboktotheeastofBali,inSouthSulawesi,andamongtheChamofVietnamandCambodia(Aymonier1891;Kraan1980;Pelras1996;Taylor2007).

Some of theseMuslims altogether turned their backs on tetesan, seeing thepracticeasasymbolofadherence to the‘orthodoxy’thattheysodisliked(Koentjaraningrat1988:361).OpponentsofFGCtodayrefertoitasan‘Arabcustom’(LynParker,personalcommunication).Thisissignificant,becauseArabmoreswereamongthegreatestbêtes noiresofmilitant‘syncretists’ofthenineteenthcentury.Theremayhaveexistedrepulsionattheveryideaofgenitalmutilation,giventhatpeo-pleintheEastJavaneseenclaveofTengger,whichclungtoHindubeliefsthroughthecenturies,shunnedmalecircumci-sion(Hefner1985:34,143–5,256).

AlthoughtheelitepriyayiweremostobviouslyinfluencedbyHindunotions,bynomeansallofthem refusedtocircum-cisetheirdaughters.Indeed,FGChassurvivedtothisdayatoneofJava’sroyalcourts,thatofYogyakarta,where it remainsaritualassociatedtoacomplexsetofceremonies,notablytheslametan,or ritualmeal.FGCisperceivedbycourtwomenasonerite de passagetoadulthood,usuallyimposedongirlsbetweentheagesofsevenandnine,albeitwithatendencytooccurearlierinrecenttimes(Putrantietal.2003:21,37–9).

Some‘syncretists’simplydeclaredFGCtobeoptional,aswith somuchelse in the Islamic canon, even if theymightacceptthatitwasinsomesensesunat,orhonourable(SnouckHurgronje1923–24:IV,205).Aswellasindicatingageneral

18


adherencetoreligion,theritualmarkedthetransitiontoadult-hood through menstruation, facilitated marriage and child-birth, protected from bad luck, and cleansed from variouskindsofpollution.TheritualwasalsoportrayedasanancientJavanesecustom(Putrantietal.2003:18–19,22,26,37).

TheJavaneseofsuchpersuasionusuallycalledFGCtetesan,orothervariantsontheroottetes.Thelinguisticoriginsoftheseexpressions are unclear, but theymay refer to the traditionalbambooknifeusedtocutgirls,adropofblood,lineage,fertilityineggs,orthe‘openingup’ofawoman’swomb(FeillardandMarcoes1998:343,357;JaspanandHill1987:22;Putrantietal.2003:17;BasilicaPutranti,personalcommunication).Inanyevent,theseJavanesewordsandphraseslackArabicelements,inmarkedcontrasttothoseusedinsantricircles.

Another difference with santri Muslims was that ‘syn-cretists’whocircumcised theirgirls celebrated theoccasionopenlyandsolemnlyandwaitedlongertoperformit.Althoughthe operation itself remained private, a gamelan orchestrawouldsignalthatthedeedhadbeendone,andaritualfeast,equaltothatforacircumcisedboy,wouldbeoffered(SnouckHurgronje1923–24:IV,206–7).Moreover,agirlwouldoftenbecircumcisedafterherfirstmenstruation,atimeconsideredtoolatebythe‘orthodox’(Koentjaraningrat1985:361).

Moststrikingly,anumberof‘syncretists’performedonlyasymbolicoperation.InJava,apeeledturmericroot[kunyit]wasoftenplacedoverthegirl’sclitoris,andtherootwascutinsteadoftheflesh.Theturmericwasthenburiedorthrownintothesea.TheyellowcolouroftherootsymbolizedMalai-katKuning, the ‘yellow spirit’who removesbad luck fromchildren (Putranti et al.2003:19,31).This substitutionmayhaveevolvedfromanolderpracticeofusingturmericrootasanaturalantisepticandburyingrootandfleshtogetheraftertheprocedure (Feillard andMarcoes1998:343; Jaspan andHill1987:13,22).Anothersymbolicobjectmightbesubstituted.InSouthSulawesi,acock’scomb,attimeswrappedinbetelleaves,wascut,andthebloodwassmearedonthegirl’scli-toris(Budiharsanaetal.2003:34,37)Betelleaveshadmanyritualassociations,aswellasantisepticproperties(Clarence-Smith,forthcomingb).BohraMuslimsinIndiasometimescuttheseleaves,insteadoftheclitoris,whengirlswere‘borncir-cumcised’(Ghadially1991:19).

The incidence of FGC

Divisions between ‘orthodox’ and ‘syncretic’ Islam arereflected in the incidence of FGC.ADutch survey of 1921revealed wide observance of female circumcision in thepiouslyIslamiczonesofIndonesia’sOuterIslandsandinWestJava.Incontrast,slacknesswasdiscernedinEastandCentralJava,whereeven thesantrididnotalwayscircumcise theirgirls(FeillardandMarcoes1998:349).

Contemporarysurveysandreportsindicatethatalmostallwomen in regions reputed to be santri consider themselvesto have been circumcised, notably in Madura, West Java,WestSumatra,NorthSumatra,North-Central Sulawesi, andSouthSulawesi.Moreover,theyforeseethesamefatefortheir

daughters and grand-daughters (Budiharsana et al. 2003:12,22;Newland2006:396–7;LynParker,personalcommunica-tion;Putrantietal.2003;U.S.StateDepartment2001).Onepartial exception is East Kalimantan, where the procedureappearstobelesswidespread(Budiharsanaetal.2003:22).

Incontrast,only43.5%offemalerespondentsintheYog-yakarta area, central Java, reported themselves as havingbeencircumcisedin2002.Thisfellaslowas31%accordingtootherfigurescited.The2002surveyevennotedthatsomeof theoldergirls andwomenattendingpesantren, JavaneseruralIslamicboarding-schoolsofan‘orthodox’bent,declaredthattheyhad‘notyet’beencircumcised,anIndonesianlocu-tionwhichcancarrythesenseofnotintendingtodoanythingaboutit(Putrantietal.2003:18,22,25).

Islamic reform movements and FGC

WiththeemergenceofIslamicreformmovementsinlatenineteenth-centurySoutheastAsia,themuda(‘young’)campofradicalsmighthavebeenexpectedtoopposeFGC,leavingthetua(‘old’)groupofconservativestodefendit.Indeed,thisisthesituationinsouthernThailandtoday(Merli2008:272–5).However, sharp divisions have rather surprisingly surfacedwithinindividualmovements,blurringthedichotomybetweentuaandmuda.SoutheastAsianfatwas,opinionsonpointsofIslamiclaw,areshotthroughwithcontradictionsonthismat-ter(FeillardandMarcoes1998:361–6).Asignificantpointofdisputebetweenreligious leaders iswhetherFGCisobliga-tory,ormerelyhonourable(U.S.StateDepartment2001).

ArabsfromHadhramaut,todayineasternYemen,transmit-tedsomeoftheearliestreformistimpulsesofthemodernagetoSoutheastAsia (Freitag andClarence-Smith1997).Theirmaincontributionmayhavebeentohelptolowertheageoftheprocedure,askhafdwaspracticedinHadhramautshortlyafterbirth,togetherwithpiercingtheearsandnoseofbabies(Ingrams1949:99;Rodionov2007:144–5;SnouckHurgronje1931:113).InwesternMalayainthe1830s,itwasnotedthatpiouslyShafi‘iIslamicinhabitants,muchinfluencedbytheirArab teachers, circumcised both males and females (Moor1968:250;Newbold1971:I,247).

TheMuhammadiyahmovement,foundedinJavain1912andclaimingtensofmillionsofmembersafter1945,groupedIndonesian santri modernists influencedby the teachingsofMuhammad‘AbduhandRashidRidainEgypt(Alfian1989;Peacock1978b).However, it isnotclearwhether these twoluminarieseverpronouncedonFGC.AlthoughtheleadersofMuhammadiyahgenerallydidnotcircumcisetheirowngirls,they avoided head-on conflict over the issue by relegatingthe habit to the sphere of harmless folklore (Feillard andMarcoes 1998:355–7, 363–4). Similar divisions emerged intheHadhramiArabmodernistmovemental-Irshad, foundedin1914andclosely linked toMuhammadiyah (FeillardandMarcoes1998:363–4).

In more recent times, opinions in Muhammadiyah haveremaineddivided.SomecontemporaryleadersinYogyakarta


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simply state that there is no backing for the practice in theKoranorthecanonicalHadithcollections.OthersacceptthatFGCisrecommendedornoble,eveniftheyrarelyimposeitontheirowngirls.YetothersrelegatethepracticetothedomainofacceptableJavanesecustom(Putrantietal.2003:25–6).

SarekatIslam,foundedataboutthesametimeasMuham-madiyahand influencedby radicalcurrents inBritish India,wasmore resolutelymodernist, but had fewmembers fromthemid-1920s(Melayu2002;Shiraishi1990).Themainideo-loguewasHajiAgusSalim(Kahfi1997).Althoughit isnotclear whether he ever pronounced on FGC, a medical stu-dent close to him,Ahmad Ramali, published a dissertationin 1951, dealingwith health and Islamic law.He explainedthatFGCwasobligatoryinShafi‘ilaw,andthatdevoutMus-limscircumcisedtheirgirlsearlierthanothers.HenotedthatFGCwasessentialforawomantobeconsideredaMuslim,althoughtouchingtheclitorisandlabiawiththeknifemightbeequivalenttoactualcutting.Hecitedsomedubiousmedi-calnotionsaboutimprovingfemalehygiene,removingrepul-siveodours,restrictingfemalelibido,lesseningthechanceofprematureejaculationformalesexualpartners,andfeminiz-ingawomaninFreudianterms.Evenifthiswasessentiallyadescriptiveexercise,itisstrikingthatRamalididnotovertlycondemnFGC(FeillardandMarcoes1998:350–2).

ModernistswereespeciallystronginWestSumatra,wheretheymaderepeatedattempts toreformorabolish thematri-linealadat,customarylaw,oftheMinangkabaupeople(Noer1973:31–56).However,anarticleappearinginalocalnews-paper,probablySinggalang,on17September2004,decreedthatIslamandcustomwereatoneinthematterofFGC,whichwasanacceptablepracticeforlocalMuslims (LynParker,per-sonalcommunication).

Elite ‘syncretic’ organizations emerging from the 1900s,notablyButiUtomoandTamanSiswa,mighthaveprovidedanotherobvioushomeforopponentsofFGC,astheleadershipbecame increasingly imbuedwith secularism and Europeanideas (Nagazumi 1972;Tsuchiya 1987).However, aTamanSiswastudent in the1930sexplained thatcircumcisionwasnecessarytoreducefemalelibidoandmaintainfidelityinmar-riage,especiallywhenamanhadmorethanonewife(Feil-lardandMarcoes1998:349–50).Amale‘nativedoctor,’fromagroupstronglyassociatedwiththesemovements,expressedsimilarideasintheDutchsurveyof1921.AbdulRajid,activeinTapanuli,WestSumatra,declaredthatfemalecircumcisiondiminished a woman’s sexual desire, which was necessarybecausewomenwerenaturallymuchmorelustfulthanmen.Healsoopinedthattheoperationfattenedwomen,thusmak-ingthemmoreattractive(FeillardandMarcoes1998:348).

Looking at the matter from the other side of the dividebetween the ‘young’ and ‘old’ camps, the logical defendersoffemalecircumcisionweretheulamaoftheShafi‘ischooloflaw.TheyweregroupedintheNahdatulUlama[NU]from1926,whichtodayclaimstensofmillionsofmembers(BartonandFealy1996).Surprisingly,someearlyNUleadersovertlyfailed to circumcise their girls,whereas others clung to thenotionthatitwasobligatorytodosopriortopuberty.Acom-

promisefatwaof1928merelytermedthepractice‘permitted’(FeillardandMarcoes1998:351,355–6).

In more recent times, the NU has remained divided.Abdurrahman Wahid [Gus Dur] set his face against FGC,and this was especially important because he briefly becamepresidentofIndonesiain1999–2001.However,mostNUulamawent no further than to downgrade FGC from obligatory torecommendedstatus(FeillardandMarcoes1998:362–3).ThiswasalsothepositiontakenbythemuftioftheKualaLumpurfederalterritoryofMalaysia,in1979,whenpressedbytheWorldHealthOrganization(Strange1981:58).MostNUulamainthesocially conservative island of Madura continue to considerFGCtobecompulsory,andactivists inEastJavacling to thesameposition (FeillardandMarcoes1998:356;Putranti et al.2003:23–5).

Organizations created by the state, or closely supervisedbyit,havetendedtodefendFGCasarequirementofShafi‘ipractice,while insistingoncuttingas littleaspossible.ThiswasthepositionofthemuftiofSingaporein1994,anditwasrepeatedrecentlyinafatwaonthewebsiteofthecity-state’sIslamicReligiousCouncil(Mardiana1994;IslamicReligiousCouncilofSingapore2007).TheMajlisUlamaIndonesia,orCouncilofIndonesianUlama,longavoidedissuingafatwaonthematter,butonefemalememberdeclaredFGCtobeoblig-atory(FeillardandMarcoes1998:364).TheCouncilcooper-atedfromNovember2000inaNationalActionPlantoEndViolenceagainstWomen,takingthestancethatritualisticor‘non-invasive’techniquesofFGCshouldbepromoted,atleastduringaninitialphaseofraisingsocialawareness(U.S.StateDepartment2001).

Even fundamentalist or literalist movements have beenundecidedastohowtohandleFGC.PersatuanIslam,orPer-sis,wasrefoundedonliteralistlinesin1926,withstrongSouthAsian influence (Federspiel 2001). For some in this move-ment, female circumcision was reprehensible, a throwbacktotheageofignorancebeforetheriseofIslam(FeillardandMarcoes1998:364).However,onePersis scholar inthe1990stookthepositionthatsincetheProphethadorderedthathiswivesbecircumcised,thisshouldbethemodelforthefaithfulofallages.FGCwasnecessarytoperformactsofdevotion,andalsoexemplifiedcleanlinessandhygiene.Inaddition, itwassaidtoenhancesexualenjoyment,althoughitisunclearforwhichofthepartners(Newland2006:401).

Inrecentdecades,amoreextremekindoffundamentalismhas emerged in SoutheastAsia, notably the currents that gounderthenameofJemaahIslamiyah(Barton2005).AlthoughsomeoftheseliteralistsmerelytreatFGCashonourable,oth-ers,includingwomen,callforFGCtobeobservedmorestrictly,due to theneedtoreduceorregulatewomen’sexcessive lust(Putrantietal.2003:26,48).InsouthernThailand,envoysfromSouthAsia are said tobepreaching theneed fordeeper cut-ting(Merli2008:273).LiteralistsremainatinyminorityamongSoutheastAsianMuslims, however, and it seems that only aminorityofthisminorityadoptastrongpositiononFGC.

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Conclusion

There have been worrying trends for reformists sinceSoutheast Asian nations regained their independence. Farfromwitheringawaywithmodernityandprogress,FGChasseeminglybecomemorewidespread,especiallywiththewaveofIslamicrevivalismthatbeganinthe1970s.Theriseintheincidence of FGC has been greatest in densely populatedEast andCentral Java,where even the ‘orthodox’ had beenlax in theirobservance in former times. Inaddition, the rit-ualismorefrequentlyperformedoninfantsthaninthepast.Often, it is part of apost-natalpackage that includespierc-ingtheearsofthenewbornbabygirl.Moreover,evenifmostcircumcisionisstillsominorastoleavenoevidentphysicaltrace, there is agrowing stressoncuttingmoredeeply, andon reducing female libido.The invasivenatureof theoper-ationhasgrown throughmedicalizationandcommercializa-tion,whicharemostnoticeableinurbanareas(Budiharsanaet al. 2001:viii–ix,25; Feillard andMarcoes 1998:354, 356;Newland2006:395–6,401–2;Putrantietal.2003:24,47–8;U.S.StateDepartment2001).

Indeed,thegroupcircumcisionofnumerousgirlshasbeengrowinginWestJava,adevelopmentthatparallelstherisingpopularityofmasscircumcisionritualsforboys.In2001,anadvertisementinalocalpaper,Pikiran Rakyat,calledattentionto such a ceremony organized the Assalam Foundation(Budiharsana et al. 2003:10). By 2006, this foundation,workingforeducationandsocialservices,wascircumcisinggroupsofgirlsinthecityofBandung,whereithaditsownmosque.Everyspring, in the lunarmonthmarkingthebirthof theProphet, largegroupsofgirls,manyundertheageoffive, come together in prayer-halls or class-rooms.Womencircumcisers,whohaveservedanapprenticeship,usesterilizedscissorstocutasmallpieceoftheprepuce.Theprocedureisfree,andeachgirlreceivesasmallgiftafterwards,andacupofmilk to drink.The foundation’s chairman explained thatFGCwouldstabilizeagirl’slibido,makehermorebeautifulintheeyesofherhusband,andbalanceherpsychology(Corbett2008).IfadoptedacrossSoutheastAsia,masscircumcisionislikelytomakeFGCmoreprevalent.

TheUnitedNationspolicyofzerotolerance,establishedin1998andpartiallyadoptedbyahesitantIndonesiangovern-ment, is possibly thewrong response to such trends.LyndaNewlandarguesthatrepressionappearstohavestiffenedtheresolveofthepious(Newland2006).Theattempttoeliminatefemalecircumcisioncanall tooeasilybemade to look likeanassaultonIslamitself,therebyplayingintothehandsofanoisyfundamentalistminority.

A better strategymight be to encourageSoutheastAsianMuslimstoprobeandevaluatetheunderpinningsofFGCinIslam. Embarrassment prevents many from thoroughly dis-cussingtheissue,buttherearegoodtheologicalgroundsfordeclaringFGCtobeuncanonical.Indeed,somereformistsinthewider Islamicworld have come to reject FGC entirely,condemningitasanunacceptablesurvivalfromthejahiliyya,theageofignorance(Abdu’r-Razzaq1998:39;Ali2006:ch6;

Bosworth et al. 1978:913–14). Manifold divisions, whichhave rent every SoutheastAsian variety of Islam over theissue,indicatethatmanyMuslimsmightbepreparedtorepu-diateanimportedpre-IslamicArabcustom,aslongasthiswasseenasanecessaryaspectofIslamicreform.

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Purwatiningsih,Sri(2003)Male and Female Genital Cut-ting among Javanese and Madurese,Yogyakarta:CenterforPopulationandPolicyStudies,GadjahMadaUniver-sity.

Reid,Anthony(1988)Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, 1450–1680, volume 1, The Lands Below the Winds.NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress.

Rodionov,MikhailA.(2007)The Western Hadramawt: Eth-nographic Field Research, 1983–91, Halle: Orientswis-senschaftlichesZentrum,Martin-Luther-Universität.

Shiraishi,Takashi(1990)An Age in Motion: Popular Radical-ism in Java, 1912–1926,Ithaca:CornellUniversityPress.

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Siegel,JamesT.(1978)The Rope of God,Berkeley:Univer-sityofCaliforniaPress.

SnouckHurgronje, C. (1906)The Achehnese, Leiden: E. J.Brill.

SnouckHurgronje,C.(1923–24)Verspreide geschriften,TheHague:MartinusNijhoff(6vols.).

SnouckHurgronje,C.(1931)Mekka in the Latter Part of the Nineteenth Century: Daily Life, Customs and Learning,Leiden:E.J.Brill.

Strange,Heather(1981)Rural Malay Women in Tradition and Transition,NewYork:Praeger.

Taylor, Philip (2007)Cham Muslims of the Mekong Delta: Place and Mobility in the Cosmopolitan Periphery,Copen-hagen:NIASPress.

Tsuchiya,Kenji(1987)Democracy and Leadership: The Rise of the Taman Siswa Movement in Indonesia, Honolulu:UniversityofHawai’iPress.

U.S.StateDepartment(2001)‘Indonesia:ReportonFemaleGenital Mutilation (FGM) or Female Genital Cutting(FGC)’(OfficeoftheSeniorCoordinatorforInternationalWomen’s Issues) <http://www.state.gov/g/wi/rls/rep/crfgm/101102.htm>

Wensinck,A.J.(1986)‘Khitan,’Encyclopaediaof Islam,vol.5,20–2,Leiden:E.J.Brill(2nded.).

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Author

ProfessorWilliamClarence-SmithDepartmentofHistorySchoolofOrientalandAfricanStudies,[email protected]


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Vo l . 3 , No . 2 / 2008 www.etmu .f i

Basilica Dyah Putranti

To Islamize, Becoming a Real Woman or Commercialized Practices? Questioning Female Genital Cutting in Indonesia

Reframing the problem

As often noted in previous studies, in contrast to manyAfrican countries, problematizing female genital cutting1 inSoutheastAsiancountriesisincrediblychallengingduetotheinvisibility of such practices.Without the global campaignaimedateradicatingthisharmfulpractice, the incidencesoffemalegenitalcuttingwhichspreadthroughouttheSoutheastAsianregionmighthaveneverbeenquestioned.Femalegen-ital cuttingbegan to gain attentionwithin Indonesia’s intel-lectualworldquiterecently,sincethelate1990s.Whilesomepreviousstudieshavesucceededinexploringtheprevalence,contextsandsignificanceofthispractice,itremainsdifficulttodelineatethetruechallengesfacedbytheIndonesianpeopleinregardtothispractice.

In their relativelycomprehensivestudyonfemalegenitalcuttinginIndonesia,AndreeFeillardandLiesMarcoes(1998)foundthatthoughminimizedas‘symbolicgestures’andsur-roundedbyacertainamountofsecrecy,thepracticeevolvedassubsidiarytomalegenitalcuttingandspreadinmostregionsinIndonesiathroughtheprocessofIslamization.2Theirfind-ingswerefollowedbyseveralstudiesconductedindifferent

regionswhichfocusedmoreonthevariationsofthepractice,itsmotivationsbetweenreligionandtradition,anditsimpli-cations in terms of women’s health (i.e. Budiharsana et al.2003 inPadang,PadangPariaman,Serang,Sumenep,KutaiKartanegara, Gorontalo, Makassar, and Bone; Ida 2005 inMadura;Musyarofahetal.2003inLampung;Newland2006inWestJava;Putrantietal.2003inYogyakartaandMadura;Rahman1999inWestJava;Suryandaru2004inSouthJava;andSumarnietal.2005inYogyakarta).

Allofthesestudieshavenotedsimilartechniquesofprac-tice.Ineachresearchsite,operationsremovingapartoftheclitorispersisted.Inothercases,theseoperationswereoftenreplacedby“onlysymbolic”gestures.Thestudiesalsoindi-cate how elements of Islam are presented as factors eithercontributingtothedisappearanceofindigenousfemalegeni-talcuttingpracticesorcompetingwiththemoremedicalizedpractices.Themostpersuasivediscussionhasquestionedtheharmfulnessof“minor”femalegenitalcuttingoperationsper-formedineachoftheresearchsites,anditssignificanceeitherinreconstructinggenderideologyorinaffectingthestateofwomen’shealthinIndonesia.

As a preserved ancient tradition in Indonesia, female genital cutting is often neglected because its inci-dences are not readily visible. This paper attempts to make this practice more visible by exploring its or-igins, meanings and the challenges surrounding it. This exploration shows how local contexts serve as an important basis for the presence of female genital cutting in Indonesia. In both research sites, Java-nese court tradition was established prior to the introduction of Islam. The coastal Islamic tradition de-veloped since the 16th century, and the spread of western medicine since the colonial period generated ceremonial ‘symbolic only’ practices of female genital cutting. However, the medicalization process has lead to the commercialization of the practices, while the recent rise of Islamic fundamentalism allows ‘real cutting’ and even more harmful practices to be carried out among Muslims throughout the archipel-ago. This study points out how patriarchal myths surrounding these practices affect the women’s sexu-ality and health and help shed light on the true challenges of female genital cutting in Indonesia today.

Abstract

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basilica dyah putranti

Untilnow,femalegenitalcuttinginIndonesiahasnotbeenfully delineated. My previous studies (Putranti et al. 2003;Putranti 2005) conducted in the Yogyakarta and Maduraregions describe the religious, cultural and medical connec-tionsthathaveinfluencedthedevelopmentofthispractice,butthequestionofwhenfemalegenitalcuttingactuallybegantobeacceptedinIndonesiaremainsunanswered.Mystudiesalsoaddress the preservedmeanings attached to these operations,althoughwhat is actually experienced by babies or girls andwhethertheyconsiderthepracticeharmfultotheirhealthisdif-ficulttoassess.3Indeed,thisphenomenonremainsapuzzlewithnoavailabledatafrompre-Islamicperiodsandthelackofanappropriatemethodtoverifyitsfactualincidences.Theaimofthisarticleisnottotackletheseunfinishedtasks,buttoreframethe“problem”inlocalcontextstofindoutthetruechallengessurrounding these practices:Howprevalent is female genitalcuttinginIndonesia?Howfarcanwepossiblytraceitsorigin?Howmeaningfularethesepracticesforthesociety?Arethesepracticeschallengingtowomenandifso,inwhatways?

Inordertotracetheoriginsoffemalegenitalcutting,thefollowingdiscussiondealswithitsprevalence,historyandter-minologies.The techniques, logic, and ceremonies are thenanalyzedtoshowhowmeaningfulfemalegenitalcuttingisforthe society.Lastly, I discuss the several possible challengesthis practice presents to women, particularly in connectionwiththeriseofmedicalizationoverthelasttwodecadesandtherecentriseofIslamicfundamentalism.Althoughtheprob-lemdiscussedhererelates to Indonesia ingeneral, it shouldbenotedthatmostoftheanalysis isbasedonJavanesecul-turalcontexts.Thisarticle,therefore,callsfortheconductionof follow-upstudiesofotherethnicandculturalcontexts inorder to paint amore vivid and complete picture of femalegenitalcuttingthroughoutthearchipelago.Thisisparticularlyimportant inorder tocompare thechallengesfemalegenitalcuttingpresentsforwomenindifferentethniccontexts.

Notes on methodology

Toanswerthequestionsaddressedinthisarticle,Idependmethodologically on the results of field research conductedin2002intheYogyakartaandMaduraregions,someupdateddatagathered in2007, in addition to a comprehensive litera-ture reviewabout thesepractices inother regionsof Indone-sia.Datawasprimarilyobtainedfromin-depthinterviewsdur-ingthefieldresearchin2002.Theinformantsincludedwomenwhohadpersonallyexperiencedgenitalcutting, femalemod-ernandtraditionalhealthpractitionersconductingsuchopera-tions,malereligiousleaderspromotingthepractice,andcom-munityleaderspossiblyknowledgeableofthehistoricalaspectsoffemalegenitalcutting.Someofthestatisticaldatapresentedin this article is also based on a survey with 383 male andfemalerespondentsinYogyakartaandMadura.During2007,Iupdatedtheexistingdatatoensureitsrelevancyinthecurrentcontext.In-depthinterviewswithfemalemodernhealthprac-titionerswere carried out in several hospitals inYogyakarta,

andclippingspointingtothenationalpolemicofthesepracticeswerecollectedfromnewspapers,magazinesandwebsites.BothmethodsprovideinformationonthemostrecenttendenciesoffemalegenitalcuttinginIndonesia,especiallyaftertherecentriseofIslamicfundamentalismthroughoutthearchipelago.

Yogyakarta andMadura are important research sites forthisstudybecausefemalegenitalcuttingispracticedinbothareas.Moreover,bothsocietiessharethesyncretismofJava-neseculture inwhich the localworldviewshavebeen influ-encedbyhistoricalwavesofanimism,Hinduism,Buddhismand,finally, Islamicspiritualelements.Thishistoricalback-groundisusefulinidentifyingwhetherfemalegenitalcuttingpracticesoriginatedfromIslamictraditionorpriortoIslam’sspreadtotheregion.Theseresearchsitesaresignificantlydif-ferentdemographically,however,Yogyakartabeingmorehet-erogeneousintermsofethnicity,religionandsocialclass.Incontrast,Madura is relatively homogenouswithmost of itspopulation consistingofMuslimswith lower levels of edu-cation.Anotherreasonfortheselectionofthesesitesinthisstudy is that these differences in demographic characteris-ticshelpdelineatethevarietiesofandmotivationsbehindthepracticeoffemalegenitalcuttinginIndonesia.

Terminologies and origins

Whilethereareonlylimiteddataontheprevalenceoffemalegenital cutting in Indonesia,weare lucky tohaveaccess tothedocumentedworkofDutchscholarsfromthesecondhalfof the19thcentury.AssummarizedbyFeillardandMarcoes(1998), theDutchscholars’workreveals thatfemalegenitalcuttingpracticeswerefoundinIndonesiaattheendofthe17thcentury.Gervaisefirstreportedin1670theexistenceofthesepracticesamongMuslims in theMakassar,Sulawesi region,describinghow“womenshouldbeallowedtosavetheirsoulsthroughcircumcision, it ispracticed in secret,quietlywhilemen are never present” (Feillard and Marcoes 1998:339).DutchscholarWinter’sworkin1843notedthecuttingoffofpartoftheclitorisofgirls6–7yearsofageinSurakarta,Java.Riedel’sworkin1870pointstosimilarpracticesamonggirls9–15yearsoldinGorontalo,Sulawesi;Dr.B.F.Matthes’workin1875describesthispracticeamongBuginesegirlsof3–7yearsofageinSulawesi;andA.L.vanHasselt’sworkin1882showsgenitalcuttingoccurringamonggirlsatanearlieragethan boys inMinangkabau, Sumatera. Later documentationincludestheworkofHurgronjein1924whichconfirmstheseearlierfindings among theSundanese, Javanese andAcehe-nese, however delineating differences in secrecy based onlocalcontext.AccordingtoHurgronje,Sundanesegirlswerecircumcised within secrecy. The greatest secrecy, however,was found amongAcehenesegirls.Oppositely, secrecywasabsentamongthegirlsofJavanesearistocrats.4

Perhapsthemostcomprehensivescholarlyworkonfemalegenital cutting is Schrieke’s in 1906, documenting cases offemalegenitalcuttingthroughoutalmosttheentirearchipelago.Schriekementionsnumerousregionsthatcarriedoutthepractices


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withsimilaroperations,including:Javaisland(Batavia,Ciamis,Tasikmalaya,Bogor,Kutoarjo,Kebumen,Muntilan,Parakan,Demak, Ungaran, Surakarta, Ngawi, Nganjuk, Mojowarno,Lawang); Sumatra island (Indragiri, Asahan, Medan, Selat-Panjang,Penjabungan,Bangkinang,Lampung,Belitung);AlorandPantarislands;Borneoisland(Pontianak,Sintang,Smitau,Tenggarong); Celebes island (Gorontalo); Buton island; Keiisland;andMoluccasislands(Bacan).5

Feillard andMarcoes (1998) conclude from theseDutchscholarsthatthepracticeoffemalegenitalcuttingwasindeedintroducedbyIslamicinfluences,pointingtothepresenceofthis practice in Islamic regions and absence of the practicein regionsnotyet reachedby IslamlikeNias,Timor,Batakpagans in Pearaja,Muara Siberut, Lombok, Sumba, Flores,Solor, Roti and ethnic Dayaks in Borneo.6 This conclusionis confirmed by contemporary Indonesian scholars in theirstudiesoffemalegenitalcuttinginMuslimcommunities(i.e.Budiharsana et al. 2003; Ida2005;Musyarofah et al. 2003;Rahman1999;Sumarnietal.2005;Suryandaruetal.2004).

My findings from field research in Madura (Putranti etal. 2003 andPutranti 2005) also indicate female genital cut-ting practices to be initiated by Islam, ormore precisely, bythe “coastal” Islamic tradition. This tradition dates back totheinfluenceofArabian,PersianandGujaratculturesbroughtbyMuslim traders toMadura’s coastal areas in the 16th cen-tury.NotverylongbeforetheintroductionofIslaminMadura,political effortsweremadeby theYogyakartaCourt to unitethe JavaneseKingdom throughout the archipelago, includingtheattempttoconquertheperipheralcourtofSumenepineast-ernMadura.Theeffortsdidnotsucceed,however,andconse-quently‘pure’IslamflourishedmoreinMadurathandidJava-nese cultural beliefs. The practice of female genital cuttingin theseareas, therefore,developedmoreasIslamicreligiouspractice.

AmongJavanesepeople,genitalcuttingiscomprehendedinseverallocaltermssuchassunat,khitan,tetak,supit,andtetes.Eachtermshedslightonwhichsyncreticelementandsocio-culturalcircumstanceisbeingreferredto.Inacontem-porary Javanese-Indonesia dictionary, for example, we canfindthetermsunat,whichissynonymouswith khitan,tetakand supit (Prawiroatmodjo 1981). These terms refer exclu-sively tomale genital cutting, though in practice, the termssunatandkhitancanalsorefertofemalegenitalcutting.Itisinterestingtonotethatthereisnotermtetes(Javanese)ortetas(Indonesian)mentionedinthiscontemporarydictionary,butitisfoundinanoldJavanese-Indonesiadictionary,referringtotwogeneralmeanings:1]topierce,toprickand2]‘tohatch’(anegg).Thereisalsoamentionofthetermanetes,meaning:1]tocrackopen(anegg);2]toscratch;3]tocutwithasharptooland4] to release from,while the term tetesanmeansachild(ofbird)whichishatched(Zoetmulder2006:1245).

Insocialpractices,themeaningsofallthesetermsdependonthecontexts.Thetermsunat (Javanese)orsonat(Madurese)isoftenemphasizedtoimplythe‘realcutting’operations.Mean-while,sunatan(Javanese)orsonattan(Madurese)signifiestheceremoniesassociatedwithgenitalcutting.Particularlyamong

theJavanese,thesetermsaremorelikelyusedtopronouncemalegenitalcutting.Therefore,thetermsunatan masal(massgenitalcutting)referstoamalegenitalcuttingceremony,notafemaleone.Notwithstanding,intheMaduraregion,thetermsonattancanalsobeappliedtofemalegenitalcuttingceremo-niesinitiatedbytraditionalreligiousleaders.7Theterm sunatorsunatrasulisalsoconnectedwiththeArabicwordSunah,referringtothedoingsandsayingsofMuhammad,sothatincaseofgenitalcutting,itdenotesadvisablereligiousactionstobecarriedout(EcholsandShadali1981:533).

BasedonmyobservationinYogyakarta,thetermsunatanis interchangeably used with tetakan (from tetak, hittingwithasharptool)andsupitan (fromsupit,atoolforclamp-ing) to refer tomale genital cutting ceremonies.AssociatedwithIslam,theceremonypersonallysignifiestheprocessof“becomingaMuslim.”Inawidersocialcontext,however,itisconsideredasacycleofthecoreritualsoftheJavanesecom-munityaimedatmaintainingorderandsafetyforall,includ-ingactivitiesofeatingtogether,theanimisticelementofburn-ingincense,andIslamicprayers.InthecircleoftheJavanesekingdom,inwhichpowerwascentredintheYogyakartaCourtandpolarizedtotheperipheralareasofJava,thetermtetakan ismoreoftenusedtobeparalleledwithtetesan,afemalegen-italcuttingceremony,whichitsoperationinvolvessymboliconlygestures.Bothtetakanand tetesanuniquelysignifyapro-cessof“becomingamanorawoman.”

Meanwhile, khitan is another commonly used term amongIndonesia’sMuslims.ThisArabic termstands for“cleansing”andissaidtoberootedfromthewordkhatana (verb), meaningtocut.Thereisalsoanotherterm,khifad(noun),whichmeanslesseningor lowering.Khifad isparalleledwithkhitan,but inhadiths,itoftenreferstofemalegenitalcutting,meaningremov-ingasmallpartofthetipoftheclitoris(Munawwir1997).8

ItisimportanttorememberthatthoughtheavailabledatapointsinthedirectionoffemalegenitalcuttingasanIslamicinvention,wemustkeepinmindthatthereisverylittledatafrom the pre-Islamic period. I am far from uncovering theexactoriginsoffemalegenitalcuttinginIndonesia,andthisarticleisonlyabletoindicatethespreadofbeliefsingenitalcutting as a Javanese animistic practicewhich existedpriorto the coming of Islam and even ofHinduism.This belief,forinstance,wasexpressedbyanelderlybelieverinJavanesemysticismIinterviewedinYogyakarta:

To my knowledge, before mosques, churches and temples ex-isted, the Javanese had already been there. As well as tetakan or tetesan, the Javanese have been there before everything hap-pened… just like an instinct. But then tetesan has been known as the court culture. It is because in the time of the Javanese king-dom, the common people followed the Sultan’s order as taken for granted, including his order to carry out Muhammad’s birth-day, village cleansing, and tetakan or tetesan ceremonies.

Inotherwords,beliefssurroundingancientfemalegenitalcuttingpracticesstillexistthoughevidenceofsuchpracticeswouldbeverydifficult toobtain.Iwilldiscussthismorein

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thefollowingsectionsnotonlytoindicatethevariousculturalreferencesoffemalegenitalcuttingtoday,butalsotoshowhowmeaningfulthepracticeisforparticulargroupsinIndonesia.

The spread of FGC and its cultural meanings

In female genital cutting throughout Indonesia, variousoperational techniques are employed. For example, FeillardandMarcoes(1998)discoveredthefollowing:cuttingoffpartoftheclitoris“thatisinexcess”eitherwithorwithoutbleedingusingaknife,razororscissors(inPekalongan,Purbolinggo,Jombang,Madura,Denanyar, Lombok,Banten, Bungotebo,Wedi,Klaten,Jember,Gresik);rubbingofftheskinofthecli-torisusingapincerorpieceofbamboo(inJombang,Tegal,Jember,Sepanjang,Situbondo,Madura);andpiercingthecli-toriswithaneedleorknifetoextractasingledropofblood(inYogyakarta, Jakarta).The researchofBudiharsana et al.(2003) similarly identifies the techniques of rubbing, scrap-ing, scratching, pricking, piercing, incising, and excising tobeusedinPadang,PadangPariaman,Serang,Sumenep,KutaiKertanegara,Gorontalo,MakasarandBone.

Although thefemalegenitalcutting techniquesemployedin Indonesia appear not to be as extreme as those found inmanyAfrican countries, some form of ‘minor real cutting’does indeed occur throughout the country more often than‘symboliconlygestures.’ Thiscanbeseenin thestatisticaldataanalyzedinIda’sresearchinMadura(2005),whereintheproportions of scratching (34,2 percent), cutting (33,8 per-cent) and rubbing (23,3 percent) are higher than the ‘sym-boliconlygesture’ofcleansing(2,5percent).Insomeotherareas, however, ‘symbolic only gestures’ occur more oftenthan‘minorrealcutting’.AsindicatedinmyresearchinYog-yakarta(Putrantietal.2003),theproportionof‘symboliconlygestures’(16,7percent)ishigherthancuttingthegenitalparts(11,2percent),scratchingwithoutbleeding(5,6percent),andscratchingwithbleeding(2,8percent).

Thepresenceandtendencyforceremonial‘symboliconlygestures’and‘minorrealcutting’techniquesinIndonesiatodaydoesnotmeanthatfemalegenitalcuttinghaslost itssignifi-cance.Ifindthatthewayfemalegenitalcuttingiscarriedoutisalwaysbondedtothevariousmeaningsattachedtoit,whichin turnhelps shape theceremonies surrounding thepractice.The various cutting practices in Indonesia all share the ideaofpurification,ofpurifyingthebodyfromdirt.ThefollowingdiscussionelaboratesthisassertionthroughexplainingthetwobasictechniquesforfemalegenitalcuttingthatIdiscoveredinmyresearchsitesofMaduraandYogyakarta,namelythetech-niquesof‘minorrealcutting’and‘symboliconlygestures’.

Theword ‘cutting’ in this context does not only refer toremovingpartofthegenitals,butalsotowoundingthegeni-talsuntilbleedingresults.Whilethereisnoclearexplanationfor the reasons behind removing orwounding female geni-talsuntilbleedingresults,thediversityofpracticesoffemalegenitalcuttingsuggeststhatdifferentinterpretationsandtech-

niques are utilized throughout Indonesia, especially in theIslamicregions.Asexplainedbymyinformants,

Usually, it is the foreskin which is cut… only something excessive on the tip that should be removed... using a razor until there is a little bit of bleeding. According to male traditional religious leaders, the proper way includes bleeding. After that, a slice of turmeric should be applied on it (afemaletraditionalhealerinMadura).

I just cut a small part… no more than a half centimetre. Ba-sically it is only the foreskin, so there is not much change. But it is enough according to Islam (amidwifeinMadura).

When I studied fiqh, I was inspired to experience genital cutting even though it is only recommended. Thus, I went to the doctor… At that time she used a boiled scissor to cut my geni-tals … only a small part. My genital was bleeding a bit but I al-most didn’t feel anything. After that, my genital was sprayed… maybe with alcohol. Two days later, it had already healed (afemalestudentofanIslamicorthodoxschoolinYogyakarta).

Indeed,itisreligiousmotivationthatoftenunderliesfemalegenital cuttingoperations.The term ‘cutting’ itself refers totheideaofremovingdirtfromhumanbodiesastheprerequi-siteforIslamicprayer.SeveralreligiousleadersIhadmetinMaduraandYogyakartaassertedthattheidearefersmoretomalegenitalcutting,whileforfemalegenitalcutting,thereisnoexplicitrulementionedintheKoranorHadith.Notwith-standing,theybelievethattheideacanalsobeassociatedwiththefemalepractice.Asaresult,variousinterpretationsofthepractice have emerged.An Islamic leader inMadura eluci-datedhispointofview,

Devotion, especially Islamic prayer, is obligatory, and the absolute requirement for this is to be clean. When the time of devotion is coming, a servant of God has to be clean. There is no dirt in or on his/her body. Because urine is considered as part of dirt, khitan is purposed to remove the rest of the urine, which sticks to the human body. By contrast, if one is not geni-tally cut, the purity of their body is questioned.

My interviews with other Islamic leaders inYogyakartaandMaduraalsoconfirmedthattheremightbesomereligiousmotivestopracticegenitalcutting.ForMuslimswhofollowtheSyafiimainstreaminterpretation,genitalcuttingisconsid-eredobligatory(wajib)forbothmenandwomen.Onetheotherhand,forthosewhofollowtheHanbalimainstreaminterpreta-tion,genitalcuttingisconsideredobligatoryformen,butonlyrecommended (sunah) forwomen,whileyet another Islamicinterpretation says that it is honourable (makruma) to carryoutfemalegenitalcutting.Myobservations,however,assertthateven though IndonesianMuslimspredominantly followtheSyafiimainstream,itmaynotalwaysbeintermofprac-tices.There are interpretations that advise against the prac-tice becauseof the lackof a strong legitimizing foundationineither theKoranorHadith9.Besides,somewhomaintain


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Javanesetraditionwouldbasetheiropinionmuchonmysticbeliefsaboutfemalegenitalcutting.Butinanyofthesecases,bothfemaleandmalegenitalcuttingsignificantlydetermineaperson’ssocialidentityasa“true”Muslim.Bystatingthatonehasexperiencedgenitalcutting,he/sheisacknowledgedasamemberoftheIslamiccommunity.

It isalso interestingthatMuslimsandnon-Muslimshavedifferent attitudes towards genital cutting.Among JavaneseMuslims,ifonehasnotexperiencedgenitalcuttinghe/sheisoftenconsideredanon-believer,connotingProtestantsorChi-nese.UnlikeMuslims,theassimilationofProtestantsandChi-nese into Javanesecommunitieshashistoricallybeen diffi-cult,duetoculturaltensions.AProtestantpriestIinterviewedinYogyakartaexplains,

Formerly, the missionaries believed that Western culture was higher than indigenous cultures. It created the superiority of Protestantism which had been spread among Javanese peo-ple at that time. Western is superior, and thus Protestantism is superior. It is an evolutionist thinking, and as a result, the mis-sionaries often subordinate and prohibit everything related to Javanese culture. Traditional puppet show “wayang” had even been prohibited, much less genital cutting. Indeed, that was the missionaries failure in approaching the Javanese.

Thishistoricalbackgroundstillinfluencesthewayinwhichthe Protestant community considers genital cutting amongJavanese today. An interview with a priest in Yogyakartarevealed that among Javanese Protestants, genital cutting isregardedasadisavowaltoGodandmayleadtoexcommuni-cation fromthechurchcommunity.10 Incaseof theChinese,almost similar attitudes prevail. Since the Chinese living inJavaareusuallyChristiansandculturally relatively isolated,prejudicesaboutthemoftenemergeamongJavaneseMuslims.AcommunitymemberIhaveinterviewedinYogyakarta,forexample,saidthataboywhoisafraidtoenduregenitalcut-tingisoftenmockedamonghisfriendswhomaysingthesong“cina liding, peli cina wedi lading”(yourpenisislikethatoftheChinesewhoisafraidoftheknife).

IntheCatholic,HinduandBuddhistcommunitiesinYog-yakarta,however,IfoundarelativelyneutralattitudetowardgenitalcuttingduetotheiracceptanceofJavanesenormsandtraditions.As a result, these non-Muslim communities alsopracticegenitalcuttingsimilartoMuslims.AninterviewwithamemberoftheBuddhistcommunityinYogyakartauncoverstheirmotivationtoexperiencegenitalcutting:

There is no clause in Buddhists’ holy book that obligates one to undergo genital cutting. Buddhists perform genital cut-ting just because it is customary among people in Yogyakar-ta to do so when their children are getting mature. Thus, the reason behind it is because of cultural tradition, aside from of health.

TheCatholiccommunityinYogyakartaseemstohavesim-ilar motivations with the Buddhists. Although Catholicism

hadformerlyprohibitedgenitalcuttinglikeProtestantism,thepracticehascontinuedforbothculturalandhealthreasons.ACatholicpriestinYogyakartaformulated,

Most members of the Catholic community here are prac-ticing male genital cutting. The first reason is for healthiness, and the second is for a holy sexual pleasure of husband and wife. As regards female genital cutting, it is rarely practiced among Catholics. But for them who live in rural areas, it is still practiced because of cultural traditions.

HindusfortheirpartpracticegenitalcuttingwhenaBali-nese-HindumarriesaJavanese-MuslimandtheyliveinJava.

ThesecondtechniqueoffemalegenitalcuttingpracticedinIndonesia,particularlyinYogyakartaandinsomepartsofJava,is‘symboliconlygestures.’Knownas tetesan, thetechniqueis rooted inJavanesesyncretismandsymbolizespurificationfromdirt,butithasaslightlydifferentlogicandperceptionof‘dirt’thanthetechniqueofkhitanrootedinIslamicbeliefs.Inthisview, theJavanesebelieve thatallhumanswereborn inaconditionof suffering fromdirtdue to thecurseofBataraKala, thegodpreyingonhumans.Hence,everyoneneeds tobepurifiedfromthisdirtwhilestillachildinordertoshieldone’slifefrombadluck.Throughtheceremonyoftetesanforfemaleortetakanformale,theyellowangel,orSangHyangManikmaya, is called to accomplish this goal. In line withthis,‘realcutting’onlyoccursinthetetakanceremony,whilein tetesan ceremony, there is nothing to be cut.An elderlyJavanesebelieverinmysticisminYogyakartamaintained:

I argue against those who say ‘cutting’ is applied in tete-san. This violates the Javanese authenticity and instict. The truth is that it only includes ‘sticking a slice of turmeric on the clitoris.’ Of course there is a reason behind it. In ancient times, people believed in four angels that manifest: a white one named Sang Hyang Setomoyo, a red one named Sang Hyang Klekomoyo, a yellow one named Sang Hyang Manik-maya, and a black one named Sang Hyang Maniksuderi. In tetesan, removing dirt is the task of the yellow angel. This is why turmeric is used to symbolize the removal of dirt by means of cutting the turmeric not the clitoris, then throwing it into the sea or burying it in the ground. In tetakan, however, the fore-skin is buried or thrown.

Healsoconnected femalegenitalcuttingwithanancientanimistic-Hindubeliefthatasetofritualofferingslikeburn-ingincense,preparingfood,throwingsymbolicmaterialsintothesea,etc.mightvalidatethepractice.Throughtime,Islamicelementsbecameincorporatedintheceremonies.Forthisrea-son,sunat amongMuslims,aswell as tetesanor tetakan insyncretisedbeliefsystemsareusuallyaccompaniedwiththereadingofIslamicprayersduringtheceremony.

Today, most Javanese people are no longer familiar withmysticexplanationsoftetesanandsimplyunderstandtheprac-ticeasapubertyriteasexemplifiedintheYogyakartacourtlytradition.Inthissense,tetesansymbolizesthefemalereproduc-

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tivefunctionsofpregnancyandchildbirth. In theYogyakartaCourt,aswellasamongcommonpeople,tetesanisusuallycar-riedoutwhenagirliseightyearsold.Thisagenotonlysignalsacriticalmomentbeforeenteringwomanhood,butalsohelpstodevelopherawarenessofupcomingchangesinherbodyandbehaviour.AccordingtoaJavanesehistorianinYogyakarta,

Up to the age of eight, a child is in a risky condition… at risk of everything, including getting diseases. Therefore, if a child is able to reach the age of 8 years in a healthy condition, we should express our gratitude. Especially for a little girl, it must be ensured that she will be able to netes – meaning that she is not infertile in many senses. After having menstruation at the age of 10 to 15 years, she is hoped to be able to get preg-nant, deliver and breastfeed a baby. In other words, she should become a real woman… really a woman, not a tomboy.

Inthecourtlytradition,themeaningoftetesanaspubertyritetendstomanifestitselfinasetofrigidrulespertainingtowom-anhoodandinsophisticatedceremonies.AwomanoftheroyalfamilyIinterviewedinYogyakartaCourtelaboratesasfollows,

At the age of eight, a little girl must undergo the tetesan cer-emony. At that moment, several senior women guide her to go through the ceremony; bathing her, clothing her in traditional outfit, and offering her herbal drinks. Then, a female traditional healer will take her role to do tetesan inside a bed covered with cloth so that people cannot see inside. After tetesan is done, the girl must pay tribute to all senior women. At that time, she is considered to be entering womanhood. As a consequence, there are different rules she needs to adjust to. Becoming a woman is no longer as free as being a child. For that reason, she must be careful in her relationships to the opposite sex.

Thiskindofaceremonyisalsocarriedoutfortetakan,anditscelebrationisallowedtobemuchlivelierthanthatfortete-san.Whiletheseceremoniescontinuetobepracticedbytheroyal family of theYogyakarta Court, they appear to havebeengradually forgotten amongcommonpeople, especiallyinurbanareas.Nonetheless,somemeaningsbehindtheideaoftetesanandtetakanstillexist,servingasabasisforgenderdivisionsinJavanesesocietytoday.

Iconcludethattheutilizationofboth‘minorrealcutting’and‘symboliconlygestures’ techniques in femalegenital cuttingaremeaningful for socio-cultural processes in Javanese soci-ety,particularlyamongMuslimsandcontemporarysyncretisedreligions.However,animportantquestionremainsintermsofwhetherfemalegenitalcuttingpracticesinIndonesiaaretrulychallengingforwomen.Thenextsectionwilladdressthisques-tion,especiallyinconnectiontotherecentriseofwesternmedi-calizationandIslamicfundamentalisminthearchipelago.

Commercialization and Islamic Fundamentalism: Challenges for Women?

At that time, my parents were Muslims. For that reason, they carried out the tetesan ceremony when I was eight. The day before the ceremony, my mother took me to the market to buy new clothes, which of course made me happy. People were also busy preparing food, cleaning the house, and arranging the ceremony. Early in the morning of the ceremony, my fam-ily bathed me with flowers mixed in water. After bathing, I was asked to lie down in my bedroom which was decorated like a wedding room. There was only my mother and a midwife accompanying me. Then, the midwife asked me to spread my legs. I was not sure what really happened at that time. For me, it looked like the midwife took something from my genital ar-ea and packed it with a piece of paper. But I did not feel any-thing. I just realized it when she cleansed my genital area with wet cottons. This occurred for 3 minutes only. At noon, many neighbours came to my home and prayed together. After pray-ing, each of them took a basket of food home.

ThestorytoldtomeisatestimonyofonefemaleinformantinYogyakartaaboutherexperienceofthetetesanritual.Ascanbededucedfromthestory,itislikelythat‘realcutting’didnotoccur.Italsoseemsthatshewasnotthataffectedbythisexpe-rience.Thisleadsmetoquestionwhetherthepracticeistrulychallengingforwomen.Infact,itisnoteasytoobtainasatisfy-inganswerfromthewomenthemselves.Besidesoccurringinsecrecy,thepracticesareusuallyconductedbetweentheagesof0–15years,mostoftenwhenthegirlisstillababy(forthosefollowing Islamic tradition)or between the agesof 7–8 (forthose followingJavanese tradition), so thatmostof themdonotrememberwhatreallyoccurredwhentheritualswerecar-riedout.ThisissupportedbyNewland’sstudyonfemalegen-italcuttinginWestJava,whichhighlightsthezerotolerancepoliciestowardsthepracticethatseemoutoftouchwiththerealitiesatthegrass-rootslevel,asinherview,femalegenitalcuttingisnotperformedwithanyintentionofviolence,abuse,orevenharmtowardsgirl-childrenanddoesnotseemtohaveanymeasurableeffectontheirlives(Newland2006:403).

However,my findings point out at least twomain issuesthatresituatefemalegenitalcuttingpracticesaspotentialchal-lengesforIndonesianwomentoday.Ononehand,thereistheincreasinglypowerfulwesternmedicalizationprocessthatfordecadeshasbeencontributingtothedismissalof‘realcutting’operations,particularlyamongIslamicbelievers.Althoughthismedicalizationhaskeptwomenawayfromharmfuloperations,thepopularityofIslamicfemalegenitalcuttinghasledtothemorecommercializedpracticesoffemalegenitalcuttingeitherwithorwithout‘realcutting’involved.Onetheotherhand,theriseofIslamicfundamentalisminlate1990shasbroughtanewsignificancetofemalegenitalcuttingasareligiousobligation.Possible implications of this rising fundamentalism includethere-emergenceofharmfuloperationsbasedonliteralread-ingsofhadithsaswellasanincreaseinreligiousinstitutions’controloverwomen’ssexualityandreproduction.Perhapsthe


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biggestchallengeisthepotentialforthesepowerfulforcestocombine,withthenotionoffemalegenitalcuttingasanobli-gationbasedonIslamicbeliefsgainingsupportfromthemedi-calizationandcommercializationprocesses.

Discussionsaboutthemedicalizationoffemalegenitalcut-tingoperationsbegantoappearinstudiesin2000.BasedoninformationfromseveralmidwivesIinterviewed,however,itcanbeestimatedthatmedicalizedoperationshavebeenpopu-larsincethe1990swhenIndonesia’sgovernmentpersistentlypromoted medical services by female doctors/midwives toreplacetheuseofherbsgivenbyfemale traditionalhealers.Themedicalizationprocesshaschangedthepracticeoffemalegenitalcuttingsubstantially,especiallyintermsoftechnique,practitioners, tools and the medication applied. My obser-vations inbothYogyakartaandMadura illustrate this trend,withanapparentchangefrom‘minorrealcutting’and‘sym-boliconlygestures’employedbyfemaletraditionalhealerstoapreferencefor‘genitalcleansing’andsometimes‘minorrealcutting’asperformedbyfemaledoctors/midwives.Toolsusedinthispracticehavealsochangedfromusingaknife,razororcuttertousingmedicalscissors.Sometimesnotoolsareuti-lized,butcottonbudsareusedtoapplyalcoholandBetadinetothefemalegenitalarea.Inthecaseof‘symboliconlyges-tures,’thereisnosignificantchangeintermsofthetoolsused,exceptfor themedication.In traditionalpractices,asliceofturmericisusuallyputontheclitoristoworkasanantiseptic.Inthemedicalizedpractices,turmericisreplacedbyalcohol.

Themedicalizationprocessismorethanatechnicalchange;itisalsoaculturalone,withwesternmedicalknowledgereplac-ingtosomeextentthelocalbeliefssurroundingfemalegenitalcutting.Themostobviouschangeconcernsthemotivesforcar-ryingouttheceremony.Intraditionalpractices,oneismotivatedtocarryoutthepracticebecauseofadesiretomaintainthecos-mologicalorder (in Javanesemysticism)or to fulfil religiousobligations(inIslam).Thisspirithasbeengettingincreasinglyweakerthroughthepresenceofmidwives,nursesanddoctorswhopromotemodernhealthbeliefsandreplacefemaletradi-tionalhealersinchildbirth.Asaresult, sunator tetesancere-moniesusuallyledbyfemaletraditionalhealersorfemaletra-ditionalreligiousleadershavealsolosttheirsignificance.

Another resultof themedicalizationprocess involves theseemingly unintentional commercialization of female geni-talcuttingpracticescarriedoutbybothfemaledoctors/mid-wivesandfemaletraditionalhealers.Amongfemaledoctors/midwives,thepracticeisusually“packed”togetherwithear-piercingandthepinningofgoldstuds,whileamongfemaletraditional healers, the “package” includes baby massage,hair-cutting, ear-piercing and bathing services. A standardcost for femalegenitalcutting is15,000rupiahs (equivalentto1.25euroor1.6dollar),whileforear-piercingthecostis10.000rupiahs(€0.8or$1.1).Inpractice,however,thecostsmayvary.InMadura,atypicalfemalegenitalcuttingpackagecarriedoutbyafemaletraditionalhealercostsbetween5,000to10,000rupiahs(€0.4to€0.8or$0.5to$1.1),althoughsomechargemore,between30,000to50,000rupiahs(€2.5to€4.2or $3.3 to $5.5). If performed bymidwives, female genital

cutting services require an additional administrative fee ofbetween5,000to10,000rupiahs(€0.4to€0.8or$0.5to$1.1).Similarly in Yogyakarta, the midwives usually require anadministrativefeeof5,000rupiahs(€0.4or$0.5).Othermid-wiveschargedhigherrates,between50,000to70,000rupiahs(€4.2to€5.8or$5.5to$7.8),whichincludesear-piercingandthepinningofgoldstuds.FemaletraditionalhealersinYog-yakarta,however,donotaskforanypaymentforcarryingoutfemalegenitalcutting–theyonlyacceptmoneyasgratuity.

Itappearsthatmoreandmorepeoplebelievethatbychoos-ingapackageoffemalegenitalcuttingwithafemaledoctor/midwife,theirobligationstofollowreligiouslawsand/orpre-serveculturaltraditionsarefulfilled.Inaddition,theyconsiderfemalegenitalcuttingcarriedoutbyfemaledoctors/midwivesthebestchoicebecauseitismorehygienicthanifitiscarriedoutbyfemaletraditionalhealers.Thistendencyactuallypointstonothingmorethanafashionedreligious/mysticpractice.

Although becoming commercialized, female genital cut-tingservicesareusuallycarriedoutbyrequest–notallpar-entswhoask for a childbirth serviceof the femaledoctors/midwiveswillalsoaskfora‘package’offemalegenitalcut-tingservices.Furthermore,these‘packages’arenotverypop-ular among Islamic fundamentalists largely because theyfear these commercialized practices do not followMuham-mad’sprescriptions.AsIobservedinYogyakarta,Islamicfun-damentalistsusuallyhave theirownreferenceguide todoc-torstrainedincarryingoutfemalegenitalcuttingproperly,inaccordancewithliteralreadingsofhadiths.

The medicalization process has not only resulted in theemergenceofcommercializedfemalegenitalcuttingpracticesamongMuslimsingeneral,buthasalsosupportedtheincreasein ‘real cutting’ based on literal readings of hadiths amongIslamicfundamentalists.Thesetendenciesbecamestrongerin2000whenIslamicfundamentalistsimposed aShari’aagendaonthenewfoundationoftheIndonesianstate.Indeed,thelegalstatusoffemalegenitalcuttinghasnotbeendefinedtoday,buttheissuehasbecomedebatable;itpolarizesopinionsbetweenhealthprofessionalswhointendtobanfemalegenitalcuttingandreligiousleaderswhosupportitslegalization.

Itisclearthatwomen’sreproductiverightsaretheveryrea-son for health professionals banning commercialized femalegenitalcuttingpractices.Theirpositionisclearlyexpressedina2006CircularLetterbytheIndonesianMinistryofHealththatbans female doctors/midwives fromperforming female geni-talcuttingasthepracticeisdangerousandharmfulforwomen.Thispoliticalefforthasalso receivedmuchsupport fromtheMinistry of Women’s Empowerment and NGOs concernedwithwomen’shealthissues(http://www.depkes.go.id/index.php?option=news&task=viewarticle&sid=2328&Itemid=2). Per-hapsunsurprisingly,theCircularLetterdoesnotgetanysup-portfromeitherMUI(MajelisUlamaIndonesia,theIndonesianCouncilofIslamicScholars)ortheMinistryofReligion.

It should be noted that theMUI is posited as a nationalnon-stateorganizationthatactsasanumbrellaforintellectu-alsaswellasreligiousandcommunity leaders,andaims toguide,developandprotectMuslimsthroughoutIndonesia.For

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IslamicorganizationsinIndonesia,itisveryimportantthatanyactiontheypurposeispoliticallyacceptednotonlybythegov-ernment,butalsobytheMUI.Inrelationtothis,Islamicfun-damentalists,thoughrepresentingonlyasmallportionofthetotalpopulation,havepoliticallysucceedininfluencingboththegovernmentandtheMUItoproduceIslamic-inspiredreg-ulationsonbothregionalandnationallevels.Theirsuccessfulefforthas inspired theemergenceof regional regulationsonhealthservicesinsomeareasofIndonesiathatincludefemalegenitalcuttingasapartofhealthservices.ForexampleintheRegionalRegulationofBandungCityno.11/2002onRetri-butionofHealthServices,femalegenitalcuttingwasoneoftheservicesprovidedbythechildclinic,whileintheRegionalRegulationofBatamCityno.1/2007onRetributionofHealthServices,itwasincludedintheemergencyserviceswiththeaverageretributionof15.000rupiahs.11

It issaidthattheinclusionoffemalegenitalcuttingintheregionalregulationsonhealthservicesisnotfosteredbyleg-islationatnationallevel.Butitisareflectionofthesociety’sawareness to perpetuate such traditions, further strengthenedbyreligiousfundamentalists’desiretomaterializetheShari’aagenda. There are yet to be any fatwa (religious guidance)issuedby theMUI thatwouldbanor legalize femalegenitalcutting.12Notwithstanding,theethosofcontinuingfemalegen-italcutting isevident in theMUI leader’spersonalstatementthatthepracticeispermissible(halal)(http://www.depag.go.id/index.php?menu=news&opt=detail&id=514).Asimilarstate-mentisalsoexpressedbytheMinistryofReligionforIslamicAffairs,whichsuggeststhatthedecisiontoperformfemalegen-italcuttingshouldbemadepersonally,asitissociallyacceptedasMuhammad’sprescription(Republika,October4,2006):

If female genital cutting is recommended by Muhammad, it must be a good thing. But as far as the techniques are con-cerned, it is necessary to teach health practitioners to cut in the proper way. Don’t ban the practice (Co-chair ofHealthServicesInstitutionNadhatulUlama,http://www.depag.go.id/index.php?menu=news&opt=detail&id=514).

Female genital cutting is etymologically believed to cleanse dirt from human genitals. Moreover, there have not been any complaints from women who have experienced genital cut-ting. So, I think it is impossible to ban female genital cutting at all (ChairofMUI,Republika,October4,2006).

ThefactthatMUIandtheMinistryofReligionforIslamicAffairs as powerful Islamic institutions refuse to problema-tizefemalegenitalcuttingallowsIslamicfundamentaliststoactivelypromote‘realcutting’operationsbasedonliteralread-ingsofhadiths.ThisalsohelpspreserveotherpracticesrootedinIslamiclawswhichsupportpatriarchalideology.Myinter-viewswithsomewomeninYogyakartaandMaduraprovethatmanyreligiousinterpretationsweremisusedtospreadpatri-archalmyths surrounding female genital cutting.AMuslimwomaninYogyakarta,forexample,stated:

The proper technique of female genital cutting according to Islam is not too much, but also not too little… The best thing is in between these extremes. If it is too much, it reduces lust so that sexual intercourse does not reach satisfaction. However, it is good for hypersexual females because it reduces her lust. On the contrary, if it is too little, it results in homosexuality.

Insomecases,sexualmythssurroundingfemalegenitalcut-ting are experienced bywomen as a kind of religious pres-sure.Asidefrombeingburdenedwiththeobligationtoservetheirhusbandssexually,womenareafraidofbeingsinnersduetotheirinabilitytosatisfytheirhusbands.Someotherwomenbelievethatfailingtoundergogenitalcuttingwouldresultinuncontrollable desire.There is also amythmaintaining thatfemalegenitalcuttingcontributestotheestablishmentofahar-moniousrelationshipbetweenhusbandandwife,amythwhichseemstoidealizeequalitybetweenhusbandandwife.Inprac-tice,however,itworkswithinasocietywheremenhavepriv-ileged status both in family circumstances and in society atlarge.Asaconsequence,women’ssexualityandreproductionremainunderthecontrolofareligious-patriarchalideology.

Conclusion

Iconcludethatthemeaningsoffemalegenitalcuttinghavechangedovertimeandcreatedifferentchallengesforwomen.Indonesia’sexperienceshowsthatfemalegenitalcuttingishis-toricallyconnectedwithJavanesesyncretism,eitherasapubertyriteforenteringwomanhoodorasasocio-religiouspracticeofIslamizing.Asariteforenteringwomanhood,theJavanesemys-ticismallowsnothingtobecutintheoperations.Contrarily,asapracticeofIslamizing,literalreadingofhadithsoftenresultsinminoroperationsoffemalegenitalcutting.Thesetwokindsofoperations,however,arecurrentlydeterminedby the inter-playofamedicalizationprocessandthenewIslamicfundamen-talism.Themedicalizationhas introducedgenitalcleansingtoreplace either symbolic gestures orminor operations, so thatithasdiscouragedmoretraditionallypracticedoperations.Butatthesametime,thenewIslamicfundamentalismhasbroughtalongaformofmedicalizedfemalegenitalcuttingthatrequiresrealcuttingandhasencouraged thepracticeamongparticularIslamicgroups,especiallyinIslamicorthodoxschools.

Infact,theexistenceofgenitalcleansingandIslamicfunda-mentalist’srealcuttingoperationshavenotonlymarkedcur-renttendenciesoffemalegenitalcuttinginIndonesia,buthavealsobroughtfurtherchallengesforIndonesianwomen.Thefirstchallengeisthecommercializationofthepracticebyincludingfemalegenitalcuttingaspartofapackageofmaternalhealthservicesinhospitals.ThesecondoneisthelegislationofthepracticeaspartofmaterializingShari’aagenda.Eventhoughitisstilldebatable,sucheffortstolegalizethepracticeneedtoberealizedaspotentiallyviolatingwomen’srights.


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Author

BasilicaDyahPutrantiGadjahMadaUniversityIndonesiabasilicadyahput@yahoo.com

Notes1Thedefinitionof“cutting”Iemployinthiscontextrelatestophysi-

calwounding,whetheritresultsinbleedingornot.2Feillard,AndreeandLiesMarcoes,‘FemaleCircumcisioninIndo-

nesia: To “Islamize” in Ceremony or Secrecy,’ Archipel 56,Paris,1998.

3Putranti,BasilicaD.etal., Male and Female Genital Cutting among Java-nese and Madurese, CPPS–GMU,Yogyakarta, 2003; Putranti, Basi-licaD., ‘Femalegenitalcutting:AReflectionontheSocialConstruc-tionofSexualityamongJavaneseandMadurese,’ Populasi1,Yogy-akarta,2005.IwouldliketothankFaturochman,MuhadjirDarwin,SriPurwatiningsihandIssacTriOctaviantiefortheirworthycollaborationinthiswork.

4Pp.338–342.5Theauthorsalsoidentifiedthepracticesintermsofage,techniques,

practitioners,andceremonies,pp.342–347.6Pp.347–348.7Althoughrarelycarriedout,amaletraditionalIslamicleaderfrom

anIslamictraditionalschoolinMaduratoldmethathehadheldsonattanforadultwomenwhohadnotexperiencedgenitalcut-ting.TheceremonyaimstolegitimizetheirIslamicidentities.

8SeeMunawwir,K.H.Warson,KamusAllMunawwir,EditionXII,Surabaya,1997.

9Koranis“therecitation,”thecentralreligioustextofIslam.Hadithisanoraltraditionrelatingtothestatements,actionsandaffirma-tionsattributedtotheprophetMuhammad.FiqhisIslamicjuris-prudence,anexpansionofIslamiclawcomplementedwiththerulingofIslamicjuriststodirectthelivesofMuslims.

10Excommunication is defined as a procedure to counsel a personwho is considered tonotbecarryingout thechurch’sdogmasproperly.Inpractice,excommunicationgainsnegativeconnota-tions.

11Regionalregulationsonhealthservicesthatclearlydeterminethestandardcostoffemalegenitalcuttingandear-piercingservicesarefound,amongothers,inBandungandBatam.

12Sofar,MUIhasproducedseveralfatwawithaspiritofIslamicfundamentalism, for example fatwa that urge regionalregulations on immoral acts, drug use and prostitution,fatwathaturgethelegislationofananti-pornbill,fatwaonanti-pluralismandsecularism,fatwaondeviantreligiousteachings,etc.

http://www.depag.go.id/index.php?menu=news&opt=detail&id=514

http://www.depag.go.id/index.php?menu=news&opt=detail&id=514

http://www.depkes.go.id/index.php?option=news&task=viewarticle&sid=2328&Itemid=2




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Vo l . 3 , No . 2 / 2008 www.etmu .f i

Claudia Merli

Sunat for Girls in Southern Thailand: Its Relation to Traditional Midwifery, Male Circumcision and Other Obstetrical PracticesAbstract Among the Thai- and Malay-speaking Muslims living in southern Thailand, the traditional midwife (alter-

natively called mootamjae in Thai or bidan in Malay) performs a mild form of female genital cutting (FGC) on baby girls. This article is based on material collected in the Satun province, located on the Andaman coast, bordering on the Malaysian state of Perlis (once part of Kedah). People have different views of the practice: men question the cutting, considering it both un-Islamic and un-modern, whereas women gen-erally support it. In evident contrast to this debate and to the privacy surrounding FGC ritual, a large pub-lic male circumcision ritual takes place once a year. Both practices are called sunat by the local people, distinguishing sunat perempuan for girls and sunat lelaki for boys. Both forms should be analysed with regard to the increasing medicalisation of birth, which while depriving bidan and women of their agency and authority, performs other forms of genital cutting in the delivery room, in the form of routine episioto-mies, strongly opposed by local women.

The unstable periphery

TheincreasingattentionrecentlydevotedtosouthernThai-land by anthropologists, political scientists and sociologistscanbe traced to thehistorical, socialandethniccomplexityof theregion,partlydueto thefact that theMalayMuslimsareamajority in theareawhile theyareanethnicminorityat the national level (Muslims are calculated to represent 5to8percentofthenationalpopulation).TheconstitutionofSiamfirstandThailandlater,inrelationtointernationaleventsand colonial powers, brought the inclusion of theMuslimsonce subjectsof thePatanikingdom(including thepresent-dayprovincesofPattani,YalaandNarathiwat)andtheKedahSultanate(fromwhichSatunwasseparated)insidethegrad-uallyshapednationalborders.Thedifficultrelationbetweenthesouthernperipheryand thecentralgovernmenthasbeenmarked(muchmoresointhepastthannowadays)byacom-municationbarrier, as theMalay-speakingMuslims resistedtheeducational systemand theThai languageas carriersofBuddhist values and perceive them as vehicles of assimila-tion.Thepoliticalturmoilwhichhascyclicallycharacterisedthehistoryofthesouthernregionhasrecentlymanifestedinadramaticre-enactingofethno-politicalviolencesince2004

(forrecentanalysesseeChaiwat2006;Imtiyaz2007;McCa-rgo2006a;2006b;SrisompobandPanyasak2006;Tan-Mull-ins2006;Ukrist2006;Wattana2006).However,theviolencehasnottouchedtheSatunprovince,siteofmyresearch,andthelocalMuslimsareconsideredtobemoreintegratedthanthoseresidingintheotherthreesouthernMuslimprovinces.

ThestatisticaldataonthenationalandregionalMuslimpop-ulationproviderathercontrastingcounts,whichareproducedbydifferent sourcesbutarealsoexpressionsofdifferentdis-courses,andarepossiblysubjectedtomanipulations(Chaiwat1987:19; Imtiyaz 2007:323; Omar 1988:2; 2005:4).Accord-ingtothestatisticsofthe2000CensusthepopulationofSatunamountsto247,900.Ofthese,67.8percentareMuslimsand31.9Buddhists.Approximately10percentoftheMuslimsarebilingualinThaiandMalay(NSO2001).TheMuslimsinthisregion aremostlySunni of theShafi‘i school, but the recentincreasing influence ofWahhabi or Salafist elements (visiblyrepresentedbythegrowingnumberofwomenusingthecom-plete veiling, orniqab) plays an important role in upholdingor neglecting ritual practices once uniformly considered theexpressionoflocalIslam.Femalecircumcisionisoneofthesepractices,anditisatthecentreoflocaldebatesconcerningbothmaleandfemalecircumcisionsaswellas theobstetricalcut-


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tings,stronglyresentedbythelocalwomen,thatareperformedinhospitals.TheseintersectingdiscoursesopenoureyestothewayWesternerssometimesapplyabiasedevaluationtoothers’genitalpracticesbutdonotsubmitourowntothesamekindofscrutiny.Iwillalsobrieflydiscussnewgenderdimensionsassociatedwitharitualofpublicmalecircumcision.

Female genital cutting (FGC) in Southeast Asia, its practitioners and performances

Whilethereisa largedebateonfemalegenitalcuttinginAfrica, the literatureon thesepractices inAsia is scant (forIndonesia see Feillard and Marcoes 1998; Newland 2006;Putrantietal.2003).HeatherStrange(1981)recordedtheper-formanceofsunatintheMalaysianTerengganustate,butnotonallgirls;thecuttingamountedtoanincisionoftheclitorisortheremovalofitstip,andseveralreligiouslocalauthoritiesstatedthattheremovalshouldbelimited(ibid.:58).Sincesev-eralformsofFGCareoftenreferredtoassunna,sometimeseveninfibulation,weshouldinvestigatehowpeopleinterpretthe associationwith the Islamic tradition, even though reli-gious textsdonot support this relation (cf.Boddy1991:15;Gordon1991:8;Silverman2004:428).TheWHOdefinitionofthesepracticesunder the all-encompassing termmutilationscreatesaspecificnegativeperceptionthatcouldbeattenuatedbyun-namingthedifferentformsofcutting(cf.Boddy1998),thusavoidinganyexotisation(Christoffersen-Deb2005:405).In the contemporary scientific literature thedifferentmodesofinterventiononthemalebodyhaveseldombeengroupedtogetherandtermed“malegenitalmutilations”orMGM,apartfromafewcases(seeforexampleBhimji2000;Harrington1968;KorotayevandDeMunck2003),althoughthiswastheoriginaldefinitionintheEthnographicAtlasofGeorgePeterMurdock(1967:161;cf.Ciminelli2002:39).Thetermmutila-tionwasadaptedtoidentifyfemalepracticesduringthe1970sandused in1979at theKhartoumWorkshoponTraditionalPracticesAffecting theHealthofWomenandChildren.Butitwasonly in 1995 that theWHOproposed a definitionoffemalegenitalmutilations(FGM)(Ciminelli2002:39–40).

In order to avoid the termFGM, Sheldon andWilkinsonproposedinstead‘feminizationrites’(1998:264).In1995theWHOissuedaclassificationof‘femalegenitalmutilations’infourtypes,onascaleofincreasingalterationofexternalgeni-talia,fromthecuttingoftheclitoralprepuce(moresimilartomalecircumcision)toexcisionandinfibulation,plusafourthtype termed ‘unclassified’which includesall those instancesnotcorrespondingtotheabovementionedtypes,anddescribedasfollows:“pricking,piercingorincisionoftheclitorisand/orlabia;stretchingoftheclitorisand/orlabia;cauterizationbyburningoftheclitorisandsurroundingtissues;scraping(angu-ryacuts)ofthevaginalorificeorcutting(gishiricuts)ofthevagina;introductionofcorrosivesubstancesintothevaginatocausebleedingorherbsintothevaginawiththeaimoftighten-ingornarrowingthevagina”(cit.inCiminelli2002:40n.4).

As often happens inWestern scientific classifications, aresidual category for atypical or uncertain cases is created.Thisundecidedtypeisglosseddifferentlybyvariousauthors.Shell-Duncan calls this category ‘symbolic circumcision’andrecognisesitastheoneprevalentintheSoutheastAsianregion (2001).Todistinguish thiskindof incision fromcli-toridectomy, the term clitorodotomy has been proposed, asthereisneitherexcisionnorimpairmentoftheorgan’sfunc-tions(Laderman1983:206).IntheMalaysianstateofKedah,thecuttinghasbeendescribedasafemalesubincision(Berlie1983:88).ForIndonesia,thereareregionalvariationsandindi-vidualdifferencesfromonepractitioner toanother,butusu-allypeopleagreethat“[t]heamountoffleshcutisdescribedasamata holang, thesizeagrainofriceandwhite”(New-land2006:400).ForbothregionalandculturalproximitythedescriptionabovealsoappliestosouthernThailand.

Across SoutheastAsia we can identify several kinds ofpractitioners performing the cutting, passing from the ‘tra-ditional’tothe‘modern’medicalsphere.InKedahthetradi-tionalmidwivesspecialisedinperformingcircumcisionswerecalledbidan mudin (Berlie 1983:88), combining theMalaytermfortraditionalmidwife(bidan)andthetermformalerit-ualcircumcisers(mudin).SometimespeopleinMelakaprefertoresorttothegovernment-trainednurseinsteadofthetradi-tionalbidanastheformercanprovideantibioticsandanaes-thetics (Roziah1992:60–62). JaneRichardsonHankswritesthatincentralThailandtheToImamwouldcircumcisegirls,cutting“alittlepieceofthelabia”(1963:128),butIamveryscepticalconcerningtherealidentityofthispractitionerasinthe Islamic discourse in general and amongmy informantsinThailandinparticular,menarenotallowedtocircumcisegirls,andwomenarenotallowedtocircumciseboys.

ThetimingofthecircumcisionforgirlsinSoutheastAsiaalsovaries,buttheritualisincludedintheseriesofpracticesrelatedtothepostpartumperiod,andthereforeusuallyfallsunderthecom-petenceoftraditionalmidwives.InMalaysiaitwasperformedinassociationwiththeextinguishingofthepostpartumfire,whichthenewmotherlaybyforfortydaysfollowingbirth(Laderman1987:206).InIndonesiathecutiscarriedoutbetweenafewdaysafterbirthandnineyears,dependingonthelocalpreferences,butitiscommonlyperformedshortlyafterbirth(Newland2006:399–400). InSatun, aswith themale circumcision, there is alsonoupperlimitofageforthefemale.IfconvertinginconnectionwithamarriagetoaMuslimman,awomancouldbeaskedtocircum-cise,butnot allwomenwhoconvert to Islamarecircumcised,as therearedifferent interpretationsof thehadith.Thepracticeseemsthereforetobeaffectedbytheextentofthepressureexer-cisedbytheimmediatekingrouporcommunity,withindividualvariationsincompliance.Accordingtomyownobservations,ifperformedonagirlbornintoaMuslimfamily,thecuttingisdoneataveryyoungage,usuallybetweenafewweeksafterbirthandonetotwoyears.Ononeofmyfirstvisitstoabidan,awomanhadbroughtherseven-month-olddaughtertotheagedmidwifetoestablishifthecircumcisioncouldbeperformed.Thebidanputonherglasses,examinedthebaby’sgenitaliaandsaidthatitwasnottherighttimeastheclitoriswasverysmall.

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Reasonsforperformingfemalecircumcisiondivergeaswell,attimesincludingaestheticconsiderations,asforexampletopreventtheexcessivegrowthoftheclitoris(Peletz1996:208).IncentralThailand, femalecircumcision (whichHankscallsakiko,atermwhichinSatunrefersinsteadtothename-givingceremonyproper)wasperformedongirlsup to theeleventhyearandwasconsideredasmarking the full entranceof thechildintothehumangroup(Hanks1963).Buttheacceptanceofthebabyasahumanbeingisusuallyassociatedwithsimpleactsofrecognition(cf.James2003:199),suchasthefeedingwithasmallamountofrice(asamongtheTaiYongofnorthernThailand,seeTrankell1995:168),orthewhisperingofafewwordsinthenewborn’searsasinthecaseofMuslimsinSatun,whereascircumcisionwouldbetheformal/fullacceptanceintotheIslamiccommunity.InotherMuslimprovincesofsouthernThailandthebide1makesthesunatattheendofthethirddayafterbirth,whenshealsoformallyendstheperiodofcareforbothmotherandchild(Lamom1994:166).Inordertoperformthecircumcisionthebidemustbring1setang,aspecialver-sionofthecoinnolongerincirculation,producedwithaholeinthecentre.Thecoinispositionedwiththeholeoverthecli-torisandaneedleisusedtopinchtheclitorisandobtainalittledropofblood(Lamom1994:167).

Changes in circumcision practices in Satun

InSatun,maleandfemalecircumcisionsaredenotedbythesameterm,sunat,addingthespecificationlelakiforthemaleversion, andperempuan for the female one.Male circumci-sionhasalwaysbeenamoreopenlycelebratedeventinSatun,followedbyquitealargemealandfeastwithseveralguests.Itcouldbearrangedasanindividualorgroupritual(thelatterreferredtoassunat muu,literallygroupsunat),involvingboysofthesamefamilyorvillage.Inthepastthecircumcisionwasperformedbythemudin(alwaysaman)andwiththepassageoftimealsobymedicalpersonnel.Since2001,onceayearalargegroupcircumcisionforboysagedsixtotwelve,andinvolvingmedicalandpublichealthpersonnel,hasbeenorganisedinthecentralprovincialmosque,underitsarcades,withalargeaudi-encewatchingtheonehundredboys(onaverage)whoarecir-cumcisedinonemorning.Othergroupcircumcisionsatsmallermosquesintheprovincearearrangedbutareneithersubjecttothesamekindofspectacularisationnorperformedonanopenstage.Themedicaldiscoursepresentingthecuttingofthefore-skinasahygienicmeasurehasbeenpromptlyassimilatedbylocalMuslimmen,whoconsiderthisstatementasortofmod-ernscientificcorroborationoftheirreligioustenets.Thepub-liceventbringstheboysunderthevisualscrutinynotonlyofmedicalandreligiousauthoritiesbutalsoofthelargeaudienceofbothmaleandfemalespectators,transformingausuallypri-vateeventintoanunusualdisplayofbureaucraticandmedicaldexterity,anexpressionoftheincreasinggovernmentcontroloverthisreligiouspractice.Thepublicritualinvolvesfemalemedicalpersonnel aswell, themajoritywearingaveil,whoassistthemalephysicianorparamedicwhoistheonemateri-

allyperformingthecutting.Femalepersonnelareallowedtosutureand toperform theapplicationofmedication tocom-pletetheoperation(seeMerli2008).

Bycontrast,onlybidanperformfemalecircumcisionandtheceremonyhasnotundergonethesamechangesthathaveoccurredinthepracticeofmalecircumcision.Tomyknowledgenogroupcircumcisionsareorganisedforgirls,andtheonlymeaningof‘group’inthiscasewouldbethatseveralgirlsbelongingtothesamefamilyarecircumcisedonthesameoccasioninahouse,asitwasarrangedinthepast.Therefore,unlikethepresentpub-licdisplayofthemalecircumcision,itisextremelydifficulttoattendandobserveafemalecircumcision.

Comparing the two practices in Satun, one may specu-late about their possible development, as both bidan andmale traditional circumcisers (mudin) are disappearing.Thebidan is being progressively excluded from the birth sceneas the increasing use ofmedical facilities restricts and lim-itsherpracticetotraditionalantenatalcare,postpartummas-sageandritualexpertise.Thenewgenerationofbidanisalsoexcludedfromtheformal trainingsessionsorganisedbythepublichealthauthorities,whichinthepastledtoobtainingalicense,asthelong-termpolicyistoeliminatethebidanalto-gether.Thesewomenwillthenbeleftwiththechoiceofeitherabandoningtheirfamilytradition,whichisoftenperceivedasamission,orpursuingapracticethatvergesonillegality.Theelderbidan are periodically summoned to refresher coursesandreceivevisitsbyofficerswhohavethedutytosupervisetheiractivity.Thetraditionalmudinisalsobeingprogressivelymarginalisedasmalecircumcisionisincreasinglyperformedbyparamedicalpersonnel.Insharpcontrasttowhathashap-penedwithmalecircumcision,accordingtothelocalinterpre-tation female circumcisioncannotpassunder the controlofpublichealthandmedicalpersonnel.Asoneinformantsaid,“Nursescannotperformfemalecircumcision,becauseitmustbedonebyatraditionalmidwife.Inthenewgenerationtherearefewerbidanbuttherearestillsome.”Abidantoldmethatingeneraltermsitisnotappropriatetowitnessafemalecir-cumcision, and that the onlymanwho could be allowed inthe room is the girl’s father, while usually the only peoplepresent are thebidan and the girl’smother.The female rit-ualisthereforemarkedlygendersegregated.DespitethefactthatIbroachedthetopicwithseveralbidanveryearlyinmyresearch,Iwasabletobepresentatasunatperempuanonlyonce,in2006.NotallbidaninSatunperformfemalecircum-cision, and information about thosewhodidwasuncertain.Onebidan,MakMariah,talkedaboutthepracticewithasortof shyness and discretion, indicating another person livingclosetothelocalpondok(traditionalboardingIslamicschool)whoperformedit,whilesheherselfdidnot.Itprovedimpos-sibleformeto locate thispractitioner.Anotherbidan in thesamearea,whoperformedcircumcisionsongirlsinthepast,hadmovedtoMalaysiasometimeagoandwassaidtohavestopped practicing due to old age.One of the oldest bidanImet, consideredoneof themostknowledgeable, alsoper-forms the sunat, and she letme observe andfilm (with thegirl’smother’sconsent)theevent.


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A sunat perempuan

When I attended the female sunat inApril 2006, the rit-ualbeganveryearlyinthemorning,whenthefamilystartedpreparing the food for the small kenduri (ceremonial feast)whichwasservedafterwards.Thesittingroomwascleaned,thefurnitureremovedandlargecarpetscoveredthefloor,toaccommodatethemenwhocametochantpartsoftheProphetMuhammad’slife.Thesemen,allfromaMalay-speakingareaand very renowned for their performances, are consideredveryreligiousandpious.Beforethebidanarrivedthewomenofthehousearrangedaceremonialtraywithofferings,withhalfaroastchicken,betelleavesandarecanuts,andaplateof glutinous rice.A chiselledmetal bottlewith a perforatedlidcontainingperfumedwaterwassetbesidethetray.Theseofferingswereplacedonasmalltableoutsidetheroomwherethecircumcisionwastobeperformed,ontheupperfloorofthelargewoodenhouse.

Thebidanarrivedataround10a.m.andwasaccompaniedupstairs,whereonlywomenwereallowed.Sittingintheshadeonthelargebalcony,thebidanreciteddoa,prayers,toprepareaglassofsacralisedwaterwhichwasaddedtotheotheroffer-ingsonthetray.Afterthat,thebidantookaskeinofpartiallyspuncottonoutofherbagandseparatedandbrokeoffsomethreadsfromthehank.Shepassedthislongbundleofthreadaroundher big toe, stretched it byholdingone end in eachhand,andbeganspinningitbytwistingeachendbetweenherforefingerandthumb.Thensheuncoiledthethread,foldedittohalf its lengthandrolleditoverherthighusingthepalmofherrighthand.Thecottonthuspreparedwasusedtoformprotectivebraceletsanda loosewaistbandfor thebabygirl.Small pieces of kunyit terus, a variety of turmeric with awoodyconsistencyspecificallyusedasmagicprotection,canbethreadedonthecottonthroughaholeboredinthemiddleofeachpiece.

Duringthisoperation,theone-year-oldbabygirlwasbeinggivenacoldbath,meantalsotodesensitisehergenitals.Thebidanextractedfromherbagadisposablerazorbladeandasmallbottleofiodinewithcottonswabs.Whenthegirlwasready we entered the room, followed by other women andyounggirlsofthefamily,andthetraywiththeofferingswassetdownonalowstool.Thegirlsatonhermother’slaponanotherstoolandthebidanstartedpreparingforabriefseriesofactionsmeanttoprotectboththebabyandherself,astheviewof the femalegenitalia couldmake thebidan blind.Asimilarbutsimplifiedritualisperformedbythisbidanalsoontheoccasionofchildbirth.TheMalaytermsheusedforthisritualisbuang cangerai,thesametermotherinformantsusedwith reference to the shaving of the newborn’s hair,mean-ing literally “to get rid of bad luck.”2Apaste is formedbymixing talcum powder and water, which the bidan smearson twelve different points of the girl’s body,making circu-larmarksinallcasesbutone,andinthefollowingorder:1)forehead,2–3)on the shoulders (thoughshehadpreviouslytoldmethemarkwouldbeoneachsideofthebreast),4–5)theinsideoftheelbows,6–7)onthebackofthehandsinthe

proximityofthethumbs,8)alonghorizontallinejustabovethepubis,9–10)knees,11–12)feet.Finally,thebidanputsthepastealsoonherownforehead.Thepastehasbeensacralisedwiththerecitationofaprayer,forwhichthebidanusednei-thertheworddoanorkhaathaa3butmujab,sayingthatthisisaprayerwiththenamesoftheprophets.Inthepastthebidanused riceflourmixedwithkunyit andwater; this pastewascalled tepung tawar, theneutralising ricepastewidelyusedinMalayspiritualhealing,andalsoinmidwifery,forexam-pleduringtheseventh-monthritualmelenggang perut(sway-ing of the abdomen) inMalaysia (cf. Laderman 1987:360).Tepungmeansflour,andtawarisanadjectivethattranslatesastasteless,flat,orfigurativelyascool,butturnsintoverbsasmenawarandmenawariwhichmean,respectively,“tocoun-teractpoisonwithaspell,”and“totreatdiseaseswithaspell”(KM2000:582). Its efficacy is attributed to the qualities ofearthandwaterasneutralisingandthwartingthenegativefireandairelements,ofwhichallthespiritsareconstituted(Lad-erman 1987:361); therefore the general meaning would be‘coolingpaste.’Thebidanstatesthatwhatisusedtomakethepasteisnotveryimportantasitistherecitation,mujab,whichiseffective.Asbidan‘makewater’theycanalsomakeothersubstances,empoweringthemwithwords.

Thebidantooktherazorbladeanddisinfecteditwithiodine.Shespentseveralminutestryingtoadjustherpositioninfrontofthebaby,whoselegswerekeptwideopenbyhermother.Asthebidanandthebaby’smothertoldmebeforetheritual,thecutmustbeslight,inorderjusttodrawsomebloodandto“clean”thearea.Fromthemovementofthebidan’shandsitseemedtomemoreascratchingonthetipoftheclitoris,andIcouldnotdetectanytissueorbloodontherazorblade.Whenthebabystartedcryingthebidanappliedacottonswabsoakediniodinetothegenitalsandstartedsoothingthebaby.Therazor’sedgewasrubbedwithabetelleafwhichwasimmediatelywrappedandthrownaway.Themothergavethebabytothebidan,whoheldherbrieflyinherarms,butthebabyrefusedtheembraceand wanted to return to her mother, who shortly afterwardscalmedherdownbyofferingherthebreast.Wedescendedthestairstothegroundfloorwherethemenwereassembledinthesittingroomandwereofferedthekenduriofnasi minyak(ricewithoil)withturmericandcurrydishes,servedbyothermenofthehouse.Allthewomenremainedconfinedinthekitchenareaornearby,arrangingforthetraystobeserved.AsIwasallowedtofilmtheevent,Iwasinvitedtoentertheroomwiththemen,whoimmediatelyafterthemealstartedsinging,passingamongthemselves the book inArabic, which rested on a large pil-low,fromwhichthemostgiftedmadesolorecitationstowhichtheothersrespondedinchorus.Thisblessinglastedforaboutfortyminutes.Towardstheendthemenroseandstoodalongthewallsoftheroomwhiletwomenofthefamilydistributedsmallmemorygiftsandpouredperfumedwaterfromthechis-elledbottleontotheguests’hands.

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Local discourses

Ontheoccasionofthefemalesunatonlyasmallkenduriisserved,whereas foraboy’scircumcisiona largercelebrationtakesplace.Myinformantsexplainthisdifferencebythefactthatfromareligiouspointofviewthefemalesunatshouldbedone,whilethemalesunatmustbedone.Iaskedwhyfemalecircumcision is performed if it is not compulsory, and someansweredthatifagirlisnotcircumcisedshebecomesketegar,stubborn or obstinate.Othermidwives claim that the femalecircumcisionmustbeperformedorthegirlwouldnotproperlybe aMuslim.One of the oldestbidan agreed that to be cir-cumcisedisnotachoice,thatthewomenwhoconverttoIslamalso“must”becircumcised.4Myinformantsdidnotexplicitlyassociatethecuttingwitheitherbecomingawomanordiffer-entiatingthegenders,butthereferencetoa“softening”ofthegirl’scharacterandpersonalitymaybereadinthissense.Themostexplicitreferenceisinsteadtoafulfilledoracquiredreli-giousandethnicidentity,expressedas“tobeaMuslim”or“tobecomeaMuslim.”InsouthernThailand‘tobecomeaMuslim’is formulated in localMalay asmasuk Jawi.Masuk literallymeans“toenter”and“tobecomeamember.”Jawiisthesim-plifiedArabicscriptusedtowriteMalayinsouthernThailand,extensively identifiedwith theMalay languageandethnicity,and therefore alsowith Islam. In thePattani provincemasuk Jawiisusedtoindicatethemalecircumcision(Fraser1966:71).However,whereastheobligationtoperformmalecircumcisionisundisputedanddiverseopinions concern themodalitiesoforganising and carrying out the ritual, no uniform consensusexistsonthenecessitytoperformfemalecircumcision.

InmostoftheliteratureIhaveexaminedthereisageneralreferencetothefactthatIslamicjurisprudencedoesnotcon-siderfemalecircumcisionobligatory,andthatthepracticeisnotmentionedintheKoran.Thecontemporaryinternationaldebaterelatestosomeextentalsotomalecircumcision(seeAldeebAbu-Sahlieh2006:55–60).Theargumentisoftenusedtosupportanti-circumcisionmovementsinIslamiccountries.Positionsdifferdependingontheschooloflaw,ormadhab.ThemajorityofMuslimsinSoutheastAsiafollowtheShafi‘imadhab,evenifotherSunnischoolsarerepresented(Hanafi,Maliki,andHanbali)aswellasShia.Thepre-eminenceoftheShafi‘iwouldexplaintheexistenceofthepracticeinSouth-eastAsia and its interpretation (Ali 2006:100). The Shafi‘ipositionconcerningcircumcision isstated inaworkbyoneofitsmajorexponents,al-Nawawī(631–676A.H./1233–1277C.E.),Tahāra (‘purification,’atermusedtorefertobothmaleandfemalecircumcision,seeAli2006:103).

Circumcision is obligatory (wādjib) according to al-Shāfi’ī and many of the doctors, sunna according to Mālik and the majority of them. It is further, according to al-Shāfi’ī, equally obligatory for males and females. As regards males it is oblig-atory to cut off the whole skin which covers the glans, so that this latter is fully denudated. As regards females, it is obliga-tory to cut off a small part of the skin in the highest part of the genitals (Wensinck1986:20).

Obligatory,notjustsunat(‘duty’orrecommended),andforbothmenandwomen (cf.Rizvi et al. 1999;Ali2006:100).However,whilefortheboysitisspecifiedtowhichlengththecircumcisionshouldgo,that“smallpart”forthegirlsislefttothediscretionofthemidwifeorcircumciser.

ThispluralityofviewscharacterisesIslamicdiscoursesbothinternationallyandlocally.Contrarytoasimplifyingpopularview that sees aworldwide Islamic trend towards extremistpositions and the polarizations ofmacro-ethnic or religiousconflictsasaprocessofprogressiveIslamisation,wecanrec-ogniseasawidespreadphenomenontheexistenceofamul-tiplicityofviewsanddebates internal to Islam.AsMichaelPeletzillustratesforMalaysia,“Thekeydebates–andcer-tainlytheonesthataremostintenselyfelt–inotherwords,bearonintra-civilizationalclashes,notthoseofaninter-civi-lizationalvariety”(2005:243).Inotherwords,theoppositionbetween‘goodMuslims’and‘badMuslims’ismoreimportantthantheonebetweenMuslimsandnon-Muslims(ibid.).Thefocusofmoderatereformismisonindividualmorality,whichinitsturnleadstogoodgovernance(Mandaville2005:316).

AninternallyfragmentedIslamicrealityiswhatcharacter-isesalsotheregionalfocusofmyanalysis.TheMalayspeak-ersinsouthernThailandconsidertherelationbetweenaMus-limandthescripturesinaccordancewithtwomaininterpreta-tionsthatfollowdifferentteachingtraditions.Ontheonehandthere areTokGuruKaumTua or orthodox religious teach-ers(kaum tuameans“theoldgroup”),whoreferexclusivelytotheShafi‘iSchooloflawanditstraditionalscripts.Ontheotherhand,therearethoseintellectualswhotrytoextracttheIslamicpreceptsdirectlyfromtheKoranandthehadith andare calledKaumMuda or “young group” (Hasan 1999:17–18).5Theargumentsbetweenthetwogroupsarepurelyreli-gious(ibid.:18).AccordingtoAngelaBurr,amongThai-speak-ingMuslimsthedifferencebetweenthetwogroups,whichshecallsPhuakKau(TheOldGroup)andPhuakMai(TheNewGroup),isthatpeoplebelongingtothelatter“emphasizedoc-trineandunderplay ritual,”disagreeingwith themerit-mak-ing customs and prayer-group feasts which were followedbytheoldgroup(Burr1988b:127).RaymondScupin(1980)describedthesamedivisionintoKhanaKau(oldgroup)andKhanaMai (newgroup), but according tohis interpretationtheKhanaMaiarealsoconcernedaboutsocio-politicalissues(Hasan1999:19).ThefocusonpurelyreligiousmattersoralsoonpoliticalissuesmightbeseenasstepsinadevelopmentofthebasiccharacteristicsofthesemovementsasrecognisedbyRobertHefner,passingfromamobilizationofcivilsocietyonapietisticbasistowardspoliticalends(2005:20–21).

When talkingaboutsunat perempuan inSatun, theMus-lims opposing the practicewere usually identified as Islammuda,or“youngMuslims.”AmongthemenItalkedtowhoopposedthepracticearetworeligiousteacherswhohavestud-iedabroad,oneinEgyptandtheotherintheMiddleEast.Thefirstreferredtothedebateonhumanrights,whilethesecondstatedthattherearenomentionsoffemalecircumcisioneitherin theKoranor thehadith, respectivelyadvancing twover-


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sionsof themoderndiscourses representing thepluralityofcontemporaryIslamicattitudetowardsthetopic.

Duringaconversation,averydevoutwomanwhomIwillcallHajja said that even if the “modern group” opposes orignores the practice, Shafi‘iMuslimsmust perform it, add-ingresolutely“andweareShafi‘i.”WhileHajjaandIsattalk-ingabout thesubject ina localcoffeeshopthatservedroti,two of my male acquaintances and breakfast companionscameand joinedus.Theywerebotharoundsixtyyearsoldandamong themostopenandknowledgeableconversation-alistsImet.WeoftentalkedaboutSatunhistoryandsociety,traditionalmedicineandreligion.Uponlisteningtoourcon-versationaboutfemalecircumcision,theystartedtalkingveryanimatedlywithHajjainThai(whereasIwastalkingtoHajjamainly inMalaywith thesupportofmyassistantwhenevertheconversationswitchedtoThai).Myassistantdidnottrans-latetheirexchangeandlookedembarrassed.TheconversationturnedintosomethingmoreseriousasIsawoneofthemenaddressingHajjainaraisedvoice,shakinghishead.Theotherman tried tomediate thisunexpected,andrarelyseen,openconflict.Hajjacontinuedsmilingatme.Onlywhen the twomenleftdidmyassistanttellmethattheywerereproachingHajjafortalkingtomeofthese“backward”practices,some-thingwhichcould“scaremeandmakemethinkthattheydothese sorts of things to women.”Themanwhowasmostupsethadsaid“ThisisnotIslam,thisisnotinthereligion,”andthesequelwas a series of “You are stupid! Stupid!”Hajja toldmethattheydidnotknowmuchaboutthematter,butthatawomanknowsbetterand“mustdoit.”

ThemanwhomediatedthesquabblewasthepersonwhofirstaccompaniedmetoseethepublicmalecircumcisioninSatuninApril2004andintroducedmetotheevent,explain-ing how it had been organised and carried out on previousoccasions as well. He never showed a comparably judge-mentalattitudetowardsthemaleritual.Whatwasinterestingin thewholeepisodewas that the twomenlocatedmeveryspecificallyasaWestern,educatedwoman,whowouldprob-ablybeagainstthesepractices(apartfromthefactthattheyprobablywouldbeaswell).Thattotalkaboutthiswouldhavegivenme,afterseveralstaysinthecourseofthreeyears,theimpressionofbeingamongun-modernpeople.Moreover,butthisisjustmypersonalimpression,tohearthatuponconver-sionawomanshouldbecircumcisedwouldscaremeoffactu-allyconvertingtoIslam,whichseveralpeoplehadinvitedmetodo.Afterwitnessingaprivatemalecircumcision, I inter-viewedthereligiousteacherwhohadstudiedinEgypt,whomIhavementionedabove.WhiletalkingaboutthepracticeoffemaleandmalecircumcisioninSatun,hereferredtothebanonclitoridectomyissuedbytheEgyptiangovernmentfollow-ingtheUnitedNationsandotherinternationaldebates.Inhisopinion the banmatcheswhat iswritten in theKoran, that“Thepersonperformingfemalecircumcisionshouldnotcuttoomuch.”Actually,thisreferenceisnotfoundintheKoranbut inonehadith.The fact thathe referred to thesourceofthe highest religious authority conveys the conviction thatthehighestreligiousleadershipdoesnotconsiderthepractice

necessary.Contrastingthistextualsourcewithcontemporarypractices,hetoldmethatsomedakwahpeoplefromIndiawhohadrecentlyarrivedinThailandaretryingtointroduceaformof female genital cuttingwith a deeper excision.The samepeoplewouldalsoadvocateachangeforthemalecircumci-sion,eliminating“alltheskin”insupportofhygiene.

Thecontrastingdiscourseswerewellknownalsoatthevil-lage level,as the followingexampleshows. In fulfilling thepostpartumritualsforherdaughter,Watiarrangedforthehair-cuttingceremonyninedaysafterbirth,whilesunatwasper-formed after nineteen days. She had discussed the topic ofsunatwithamanwellversedinIslamiclawwhohadnotlethisowndaughterbecircumcised,claimingthatthepracticeisneithernecessarynorcompulsorybecauseitisnotmentionedintheKoran.Despitethisconversation,Watiandherhusbanddecidedtofollowthelocaltradition,withasenseofpressurecomingfromothervillagers,whosedisapprovaltheywantedto avoid.The localbidan was not taken on as shewas ill-famedforcuttingaway“toomuch,”someevensaidthewholeclitoris.Anotherbidanwassummonedfromanotherlocation.However,Waticouldnotbeartowatchwhilethemidwifewasdoingtheincision,andshiedaway.Shesupportedthechoicetoperformthecutting,sayingthatitwasbettertodoitwhenthebabywasonlynineteendaysold,becauselateronitwouldbemorepainful.

JaniceBoddy cleared a new path in the study of femalegenitalpracticesbyreconstructingthewebofcomplexsym-bolismandacceptedgenderrolesinthelightofwhichtheseritualsshouldalwaysbeconsidered(Boddy1982,1991).Shealso examines the contrasting discourses of Sudanese menandwomenwithrespecttotheacceptanceofalessinvasiveformofcutting(Boddy1982:685).EllenGruenbaumechoesthispositionandsuggeststhatfutureresearchonFGCshouldinvestigate andgain insights about culture, and“fromhear-ing about the differing points of view of individuals, fami-lies,healthpractitioners,andstudentsofreligion;hearinghowpeopledebateaboutwhatistherightthingtodo;andlisten-ingtotherationalesfortheirchoices”(2005:431).Inmyopin-ion,thisshouldapplytomaleandfemalegenitalcuttingalike,certainlysincethefirstisadvocatedbythemostauthoritativemedicalinternationalorganisationsasapublichealthmeasure(seeWHOetal.2006;WHOandUNAIDS2007),whereaseventhelessinvasiveformsofcuttingonfemalegenitaliaarebrandedasmutilations.

ThemedicalisationoffemalegenitalcuttinginAfricahaspassed from the phase of training traditional midwives inhygienic procedures to the total referral to the hospital andmodern obstetrical services (cf. Christoffersen-Deb 2005;Shell-Duncan2001).While theseservicescertainlyimprovethe hygienic conditions and the medical measures limitingcomplicationsinthecaseofmoreinvasiveinterventions,theuseofanaesthesiahasreceivedcontrastinginterpretations.Ontheonehandtheanaesthesiaisconsideredtofacilitatealesserdegreeof cuttingbecausebydesensitising thegirl’s genita-lia it prevents sudden movements caused by pain; alterna-tively, others think that itwould enable the operator to cut

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moredeeplybecausethegirlwouldnotstruggle(Shell-Dun-can2001:1022).WithregardtoSoutheastAsia,theeffectsofmedicalisationoffemalecircumcisionhavebeenrecordedasdeleterious.InIndonesia,theprocedureasperformedinhos-pitalsettingshasledtosomeunexpectedoutcomes.

[T]he medical practice involved the use of scissors to cut away more of the genital tissue than the village midwives ever removed using needles and penknives . . . Thus, in 2004 female circumcision was being offered as part of a package of surgi-cal procedures performed in hospitals for just-born girls . . . The Indonesian health authorities announced a ban on medics (presumably meaning the clinic midwives) performing female circumcisions by mid-2005 in an effort to prevent hospitals from continuing the practice (Newland2006:402).

IntheSatunprovince,thebidanholdtheexclusiveauthor-itytoperformfemalecircumcisionandrejecttheideaofthisoperationeverpassingintothehandsofmedicalpersonnel.Inmyviewthisisassociatedwithtworeasons,onephysicalandoneritualandreligious.Thefirstisthatmedicalobstetricsisalreadylargelyconsideredtobecharacterisedbyunnecessaryinvasivecuttingoffemalebodiesandgenitaliaintheincreas-ing rate ofCaesarean sections and the routine performanceof episiotomies on women at their first childbirth in Satunhospitals.Agynaecologistwhoispresentat thebirthwouldperformamidline episiotomy (with an incision at less than45degrees in relation to thesagittalplane)whereasanursewouldperformamediolateral(morethan45degrees).Med-icalpersonnelstated thatepisiotomiesarenotperformedonwomenwhohavealreadyhadthreechildren,asthetissueoftheperineumhasloosenedandsoftenedenoughtopermitthepassageofthebabywithouteithertearingorhavingtheepi-siotomyperformed.AsagynaecologistinSatunGeneralHos-pitaltoldme,theroutineperformanceofepisiotomiesduringthefirstchildbirthisarecentintroduction,whereasinthepasttheusualprocedurewastowaitandseeifthechildbirthpro-ceededwithouttearing.Healsoacknowledgedthatthisrecenttrendisidentifiablenationwide.Nursesinthelocalhospitalscontendthataspontaneousteartakesalongertimetosuturebecauseofitsirregularedgesandjustifiedtheepisiotomyper-formedwiththescalpelorscissorsfrombothamedicalandapracticalpointofview,astheincisionallegedlyfacilitatesbirth.Thegynaecologist identified the immediate complica-tions involvedwith thescar,butaccordingtohimnofutureconsequencesensue,notevenatthesensorylevel.Moreover,hestatedthatthemediolateralepisiotomydoesnotaffecttherectalmusclesasthesearelocatedalongthemidline.

InSatun,bidanexpresstheirprideinsayingthatgenerallywhen they attend births the tissue around the vagina neithertearsnorbreaks.Theyconsiderepisiotomyasthespecificmarkof hospital childbirth, whereas the spontaneous lacerationswhichoccasionallyoccurduringhomebirthswereintheiropin-ionneverseriousandcouldhealinafewdayswithoutsutur-ing.Traditionalmidwivesexplainwhytheperineumremaineduninjured when they attended births.Mak Hitam, aMuslim

midwife,saysthatthevaginadoesnotbreakbecausetheposi-tion thewoman assumes (lying down and keeping her heelsvery close to her buttockswhile themidwife touches on thestomachandpressesslightly)facilitatesthelabourandbirthingprocess.Thebidanalsosmearsthegenitalareaandvaginawithwarmcoconutoil,andstressesthedesirabilitythatthewoman’svagina remains beautiful, without scars. Another traditionalmidwife treats small tearswith saltywater, and referredalsototheapplicationtothevaginalareaoftheheatedtool(calledkoon sawinThaiandtungkuinMalay)usedformassageduringthetraditionalpostpartumperiodoflyingbythefire.Specificfoodsareconsideredhelpful inhealing theepisiotomy:milk,fishwithscales,pineappleandoranges.TraditionalmidwivesinSatun considercuttingthevaginaltissueanunnecessaryandawfulpractice,asawoman’selasticskincanstretchwithnomajorinjuriesif it is just“allowed,”Iwouldstress, todoso.Fromseveraltestimoniescollected,itseemsthatwhenwomengavebirthwithbidan,theirperineumdidnottear.

Thesecondreasonofferedforwhyfemalecuttingshouldremaininthehandsofbidanisthatonlytheypossesstherit-ual expertise and religious appropriateness toperform it. Inthis wayMuslim women claim the right to cut the genitalarea in awaywhich opposes and contests themedical cut-ting.Moreover, the samepeoplewho reiterate thenecessityofperformingfemalecircumcisiontobe(orbecome)aMus-limalsostronglycriticisetherecentappealofarrangingpub-licmalecircumcisions,especiallyforthepresenceofwomenintheaudienceandfemalemedicalpersonnelwhoassistinthecuttingandperformthesuturing.TheparticipationofwomenwasperceivedbytheseMuslimsasoffensiveandinappropri-ate,whereasthefemalecircumcisionisstillanareaofflimitstomen,maintainingthegendersegregationthatisfollowedtosomeextentonotherritualandfestiveoccasions.

Concluding remarks

Inordertounderstandthelocalpracticeoffemalegenitalcutting,itisnecessarytocontextualisetheritualinthebroaderdiscourse on obstetric modus operandi, and discourses onbothfemaleandmalecircumcisions.Thelatterisincreasinglymedicalisedandinternationallygainsthestatusofapreven-tivemeasureagainstsexuallytransmitteddiseasesandinfec-tions, including HIV (cf.WHO and UNAIDS 2007;WHOetal.2006), followingencouragingresultsofstudiesclaim-ingfor theoperationacertain,althoughincomplete,protec-tionagainstcontagionbytheHIVvirusinsomeAfricancoun-tries.Thepossibleoutcomesofthispolicyhavebeenanalysedwithregardtobothmalesexualbehavioursandtheextentofthereductionoftransmissiontofemalepartners(AldeebAbu-Sahlieh2006:69–71;Bonner2001;Williamsetal.2006).

Toconsiderapracticeabstractedfromitssocialandhistor-icalcontextreifiesexistingcategorieswithoutexplaininghowthe people upholding or contesting it perceive the relationsbetweenthepracticeitselfandotherpracticesbelongingtothesamerealm.SunatforgirlsinSatunoccupiesaspecificplace


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inrelationtomalecircumcision,thepastandpresentcondi-tions of activity of the traditional practitioners performingthem,andethnicandreligiousidentities.Paradoxically,othermodernobstetricalpracticeswhich,despitebeingintensivelydebatedinsidethecontemporarymedicalprofession,couldbeconsideredbymanyaseitherneutralorjustifiedbyasuperiormedicalreasonaredeeplyopposedbylocalwomen,whocon-siderthemdisfiguringandunnecessarilymutilating.

Oneofthebestwaysforanthropologytograsplocalunder-standingsistoapproachthetopicholistically,comparingthediscourses and perceptions belonging to a cosmological andsociallandscapethatisalwaysfarfrommonolithic.AsIhaveshowed,coexistingmodernistIslamicdiscoursescanproduceoppositeoutcomes,on theonehandproposing the total dis-missalofthepracticebecauseitisnotsupportedbythewrit-ten sources, andon theotherhandasking foran intensifica-tionofthepracticeasferventmissionariesseektointroduceadeeperformofexcisionforreasonsofreligiouszeal,withtheimplicitaimofthwartingfemalesexuality.Inthelatterrespect,themodernistIslamicdiscoursefindssupportparadoxicallyinmedicalmodern practice, and thismatch can produce unex-pectedoutcomes,asinthecaseofIndonesia,whereanincreaseintheamountofgenitaltissueremovedinmedicalsettingsisreportedbyseveralscholars.OneofthereasonswomeninSatundonotconsiderthemedicalisationofthefemalesunat possibleistheexperiencetheyhaveoftheroutinemedicalinterventionsonfemalegenitaliaduringchildbirth,whichtheyfindinexpli-cableandharmful.Wheremedicalauthoritieshavemonopo-lisedwomen’sbodies in the contextofhuman reproduction,thebidanandotherMuslimwomenguardtheirauthorityandautonomytoperformaslightcutwhichperpetuatestheireth-nicandreligiousidentities.Thistheydoinoppositiontocer-taindiscoursesandpracticeswhichareinsteaddominatedandmasteredbymen,inthecontextsofmedicineandreligion.

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Acknowledgements

IwishtothankJanOvesenandthetwoanonymousreadersfortheircommentsandsuggestions.Igreatlybenefitedfromthediscussionfollowingthepresentationof thepaperat the4thFOKOConferenceandIamgratefultoWilliamClarence-SmithandMarjaTiilikainenfortheirinsightfulobservations.Thematerialpresentedinthisarticleisbasedondatacollectedduringmyfieldwork research formyPh.D. and subsequentreturnstothefield,generouslyfundedbytheDonnerInstituteatÅboAcademyinFinland,theSwedishSocietyforAnthro-pologyandGeography,theMargotandRuneJohanssonFoun-dation,andtheLarsHiertaMemorialFoundation.


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Author

ClaudiaMerliDepartmentofCulturalAnthropologyandEthnologyUppsalaUniversityclaudia.merli1@gmail.com

Notes

1BideinthelocalMalaydialectofthethreeMuslimprovinceslocated on the eastern coast of southern Thailand (Yala,PattaniandNarathiwat)correspondstothestandardMalaybidan.

2Theshavingofthehairisperformedonbothboysandgirls,alongwithother rituals formally introducing thechild tothecommunity(Merli2008:230–234).

3KhaathaaistheThaitermforincantation.4AsIwaslearningthetraditionalmassagewiththisoldbidan,

she regretted the fact that I was not Muslim; otherwiseshe would also have taught me how to perform femalecircumcision,i.e.withthecorollaryofundergoingoneinordertoperformone.

5TheIslamicresurgentmovementinMalaysiahasitsrootsinreformistmovementsof the1920sand1930s,associatedwith the Kaum Muda or Young Group (see Peletz2005:245).


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Vo l . 3 , No . 2 / 2008 www.etmu .f i

Brigitte Bagnol and Esmeralda Mariano

Elongation of the labia minora and Use of Vaginal Products to Enhance Eroticism: Can These Practices be Considered FGM?

Abstract Both the elongation of the vaginal labia minora (Southern Africa) and practices aiming at tighten-ing the vagina (Central and Southern Africa) are under scrutiny due to the need to find possible rea-sons for the spread of HIV/AIDS in the region. These practices show multivalent resonance between body, society, eroticism and health. They are a “women’s secret” and express an area of power that women have been developing and protecting despite many forms of oppression over generations (Tamale 2005). Resembling the practice of elongating labia minora to close the vaginal orifice, con-sidered “open” following childbirth and frequent coitus, the majority of women use a variety of sub-stances in order to close up, contract, or reduce the vaginal canal. These practices are related to notions of femininity, womanhood, eroticism, pleasure and health. They are an expression of female strategic power. A joint statement by WHO, UNICEF and UNFPA (1997) has defined these practic-es as Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) of Type IV. Although their categorization as FGM has raised many concerns, the new definition of FGM (OHCHR et al. 2008) maintains this classification. The article discusses the appropriateness of considering these practices as FGM and stresses the need to rethink discourses on sexuality. It raises the issue of developing a clear definition on genital mu-tilation. The article is part of a WHO multi-country research project on Gender, Sexuality and Vagi-nal Practices and is based on ethnographic data gathered during 2005 in the Tete Province in Mo-zambique. It studies local notions of femininity that include beauty, sexuality, pleasure, well-being, health, reproduction, fertility and pain.

Introduction

Women, in different periods of their lives andwith vari-ousmotivationsandpurposes,carryoutinterventionsontheirgenitalorgans.Thesemayincludeincisions,elongation,abla-tionofthelabia minoraand majoraorclitoris;thestitchingupof the labia majoraorminora, theritualbreakingof thehymen;andincisionsinthevaginalandperinealarea.Somewomenmodify the diameter of the vagina, its temperature,lubrication, humidity and consistency through steam baths,smokesandapplicationoringestionofvariouspreparations.References to vaginal practices can be found in studies ofvariouscountriesof theAsian,AfricanandAmericanconti-nents.Dailyorregularhygienemethodstowashthevagina,

eliminatesecretions,semenorodours,usingvariousproductsviatopicalorinternalapplicationarethemostwidespreadoftheseandmaybeobserved invariouscountriesandondif-ferentcontinents(Joesoefetal.1996;Ombolo1990:149–50;Preston-Whyte2003;Utomo2003).Reasonsforthevariouspracticesinclude,butarenotlimitedto,thecontrolofwom-en’ssexualityandthesexualsatisfactionofoneorbothpart-ners.Theyarealsoconnectedtopersonalhygiene,healthandwell-being, socialisation of the woman’s body and fertility(BrownandBrown2000;VandeWijgertetal.2000).Thesepracticesare the resultofa learningprocess.Theyare repre-sentationsofgenderbehaviourgenerallyassociatedwithfem-ininity andmasculinity and incorporated as a result of socialnormsamongstwhichheterosexualityandreproductionplaya


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fundamentalrole(Butler1990).Theincorporationandimposi-tionofthesegenderedbehavioursarebasedonthesexedbodyofthe‘woman’,butmodifyitsoastoadaptittoprevailingval-ues.Thesepracticesexpressanethicsofsexandsexuality,andanars sexualis inmany respects similar to that describedbyMichelFoucault(1984).

AccordingtotheWHO/UNICEF/UNFPAJointStatement(WHO et al. 1997) “all procedures that involve partial ortotalremovaloffemaleexternalgenitaliaand/orinjurytothefemalegenitalorgansforculturaloranyothernon-therapeu-tic reason” are considered female genitalmutilation (FGM)and should be banned.With the exception of excision andinfibulation1 found on theAfrican continent (Hosken 1979;Boddy1989;WHO2000;Almroth et al. 2005) anddefinedasfemalegenitalmutilation(WHOetal.1997)ofTypeI,IIandIII,vaginalpracticeshavebeenscarcelydocumentedandstudied,especiallyasfarastheirlinkstosexualpleasureareconcerned.Littlehasbeenwrittenabouttheroleofnon-sur-gical interventions defined asFGMType IV,which includethe insertion, application or ingestion of various substancestoattempttotightenthevaginaand/orchangethelevelofitslubricationandtheelongationofthelabia.Accordingtothedefinition, it includes: “pricking, piercing or incising of theclitoris/or labia; stretching of the clitoris and/or labia; cau-terizationbyburningof theclitorisandsurroundingtissues;scrapingof tissues surrounding thevaginalorifice (anguryacuts) or cutting of the vagina (gishiri cuts); introduction ofcorrosivesubstancesorherbsintothevaginatocausebleed-ingorforthepurposeoftighteningornarrowingit;andanyother procedure that falls under thedefinitiongiven above”(WHOet al. 1997).Curiously there is no description of itsprevalence in theworld or in particular countries, neither adescriptionof thehealthconsequencesof thepractices.ThenewstatementonFGM(OHCHRetal.2008:4)ismorecare-fulandawareaboutthedebateandincludesintheTypeIV“allotherharmfulprocedurestothefemalegenitaliafornon-med-icalpurposes,forexample:pricking,piercing,incising,scrap-ingandcauterisation.”However,“stretching”and“introduc-tionofharmfulsubstances”isstillincludedanddescribedinthedocument(OHCHRetal.2008:27).

Thisarticle,basedonethnographicdatacollectedin2005intheTeteProvinceofMozambiqueaspartoftheWHOmulti-country researchproject on “Gender, Sexuality andVaginalPractices”providesdetailedinformationonnon-surgicalvag-inalpracticesandadvocatesfortheirremovalfromtheclassi-ficationofFGMofTypeIV(WHO etal.1997).Itshowsthatconsidering theelongationof the labia minora2 and theuseof vaginal products as femalegenitalmutilation is inappro-priatebecauseitignoresboththemotivationsandtheconse-quencesofthepractice.Inaddition,thearticlestressesthatinMozambique,thislineoflabellingrunstheriskofantagoniz-ingwomenandbeingcounter-productive.

The research context

InMozambique,54percentofthepopulationisconsideredpoor.Comparedtomen,womenoccupyapositionofsocialandeconomicdisadvantage.Due to interconnected ideolog-ical, symbolic, legal andpractical factors,womenhave lessaccess to education and employment thanmen and are notequallyabletomakedecisionsoversexualandreproductiveissueslikesafesex,numberofchildren,orfamilyplanning.Thesefactorscontributetodefiningpowerrelationsbetweenpeopleingeneral,andbetweenmenandwomeninparticular,influencing their behaviour, including sexual relations.Thisdynamicprocessisfurthermodifiedbysocialclass,culturalgroup,ageandindividualhistory.

IntheTeteprovince,87percentofthepopulationliveinruralareasand67percentareilliterate(INE2004).22.7percentofthepopulationisCatholic,17.5percentZionist,while43.9per-centstatethattheydonothaveanyreligion(INE1999:37).ThepredominantAfricanlanguagesareNyanja,NyungweandSena(INE1999:32).Itisimportanttohighlightthatthelineagesys-tem of the Nyungwe-speaking population, the largest groupinterviewed for our research, is patrilinear (i.e. transmission,successionandinheritancerightsfollowthemaleline).Exoga-mousmarriageandpolygynousmarriagesarecommon,mainlyintheruralareas.Marriageceremoniesarecharacterisedbythehusbandhandingovergoodsandmoney(calledlobola–bridewealth)tohiswife’sfamily.

Methods

TheethnographicresearchwascarriedoutintheurbanareasofthecityofTeteandintheruralareasofthedistrictofChan-garabetweenJulyandSeptember2005.Semi-structuredinter-viewswerecarriedouttogetabroadunderstandingofnotionsof sexuality and treatment connected to sexual problems orrelationshipsbetweenpartners.Wetriedtoevaluatetheper-ceptionsoftheintervieweesconcerningthebenefitsorconse-quencesofvaginalpracticesonthewomen’sreproductiveandsexualhealth.Thenotionsoferoticism,pleasureandsexualdesirewerealsoconsideredaspartoftheinvestigation.

A totalof103people (25menand78women)overeigh-teenyearsofageparticipatedinthestudy,inindividualinter-viewsor in focusgroups.Twenty individual interviewswerecarriedoutwithkeyinformantsinadditiontoeighteenin-depthinterviews.Thekeyinformantsincludedmaleandfemalecom-munityleaders,midwives/traditionalmidwives,potters,3moth-er-and-child health nurses and gynaecologists. These in turninvited other people, using the snowball technique, follow-ingthecriteria indicatedbytheresearchers(age,sex,knowl-edgeandexperienceonvaginalpractices).Thein-depthinter-views involvedsellersofvaginalproducts, sexworkers,pot-ters,womenwithchildrenandtraditionaldoctors.

Seven focus group discussions were carried out withwomen with common characteristics (young, married withchildren,orold,traditionalmidwives),4plusfourdiscussions

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brigittE bagnol and EsMEralda Mariano

with reference groups.5 The interviews with the referencegroups served to confirm the information gathered in thecourseoftheresearch,andwerecarriedoutinthelastweekoffieldwork.Inadditiontotheinterviews,wemonitoredandobserved the activities of some traditional doctors of bothsexesforaperiodoftwomonths,inordertobetterunderstandthekindsofproblemsconnectedtosocialrelationsandsexualandreproductivehealththattheirpatientssoughttosolve.Wealsoobservedtheirclienteleandtheproductstheysold.Alloftheinterviewswererecordedwithpreviousconsent,generallyinNyungwe,andtranslatedintoPortuguese.

In general,men andwomenof various ages, both in theurbanandruralareasof theProvinceofTete,wereeagertotalkabouttheirsexuality–inlinewithlocalnormsconnectedtosexandagewhichdefinehowthetopiccanbeapproachedandthewordsusedintheconversation–justifyingitasacen-tralaspectoflife.Therewasalmostunexceptionallyanopenandintimateatmosphereattheinterviews,whichwasneces-saryinordertodeepenandclarifysomeofthetopics.

Menandwomentoldtheresearchersofthesexualeduca-tiongiventoyounggirls,rangingfrommovementsandposi-tionsduringsexualintercourse,massagescarriedouttopart-ners, bead beltsworn bywomen and theways to treat andspeaktotheirpartnerstoallthelovemedicinesusedtomanip-ulatesexualityandrelationships.Theyexplainedhowtoplacethevaginalmedicationsandwhatkindsofplantsandprepa-rationscouldbeused.Insomecases,womenofferedtoshowtheirgenitalorganstotheresearchers.Althoughdeclined,thisreveals the great confidence and complicitywhich at timesdevelopbetweenwomenonthesematters.

The stretching of the labia minora: an overview

Ontheinternet,severalwebsitespublicizetheelongationof labia minora asaneroticassetbasedonan“ancientart”toenhancesexualperformance,alsousedbywesternwomen.6Thisadoptionofthepracticeshowsitswideattractionfortheenhancementofsexuality.IntheSouthernAfricanregiontheelongationofthevaginallabia minoraisquitewidespreadandispractisedbymanyethnolinguisticgroups(Parikh2005).ItisfoundamongsttheVenda(Blacking1967,1998)andLovedu(KrigeandKrige1980)ofSouthAfricaandamongstseveralgroups in central andnorthernMozambique (Arnfred1989,2003;Ironga1994;Enoque1994;Bagnol1996,2003;Geisler2000).ItisacommonculturalpracticeinthesouthofTanzaniaamongsttheMakonde-speakingpeople(Dias1998;Johansen2006),inUgandaamongtheBagandalinguisticgroupofthecentralregion(Tamale2005)andinsomegroupsinthewest-ernregion(Parhik2005),andinZimbabweamongsttheShona(Gelfand 1979:19;Aschwanden 1982:77; Lafon 1995:179).TheKhoisanarealsoreportedtohaveelongatedlabia minora(Welz1995:24–25).However,noneof theseauthorsgivesafullaccountofthemotivationsofthispractice,andthevoicesofwomenwhoperformitarerarelyexpressed

Theideathatelongationofthelabia minoraispartofsex-ualeducationandaimsatimprovingbothpartners’sexualityissharedbyseveralauthorswhohavedescribedthepractice.Parikh (2005:132–139) explains that inUganda,despite thefactthatgirls’sexualityismanipulatedessentiallyinordertorespondtomaledesires,thepullingofthelittlelipsincreasesthewomen’ssexualdesireandthepleasurearisingfrommas-turbation. The author also stresses that the “girl receiveda sternwarning that if shedidnotpull shewouldeitherbeunabletogivebirthorwouldexperiencecomplicationsdur-ing delivery” (Parikh 2005:133). Gelfand (1979:19), refer-ringtotheShonalinguisticgroup,saysthattheprocessbeginsoneortwoyearspriortomenarche.Aschwanden(1982:77),in relation to the samegroup, notes that awomanwhohasnot elongatedher lips is called a “coldwoman”or even “aman”andstressesitsimportanceintheconstructionoffemaleidentity.Thesepracticesarepartofthecontextofpreparationforsexuality,whichalso includesscarificationsonwomen’sbody in order to increase eroticism (Aschwanden 1982:77–78). Blacking (1967:83–4) observed that among theVenda“thisoperationisbegunoftenlongbeforepuberty,itsimpor-tanceisemphasisedatvhusha[pubertyschool].”RecentdatafrombothMozambiqueandTanzaniaindicatethat theprac-ticeaimsattransformingyounggirlsintorealwomenandthatitisverymuchconnectedtosexualityandreproduction(Arn-fred1998;Johansen2006).

In the Systematic Review of the Health Complications of Female Genital Mutilation including Sequelae in Childbirth(WHO2000), there is nomention at all of the stretchingofthe labia except in thedefinitionofFGM.Nonegativecon-sequencesofthestretchingofthelabia minorawerefoundinthe literature except in a report byMakerereUniversity andtheUgandaAIDSCommissionwhichstatesthatthepracticeencourages young girls to start their sexual life earlier, andmakesthemvulnerabletoHIV(EtyangandNatukunda2005).

Onthecontrary,authorssuchasArnfred(2003)haveencour-agedresearchonthispracticetobetterunderstandthemotiva-tionsbehind it and toaccumulateevidenceof the fact that itdoesnotconstituteaformofgenitalmutilation.Tamale(2005),anAfricanscholardescribingtheSsenga institutioninUganda,which is set up to educatewomen specifically in relation totheirsexuality,stressesitsroleinwomen’sempowermentandthe part it plays inwomen’s silent struggle against colonial-ism and postcolonial forces, including religion,which aimedatimposinga“modern”viewonsexualbehaviour.Inherarti-cle,oneofthefirstAfricanvoicesonthepracticeofelongation,shecontextualizes“thestrictregulationandcontrolofAfricanwomen'ssexuality”andreproduction(2005)anditsimportanceforcapitalism.ShealsosynthesizesMarxist7andfeministtheo-riestoshowhowcapitalism,colonialismandreligiousprosely-tismattemptedtomodifyAfricanbeliefsandpractices.

InMozambique,elongationof thevaginal labiawasfirstreportedbyHenriAlexandreJunod,aSwissmissionary,inanannexwritteninLatinintheFrenchversionofhisbookontheBa-Ronga (Junod 1898:482–485) of southernMozambique.NowadaysinMozambiquethepracticeisfrequentinthecen-


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tral and northern region of the country and has been docu-mentedbybothdomestic(OMM1983;Ironga1994;Enoque1994) and foreign researchers (Arnfred1989,2003;Bagnol1996, 2003). It is important to mention that after indepen-dence,in1975,followingthediscourseofthecolonialStateand the missionaries, the Frente de Liberação de Moçam-bique8 (FRELIMO), theMozambicanWomenOrganization9(OMM)andothermassorganizationsfoughtagainsthealers,initiationrites, lovolo,polygamy,extra-maritalrelationsandearlymarriages.FRELIMO'spositiontowardtraditioniswellexpressedinthefollowingquotations(Honwana1996):

Traditional ... society is a conservative, immobile society with rigid hierarchy ... [It] excludes youth, excludes innovations, excludes women (Vieira1977).10

(In traditional society) women are regarded as second class human beings, subjected to the humiliating practice of polyg-amy, acquired through a gift made to their families (lovolo) ... and educated to serve men passively(Machel1970).11

Many practices, particularly those concerning women,such as polygamy, initiation rites, and lovolo (bridewealth),were rejected byFRELIMO. “Obscurantism,” “superstition,”religious belief, ignorance, and rituals such as initiation andlovolo were considered by FRELIMO to bemechanisms bywhichwomenwerealienated.Itwasfeltthatthesemechanismswereusedbothinthecontextofcolonialismandcapitalismtooppressmenandwomen,butalsobymentomaintainwomeninapositionofsubalternityandpassivity.ThisviewofwomenandofinitiationritualsshowshowtherevolutionaryleadershiphadadoptedChristianandcolonialviewsontheirownculture,rejectingitviolently.IncontrasttoFRELIMO’sofficialdis-course,whenpeoplehadthepossibilitytoexpressthemselvesduringthepreparationoftheMozambicanWomenOrganisation(OMM)Conferencein1983–84,elongationofthelabia “washighlypraisedbywomenaswellasbymen,asacontributingfactortoapleasurablelife”(Arnfred2003).ThereportfromtheTeteprovince(OMM1983)indicatesthat“duringcoitusthey(elongatedlabia)increasethesexualpleasureoftheman,andlaterwhenthewomanisolder,thelipsareusedtostrengthenthediameterofthevagina.”12Thesamereport,inanalysingini-tiationritualsandpracticesaimingattheelongationofthelabiaortheincreaseinthesizeofthepenis,statesthat“neitherboysnorgirlsshoulduseproductswhichmaydamagetheirhealthandsexualorgans”(OMM1983).Thefocusonhealthissuesisimportantandshowsthatthesepracticeswerenotconsideredassomethingthatshouldbeeradicated,althoughhealth-relatedconsequencesshouldbeavoidedandmonitored.

Duringourresearch,someintervieweesstressedthatafterindependence,foreigndoctors,mainlyfromtheformerUSSR,wouldcuttheelongatedlabiaatdeliveryastheyfoundthemcumbersome.Thesemutilationsofwomen’s labia appear tohavebeendecideduponbyindividualdoctorsandnotrelatedto anypoliticaldecisionon thematter.However,of course,theyshowedalackofawarenessoffemaleidentityconstruc-

tion and discouragedwomen to go to the hospitals to givebirth.Itfuelledwomen’sfearfortheirphysicalintegrityandtheirrighttomakedecisionsabouttheirownbody.Thisindi-cates how violent and disrespectful ofwomen’s bodies andrightssomeoftheinterventionswere.

Arnfred (2003) has contrasted the discourses on initia-tion rituals by colonialists and religious and independencemovementswithwomen’svoicessupportingwhat theycon-sideranimportantpartoftheirfemininityconstructionandaninstrumentfortheirempowerment.Shejuxtaposesthemean-ings thatwomengive to thesepracticeswith interpretationsof the rituals by outsiders and shows the need for a partic-ipatory approach to the subject (Arnfred 2003:16). Bagnol(1996,2003)hasanalysed the implicationof theelongationofthelabia minoraonhomo-attractionandgenderroles.Shearguesthattheelongationofthelabiaaimsatachievingwom-anhood“asawomanwithoutlonglabiaisnotawoman”(Bag-nol2003:11).Someauthorsrefertothispracticeasrespond-ingtoamalerequest,inasmuchasitenhancessexualpleasure(Raimundoetal.2003),ortheysuggestthatitsabsencemayconstituteamotivefordivorce(Ironga1994).Anotherlineofresearchrelatestotheimplicationofelongationandapplica-tionofvaginalproductsforwomen’shealthandcondomuse(BagnolandMariano2008).

Stretching of the labia in the Tete province

In theTete province, one of themostwidespread vaginalpractices is the elongation of the vaginal labiaminora (kuk-huna,kupfuwaorpuxa-puxa).It ispartof theprocessof ini-tiationtofemalesexuality,whichincludestheuseofabeltofbeads,scarificationsonthebodyaswellasthemodificationoralterationof thegenitalorgans.This initiation is ledbygod-motherswhoarechosenby thegirls’mothersoraunts.Theyareremuneratedforprovidingteachingsandfollowingtheevo-lutionoftheelongation.Normallythisprocessstartsfromtheageofeighttotwelveandlastsforfourtosixmonths.Thefirsttimesthatagodmotherdemonstrateshowtodoit,shepullstheyounggirl’slabia(matingi)herselfandmakessurethatthegirlisproceedingcorrectly.Thelabiaaremassagedandstretchedfromtoptobottom,withthetipsofthethumbandindexfingerofeachhand.Oilysubstancesextractedfromthekernelofthensatsi (castor-oil plant) areused.The interviewees insist thatonedoesnotpulltheclitoris,andthatthelatterremainswith-drawnbetweenthetwolips.However,otherssaythatthecli-torisisalsostretched.Althoughmostwomenindicatethattheyarestretchingonlythelabiaminora,otherinformationsuggeststhatinsomecasesthelabiamajoramayalsobeelongated.

The elongation is done daily, generally early in the morn-ing and at sundown, and in discrete places. The labia are elongated individually or sometimes in a group of girls pull-ing each others’labia. According to a nurse, “They pull each other in order to not feel pain, amongst friends, one in front of the other, and they pull each other at the same time for thirty

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minutes every day. Only the unmarried girls pull each other, when they are young” (TET,Mother-and-ChildHealthNurse,ProvincialHospital).

While the above interviewee speaks of pain, one potterexplainsthattheprocessmaybepleasurable:

When the girls or women do puxa-puxa, they feel sexual pleasure (…) when she’s grown up. Also as an element to amuse oneself and masturbate when she doesn’t have a man beside her (…) When she reaches around fifteen years of age she starts to do it, to feel pleasure (CHI3,Potter,around45yearsold,Chipembere,August2005).

The above quotation shows that even if the official goalis heterosexuality and “holding onto one’s partner,” youngwomenexploremanyaspectsoftheirsexuality,painbutalsopleasure–individuallyorwithgirlfriends.Theelongationofthe labia is ritualised learning in auto-eroticism and homo-eroticism,asvariousintervieweesexplainedandassuggestedinpreviousworks(Bagnol1996,2003).

Theelongationprocessmaytakeseveralmonths,untiltheideallengthofthreetofourcentimetresisreached.Femininebeautyisthusevaluatedbythepresenceorabsenceofthemat-ingiandbytheir length.If theyare tooshort, thewomanisconsidered“lazy,”butwhentheyaretoolong,they“cancreatewater”inthevagina.Accordingtotheinterviewees,therightsize of the lips allows the vagina’s dampness to be drainedandidealvaginaldrynesstobeobtained.AfemaletraditionalhealerinthecityofTetesummarisesthisideawell:“Whenthematingiareverylongwatercomesout,becausetheyperspire.Whentheyareaverage,theyabsorbwateratthetimeofsex,themandoesn’tfeelthatthere’swater,becauseofthosemat-ingi(…)ifshedoesn’thavethem,thewaterfillsupbecauseit’sonlyahole”(FSM7,Healer,awidowwithfourchildren,38yearsold,FilipeSamuelMagaia).

Elongatingthelabia minoraisrelatedtoabasicnotionoffemininity.Themainmotivationistousethematingitoclosethevaginalorifice–naturallyopenatbirthbutalsobyregu-larcoitusorafterthebirthofchildren.Theelongatedvaginallabiaareoftendescribedbythemetaphorofa“door.”Priortothesexualactthepartnersshould“openthedoor,”“themancan’tcomeinjustlikethat;”thesenotionsillustratetheimpor-tanceofthewomanbeingclosed–perhapsasaformofpro-tection–andpossibleforeplaypriortopenetration.Peopleusetheword“hole”whenthe labiaarenotelongatedasaformofridiculeorinsulttoawomanwhodoesnothavematingi.Theintervieweesalsoexplainedthatifthegirldoesnotelongatethelabia,shewillnotmanagetokeepherpartner,ashewouldprefertohavesexwithawomanwhohasthematingi.Ifgirlsarenot“prepared”(i.e.sexuallyinitiatedandfamiliarwiththemanipulationofgenitals),laterontheymaybedisrespectedaswomenandevenconsideredtobemen.

It is awidespread idea that the labia tend to shrinkafterchildbirthandwiththemenstrualcycle.Inordertomaintaintheidealsizeofthelabia,everywomancontinuestopullthem

and “maintain them,” ensuring their length and smoothnessareconstantandthat theirelasticityremainsaslongastheyaresexuallyactive,untilmenopause.Themalepartnersalsohelp their female partners to stretch the lips, “making use”ofthemasaneroticstimulusthroughmassagesandoralsex.Depending on the interviewees, some consider the clitorisirrelevant,alltheemphasisbeinggiventothe labia,whereasothersconsideritfundamentalsinceit isthepointofdepar-ture for the sensationwhich propagates along the labia.Attimes,thelabiaareplacedinsidethevaginainordertoreduceitsdiameterandmaketheentryofthepenisdifficultonfirstattempt, creating greater friction and increasing the “heat”inthesexualact.Usingmetaphoricallanguage,theymaybereferredtoas“thefirewoodtolightthebonfire.”

Use of vaginal substances: an overview

Womenusevarioussubstancesinordertoreducethesizeof the vagina and its lubrication so as to increase friction,thuscreatingfavourableconditionsformen’sandsometimeswomen’s pleasure inAsia (Hull and Buiharsana 2001; Pri-mus2003)andAfrica.Brownetal. (1993:991)explain thatinZaire,womenuselittleballsofgroundleaveswhichtheyinsertinthevaginapriortocoitusinordertoincreasesexualpleasure.The authorsmention the need to avoid noise dur-ingthesexualact(Brownetal.1993:990).PracticesaimingattighteningthevaginaarealsofoundinCentralandSouth-ern Africa and have been documented by several authors(BraunsteinandVandeWijert2002;CivicandWilson1996;Morar andKarim 1998; Reed et al. 2001; Runganga et al.1992).Ombolo (1990:51–52), analysingsexuality incentralandsouthernCameroon,explainsthatawidevaginaiscon-sidered a serious problem, as the vagina is ideally “narrowand hot.”Ombolo underlines that this attitude is also com-moninsub-SaharanAfrica(1990:52).AstudyonSTIscarriedoutinMozambiqueexplainsthattheuseofproducts“inorderto reduce lubrication and increase friction” aims at increas-ingmen’ssexualpleasuretothedetrimentofthatofwomen(Mahomedetal.nodate:27).

Literatureonthesepracticesfocusesmainlyontheirhealthimpacts, and only few in-depth ethnographic studies havebeencarriedouttobetterunderstandthemotivations(Awusa-bo-Asare1993;Green2001).Theincreasedsusceptibilitytoinfections and disease transmission due to themodificationofthevaginalfloraismentionedbysomeauthors,aswellastherisksofinflammationandirritationofthegenitalorgansofbothpartners(Baleta1998;BraunsteinandvandeWijert2002;Brownet al.1993,2000;Dallabettaet al.1995;Kun1998;McClelland et al. 2006;Orubuloye et al. 1995; San-dalaetal.1995).Manystudieshaveshownthatsomesexu-allytransmittedinfectionsfacilitateHIVtransmission(Flem-ingandWasserheit1999).However,vaginal infectionssuchasbacterialvaginosis(BV)aswellasyeastinfections,whicharelikelytoresultfromvaginalpractices,havenotyetbeenclearlyestablishedasco-factorsforHIVinfection(Myer etal.


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2005;Tahaetal.1998).Somestudiesalsosuggestthatdiffer-entproductsmayhavecompletelydistincteffects,withsomelimitingandothersincreasingtherisksofdiseasetransmission(Myeretal.2005),andthatoutcomesmaydifferaccordingtotheproductand thequantityused.Yet, little is knownaboutvariations within the same culture, or women of differentsocial class andculturalbackground (Awusabo-Asare1993;Bagnol1996,2003;Green2001).Furtherstudyisneededtodiscernwhichpracticesarepotentiallythemostharmful,andwhichhave ahigh-potential associationwithSTIs andHIV(vandeWijgert2005).

Insertion of substances into the vagina in the Tete province

As in thecaseof theelongationof the labia minora, themajorityofwomenuseavarietyofsubstancesinordertocon-tract or reduce the vaginal canal.These products are called“mankwala ya kubvalira,”whichmeansliterally“medicinetoput,”as theyare tobeusedspecifically in thevagina.Mostwomenwhoaresexuallyactiveandofchildbearingageuseproducts to“prepare” theirvagina.Moreover,manywomenuseproductsafterchildbirthtocloseupthevaginaasrapidlyaspossible,soastoresumehavingsexwiththeirpartner.

Amongstthevariousreasonsfortheuseofvaginalprod-ucts is the association of the idea of virginitywith narrow-nessofthevaginalorifice.Manyintervieweesusestheexpres-sion“toseemtobeavirgin”astheidealconditionforamoresatisfactory sexual encounter.The vagina ought to be tight,dryandhotinordertoallowfriction,sexualpleasureforbothpartnersandwomen’s“well-being.”Thefollowingquotationhighlightsthesexualpleasureofthetwopartners:

When the woman gets together with a man [has sex], the body doesn’t usually end up well (…) the body gets separated [because the vagina is too open], so with kubvalira the body returns [the vagina is tightened], that’s the way the men like it (…) The women also like it (MPD7,Widowof64yearsofage,M'padwe).

Friction is thought tobe fundamental for sexualpleasureandtothateffect,thepenisshouldnotenterthevaginaeasily.Thisconditionisalsoassociatedwithgoodhealth:

(…) One has to put the kubvalira product in order for the man to not end up entering right away, just like that. (…) If she doesn’t put the kubvalira product, she ends up as if she had just been with another man, she’s open, very open, with-out feeling right herself (MPD6, Female traditional healer,M'padwe).

When “excesswater” ismentioned,women are said notto be “sweet”or to be “tasteless.”Seekingheat, sweetness,andfrictionimpliesacertainwayofhavingsex“nyama na nyama”(fleshonflesh),whichappearstobethemostsatisfac-

tory.Whenawomanhasaverylubricatedvagina,herpartnercomplainsandmayaccuseherofhavinghadanotherpartnerbeforehand,orofnothaving“prepared”herselfproperly.Ifheisangrywiththewomanandifthispartneriscasual,hemayevencommentonthisasawayofinsultingher,orintheformofridiculewithhisfriends.However,manywomenthinkthatmendonot know thatwomenplace products in their vagi-nas inorder tomodify its lubrication.This isquiteahighlyguarded “secret,” inasmuch aswomenwant this to [appearto]benatural,anindividualcharacteristic.Speakingofasex-ualencounterwitha“watery”woman,themanmaysay:“it’slikehavingsexinaglassofwater,”inreferencetotheabsenceof friction and to the resultingnoise.Sometimes “water” isrelatedtosomediseaseorto“arending.”“Whenthewomangetsatear,watercomesoutconstantly,”explainsa(female)traditionaldoctorwhoisalsoapotterandmidwifeinthevil-lageofChipembereinChangaraDistrict.Thusproductsoughtto be inserted into the vagina so as to treat it.A traditionaldoctorexplainsasfollows:“Amongstsomewomentherehasbeenthatwhitedirtthatdoesn’tsmell,thatisnormal,butinotherstherehasbeenonethatsmells,whichcomesoutalot,itusuallybeinglinkedtoadirtyuterus,butwiththatdrugallofthewatercomesoutandit’sdry”(FSM7,Femaletraditionalhealer,widowwithfourchildren,38yearsofage,Tete).Fol-lowingchildbirth,thevaginamayalsoendup“torn,”andit’snecessarytocloseupthevaginaonceagainbyinsertingprod-uctsintoit.

Usually,productsareprovidedbywomen’srelatives(god-mothers,aunts,grandmothers)orbytraditionaldoctors.Thesedifferentmankwalamaybebought in themarket in thecityofTete,fromitinerantvendors(ZimbabweanorMozambicanwomen)whocirculateintheruralareas,fromtraditionaldoc-tors(m/f),ortheymaybepreparedbyfamilymembers,neigh-boursortheuserherself.Themankwalaproducedlocallyareleaves,roots,anddriedandpoundedtreebark(reducedtoapowder),appliedinthreeways:placedinthepanties,inthevaginalorificewiththefingertip,orinsidethevagina.Therearealsokindsof“vaginaleggs”madewithnaturalsubstances,similartothosementionedabove,andmixedwithanegginordertoformlittleballs.Eggsareusedinthepreparationastheyareimpenetrableandareconsequentlyconsideredtohavethecharacteristicsof thedesiredvagina.13Within themank-wala ya kubvalira,onemayfindhouseholdproductssuchasColgateandVicks.ThemassiveimmigrationofwomenfromZimbabwehasintensifiedanddiversifiedtheuseandtypeofsubstances.AmongstthemankwalacomingfromZimbabwearestonesandalumorcoppersulfate.

Asexplainedbyhealthworkersof thecityofTete inter-viewed ina focusgroup, themajorityofwomenusemank-wala ya kubvalira:“Eightypercentusethemhere.WeAfri-cansoughttousesuchproducts(…)Inthecityit’s80%andinthecountrysideit’salmosteveryone”(TET4,Focusgroup,healthpersonnel,Tete).

Allsexuallyactivewomentendtousemankwala ya kub-valira, but pregnantwomen stop using them after the thirdmonth of gestation. In some churches, women are advised

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againstusingtraditionalproducts.Theopinioniswidespreadthatwomen inmenopauseceasehaving sex14 andalsoveryfrequentlyabandontheuseoftheseproducts.However,somecontinuetousetheminorderto“bewell”andtohave“weight”asopposedtothelightnesstheyfeelwhentheirlabiaareopen.In a situationof sexual competitionwithothers,whether inruralorurbanareas,womentendtomakegreateruseofvag-inal products.According to the majority of women,mank-wala insertedorapplied in thevagina,or ingested, tends toimprovetheirsexualitywhentheyareconcernedaboutkeep-ing an unfaithful or polygamous partner. Sex workers alsotendtousevaginalproductsinordertobeabletoprovidesat-isfactorysexualperformancesandensurethatthesexualpart-ner“doesn’tsuspectthattheyhavejusthadsexwithanotherman.”Thus, the frequencywithwhichvaginalproducts areusedvaries according to the needs of differently positionedwomenandtheefficacyofthesubstance.

Perceived consequences of the practices

MostwomenandmenintheprovinceofTeteseetheelon-gation of the labia minora as having a very positive effecton men and women’s sexual lives and relationships. It isextremely rare to register negative effects.However, exces-sive lengthof the labia“creatingwater”or thefact that theelongating process is painful, especially at the beginning,werementioned.Sometimes,someproductsusedforelonga-tioncanalsocauselesions.

In relation to thevaginal products, a largemajorityof thewomenwho use them stated that they did not have negativeeffects.However,excessiveuseof theseproductsaswellasnewproducts caninfacthaveunexpectedeffects.Somewomenreportedexperiencesofexfoliationofthevaginalmucosa,vagi-nallacerations,burns,swellingsandincreasedsecretions:

I know the kubvalira which I bought and inserted. I started to moan, then straightaway I fell ill, on that day I had to take a fan and direct it on [my vagina] (…) The next day, that exfoli-ated, something white scaling right off and that ruins the uterus (…) that thing is salt from Zimbabwe, small stones (TET4,Focusgroup,WomenOrganisationofMozambique,Tete).

Despitetheirawarenessofthehighprevalenceofvaginalproducts, discussions of the issue amongst health personnelarestill limited.Littleresearchhasbeenconductedontheminrelationtopublichealth,soastounderstandtheirculturaldimensionandimpactonthetransmissionandpreventionofSTI/HIV.

Painreportedbymenandwomenduringintercourseisgen-erally a consequence of vaginal products. Lacerations on thepenisandinthevaginaaresaidtoresultfromtheeffortneededtopenetrateandthefrictionoccurringduringcoitus.

The vaginal products appear for some as being in directoppositiontotheuseofacondom,thattheargumentbeingthatwith the insertionofvaginalproducts thesexactought tobe

unprotected(withnocondom)inordertoallowadirectcontactbetweenthevaginaandthepenisandtoobtaingreatersexualpleasure.Itwasthusfoundthatthemajorityoftheintervieweesdid not use a condom.However, somepeople, including sexworkers,explainedthatmankwala ya kubvaliramaybeusedatthesametimewithcondoms.Yet,theyleavenodoubtthatthelubricantonthecondomleadsmanypeopletoquestionitsrea-sonforexistence.Sincemostmenandwomenseektoreducelubricationinthevaginainordertocreategreaterdifficultyforpenetration,usingalubricatedcondomisanabsurditywhichisdifficulttojustify.

Duringthemeetingsheldwithhealthworkers,itwasnotedthat frequently, during clinical observations, women showresiduesofvaginalsubstances,orvaginalcomplications(dis-charges)assumedtobecausedbytheuseofvaginalproducts,asexplainedbya(male)nurse:

After inserting the stones (women) had a reaction involving discharge which never passes, a vaginal discharge. (...) When they arrive here [in the Health Post] they [women] seem to have an STI which is not STI. (…) The roots may provoke lesions outside or inside the vagina and represent a danger … with this problem of STIs and HIV/AIDS, she goes along there with those lesions and it’s easier to catch them (MPD2,Malehealth-careprovider,Mpadwe).

Dailyorregularwashingwithsoapandotherproductsusedwithwaterisnotseenashavinganynegativeconsequencesandisevenrecommendedbymostnurses.Thepossibilityofinfec-tionandlacerationduetothedailyorregularinternalwashingprocesshashoweverbeenmentioned.

According somehealthworkers, cancer of theuterusmayhaveitsorigininthevaginalinsertionofsomeproductsastheymay provoke infections, inflammations, or lacerations. Dailywashing of the inside of the vagina with various substancesdestroys the vaginal flora, thus modifying its pH (acidity).Accordingtothem,thissetofsituationsleadstoagreatervul-nerabilitytosexuallytransmittedinfections,includingHIV.

Can these practices be considered FGM?

Tounderstandoureffort to remove theelongationof thelabiaandtheintroductionofproductsinthevaginafromthedefinition of FGM, some background information is neces-sary.Inthe1960sand1970sthedebatearoundsexualityandtheroleofwomeninsocietyexploded.SeveralfeministsfromthesouthsuchasAwaThiam(1978)andNawalelSaadawi(1980)engagedthemselvesinthedebate,presentingtheirper-sonal experience on female sexual mutilation. In the sameperiodFranHosken(1978)publishedthefirstcomprehensivearticleontheepidemiologyofFGMworldwide.15ThedebatewasextremelyfiercewithFrenchfeministslikeBenoiteGroult(1979) condemning the practices and anthropologists fromtheFrenchAssociationofAnthropologists(AFA)publishinga collective text (AssociationFrançaisedesAnthropologues


49

1981:37)aimingatshowing“howacertainfeminismresusci-tate(today)themoralisticarroganceofyesterday’scolonial-ism.”Theyurgedtolookatthecontextandtounderstandthemotivationofthepractices.Thearticleconcluded:“Let’sstopmakingtheAfricanslooklikesavages,let’sstopimposingonthemourmodelsforlivingandnowourmodelsofpleasure,let’sstoptoperceivehorrorinotherstobetterdenytheminoursociety.Fornowtowhomisthescandalbenefiting?Isn’tthebarbarian theonewhobelieves inbarbarism?” (AssociationFrançaisedesAnthropologues1981:37). In the sameperiodWHOwaspressuredtocondemnthepractices.ThefirstJointStatementappearedin1997(WHOetal.1997).Thesecondstatement reviewing the knowledge grasped over a decadewasissuedin2008(OHCHRetal.2008:27).

Thedebatearoundtheissueisstillveryintense.Inrecentresearch and publications, a need toRe-think Sexualities in Africa(Arnfred2004)hasemergedinordertore-conceptual-izeoldcolonialandpost-colonialparadigmsandtogivevoicetoanAfricanunderstandingofhealth,sexualityanderoticism.FarfromavisionofAfricansexualitythatfocusesonothernessanddifference,newpointsofviewontheissuestressthediver-sity and the contextualisedways inwhich individuals shapetheirsexualityinlightofamyriadoffactorsincludingthelin-guisticgroup towhich theybelongaswell as their religion,socialclass,genderand“race/colour.”ThebookFemale Cir-cumcision and the Politics of Knowledge, African Women and Imperialist Discourses, edited byObiomaNnaemeka, openswiththesentencewithwhichtheFrenchanthropologistsendedtheirarticlequotedabovetwentyfouryearsearlier:“Thebar-barian is first and foremost he who believes in barbarism”(Nnaemeka2005:3).Thequestionsanddebateseemtobethesame.Itisnotaboutdisagreementovertheneedtoputanendtoharmfulpractices; it is ratherabout thediscoursesaroundthepracticesthatlackrespect.Labellingsomepractices“bar-baric”ora“torture”withoutcontextualizingthembringsalongnegativeeffectsinsteadofhelpingtoeradicatethem.Itdisem-powersandantagonizeswomen.AsAbusharafwrote:“InlargepartbecauseoftheEuropeananimositytowardscircumcision,the practice became a focus ofAfrican resistance to foreignencroachmentandinterference”(Abusharaf2001).

Thequestionremains,whyareelongationanduseofvagi-nalproductsconsideredtobefemalegenitalmutilationwhileaesthetic vaginal surgery16 such as labiaplasty, vaginoplasty,vaginalreconstruction,vaginalrejuvenationortighteningarepublicizedandwellknowsurgeonsandclinicsareallowedtoperformdefinitivemodificationofthevagina?Whyistheuseof play lubricants17 bought in shops in theWest not definedas female genitalmutilation, if the use of productswith thesameobjectiveandresultsareconsideredassuchwhentheyarehomeproducedinAfricaorboughtinashopinAsia?Whodecideswhoisbarbarian?Whodecideswhatisfemalegenitalmutilationandwhatisnot?Theanswerliesintheunderstand-ing of the ethnocentrism underlying the production of dis-coursesandtheobjectificationoftheAfricanandAsianfemalebody,inthe“othering,”thestigmatisationofothers’practices.

Peopleareobjectsandsubjectsatthesametime–withinadynamic process of submission and resistance – of a processof transformationwhich places themwithin the local cultureandoverallconceptionofsocietyincludingnotionsofsexual-ity,health,socialwell-beingandrelationshipsbetweenpersonsandspiritual forces. It is in theprocessof transformationandcaregiventobodiesandtheirfunctions(essentiallysexualandreproductive) that the biologicallymale and female individu-alsbecome“men”and“women,”learningtheappropriategen-derbehavioursateachphaseof their life.Thus thebiologicalbodyacquiredatbirthisoneoftheelementswhichdeterminethewayindividualsbehaveas“men”ora“women,”butinitselfitisnotsufficient.Interactinginparticularinstitutionsandwithparticularpeople,individualsinventanddefinetheirbelongingtothecategories“man”and“woman.”Anditisinthiscontextthatindividualscontinuallynegotiateandexercisetheiragency.The data collected strongly demonstrate that the practices

under study (elongationof the labia minora, useofvaginalproductsoringestionofpotionstomodifytheconditionofthevagina)donotconstitutemutilation.

ThefindingsfromtheTeteprovincebringevidenceoftheneedtoremovethementiontovaginalpractices thatdonotinvolvesurgical interventionssuchas the insertion,applica-tionoringestionofvarioussubstancesfromthedefinitionofFGM.Theconsequencesoftheelongationofthelabia minoraandtheuseofvaginalproductsdonotrequireabanasinthecaseofFGMTypeI,IIandIII,andthesepracticescannotbetargetedthroughhumanrightslegislationonviolenceagainstchildrenand/orwomen,bodilyharmandchildabuse.Never-theless,somepracticescanresultininjuries–e.g.lacerations,tears–andmightneedtobediscouragedwhenevidenceofanincreaseofSTIsandHIV/AIDStransmissionisconfirmed.

IntheTeteprovince,vaginalpracticesconstituteaninstitu-tion inwhichwomendevelop their knowledge of interactionwithothersandtransmitittoyoungerwomen(Tamale2005).Itisafemaleinstitutionandalocusofexpressionofwomen’spowerovertheirownbodyandtheirsexualrelationships.Theseaspectshavetobetakenintoconsiderationforthedevelopmentofanapproachthatempowerswomentocontroltheirsexuality,butalsorecognisesvaginalpracticesastheirsecrettoinfluencetheirpartners’sexuality.

Acknowledgements

Wewould like to thankDr.AdrianeMartinHilberof theDepartmentofHealthandReproductiveResearchoftheWorldHealthOrganisation(WHO)inGenevafortheco-ordinationof theresearchprojectat the international level.Ourpartic-ularthanksaredirectedtoDr.AnaDai(MISAU),Dr.FilipaGouveiaandtheTeteProvincialHealthDirector,Dr.Freder-icoBrito.Abig‘thankyou’isaddressedtoDr.TouréBoukar,WHO representative inMozambique and toDr.AliciaCar-bonel for the immensesupport theyprovided.This researchisimplementedbytheInternationalCenterforReproductiveHealth(ICRH)andisbeingsupportedbytheUNDP/UNFPA/

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WHO/WorldBankSpecialProgrammeonResearch,Devel-opment,andResearchTraininginHumanReproduction,theInternationalPartnershipforMicrobicidesresearch,theFlem-ishGovernment,andAustraliaAid(AUSAid).

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Authors

BrigitteBagnolAnthropologist,ResearcherUniversityoftheWitwatersrand,Johannesburg,[email protected]

EsmeraldaMarianoDepartmentofArchaeologyandAnthropologyEduardoMondlaneUniversityMaputo,[email protected]

Notes1Infibulationistheexcisionofpartsoralloftheexternalgenitaliaand

stitchingornarrowingofthevaginalopening(WHO2001:20).2In this paper we refer to the labia minora as women interviewed

explainedthattheyelongatethe“littlelips”.However,dataindi-catethatsomewomenalsoelongatethe labia majora.

3The importance ofworkingwith potters has to do amongst otheraspectswiththefact thatclaypotsarecomparedtotheuterus.There are some rules and taboos associatedwith reproductionandproduction of pottery, this being a strictly female activity,anditsconditionsasregardshot/wet,cold/dry.

4Twogroupsessionswereheldwithwomenwithchildren,onegroupwithadultmales,onewithmaleadolescents,amixedgroupoftraditionalhealers,agroupofsexworkersandagroupofmid-wives.

5OnegroupsessionwasheldwithwomenfromtheOMM,onewithnursesofbothsexes,onewithfemaletraditionaldoctorsandonewithyoungstudentsofbothsexes.

6http://www.labiastretching.com/(consultedon8/01/08).7Engelsviewedtheestablishmentofprivatepropertyandthedevel-

opmentofagricultureasthe“historicaldefeatoffemalesex.”Hebelievedthatwomen’soppressionwouldceasewiththedissolu-tionoftheprivateproperty.Thisanalysishasbeencriticizedbyfeministswhorefutetheassociationbetweentheoriginofman'scontroloverwomanandtheestablishmentofprivatepropertyorpatriarchy.

8TheMozambicanLiberationFront,whichafterfightinganarmedstruggle against colonial rule, proclaimedMozambique’s inde-pendence inJune1975.FRELIMOtookaSocialistandMarx-istapproach,whichrejectedsomevaluesoftheso-called“tradi-tional”society.Thisagendawasinmanywayssimilartothatofthemissionariesofthepre-independenceera.

9The women’s organization (OMM) was conceived as a wing ofFRELIMOandimplementedFRELIMO’sstrategy.Theprocessbywhich the “new”womanwould be “constructed” includedwomen’sparticipationinproductiveactivities,thedevelopmentofscientificandculturaleducation,andthemodificationofrela-tionshipsbetweencouples.

http://www.feministafrica.org/2level.html

http://abcnews.go.com/Health/WomensHealth/story?id=3547373&page=1

http://abcnews.go.com/Health/WomensHealth/story?id=3547373&page=1

http://www.cosmeticsurgery-news.com/article2308.html

http://www.durex.com/CA/PlayRange_lubs_tingling.asp

http://www.onlinesurgery.com/plasticsurgery/vaginal-rejuvenation-default.asp


http://www.who.int/reproductive-health/publications/fgm/fgm_statement.html

http://www.who.int/reproductive-health/publications/fgm/fgm_statement.html

http://www.urogyn.org/aestheticvaginal.html


http://www.nytimes.com/2004/11/28/fashion/28PLAS.html?pagewanted=1_r=1=slogin

http://www.nytimes.com/2004/11/28/fashion/28PLAS.html?pagewanted=1_r=1=slogin

http://jscms.jrn.columbia.edu/cns/2005-04-19/kemp-vaginalrejuvenation

http://jscms.jrn.columbia.edu/cns/2005-04-19/kemp-vaginalrejuvenation

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/03/02/AR2007030201549.html

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/03/02/AR2007030201549.html

http://www.boloji.com/wfs5/wfs648.htm

http://www.labiaplastysurgeon.com/

http://www.labiastretching.com/

http://www.miklosandmoore.com/hymen.php

http://www.inlandempirevaginalsurgery.com/


http://www.labiastretching.com/


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10QuotedinHonwana1996.11Ibid.12Herethedocumentreferstothepossibilityofintroducingthelabia

insidethevaginainordertoreducethediameteroftheorifice.13JaniceBoddy(1989),inherbookWombs and Alien Spirits. Women,

Men and Zãr Cult in Northern Sudan,alsoreferstotheeggasasexual symbol in thecontextofSudanese society,whichprac-ticesinfibulation.

14Duetothefactthatthesexualactislinkedtoprocreationinthisphaseofthewoman’slife,thespermwouldnotresultinconceptionandwouldbedisposedof.Theintervieweesexplainthatbecausethespermisnotevacuatedwiththemenstruation,itgoesrotteninsidethewoman’sbodyandshegetsaswollenbelly,whichmayresultinhealthproblemsanddeath.

15In1979abookcalledTheHosken Report: Genital and Sexual Muti-lation of Femaleswaspublished.

16www.urogyn.org/aestheticvaginal.html,www.labiaplastysurgeon.com/,www.inlandempirevaginalsurgery.com/,http://www.boloji.com/wfs5/wfs648.htm,http://www.onlinesurgery.com/plasticsurgery/vaginal-rejuvenation-default.asp(consultedon12/05/08).

17http://www.durex.com/CA/PlayRange_lubs_tingling.asp (consulted on12/05/08).



http://www.inlandempirevaginalsurgery.com/





http://www.durex.com/CA/PlayRange_lubs_tingling.asp


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Vo l . 3 , No . 2 / 2008 www.etmu .f i

Courtney Smith

Creating Spaces: Challenging Conventional Discursive Norms Surrounding the Marking of Women’s Bodies

Abstract This paper examines the profound ways in which the female body is constructed. Specifically, female genital cutting in Senegal, West Africa and breast augmentation in the United States are explored, as they each illustrate inscribed social norms upon female bodies. The argument of the paper is based upon eighty in-depth interviews in Senegal, as well as sixty-one interviews in various cities of the United States. Each set of interviewees were asked open ended questions regarding each practice, with the goal of learning how diverse people understand their physical bodies and how they view “other” bodies. Though a direct comparison of the practices is by no means implied, opinions con-cerning each practice are gathered, which illustrate dissociation both among and between American and Senegalese women. This dissociation is problematic because despite various critiques of the practices in both contexts, the social mechanisms that embed cultural and physical norms remain covered. Some interviewees express discomfort with either or both practices, yet ideological linch-pins such as autonomous choice and gendered identity trump this discomfort. Further, the discon-nect between women prevents unified national or global feminist movements from forming that could challenge various patriarchal forces effecting women’s bodies in an effective manner.

Introduction

Thefactthatwomenareuniversallysubordinatedishardlygroundbreaking news. “The secondary status of woman insociety,”SherryOrtnerwrites,“isoneofthetrueuniversals,apan-culturalfact”(Ortner1996:21).Thenotionofauniversalpatriarchy,however,thatcausesthissubordinationofwomen“has beenwidely criticized in recent years for its failure toaccountfortheworkingsofgenderoppressionintheconcretecultural contexts in which it exists” (Butler 1993:6). Thus,thoughmany feminist scholars examine thevariousways inwhichwomenare subordinated (Dworkin1974;MacKinnon2006;Walker1993;Young1990),manyofthemrejecttheideathatthereisoneoverarchingpatriarchalsourceofthisoppres-sion(Charusheela2006;Mohanty2003;Narayan1997).Theselatterideasarebasedontheculturalvariationsofsubordina-tion that cannot be envelopedbyWesternunderstandings of

justice and women’s rights.Yet, as Ortner asserts, “both ofthesepoints – theuniversal fact and the cultural variation–constituteproblemstobeexplained”(Ortner1996:21).

Onewayofattemptingtoexplainhowuniversalsubordi-nationmanifestsinvaryingculturalwaysisbyfocusinguponthe physical bodies ofwomen (Bordo 1993).The literatureconcerningthecorporealcontrolofindividualsiswellstudiedandoriginates in theworkofMichelFoucault (1976).Fou-caultcontendsthatpower,specificallybiopower,formsindi-vidualsintosubjects,bothphysicallyandmentally.Biopowerisomnipresentandinitexists“anexplosionofnumerousanddiverse techniques for achieving the subjugations of bodiesandthecontrolofpopulations”(Foucault1976:140).Inotherwords,theformthatdocilehumanbodiestakeistheproductofsocialforces,orbiopower.Therearestructuralmechanismsthattransportthesesocialmeaningsontobodieswhileatthesame time rendering themunrecognizable (Bourdieu1990).

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Unpacking how these mechanisms work to embed culturalnorms inbodies,or, in IrisMarionYoung terms,examininghowbroadsocialandsymbolicstructuresareexpressedinthelivedbody(Young1990)isimportantforfeminists.

Asexamplesofsocialstructuresexpressedinlivedbodies,Ispecificallyexaminethebodymodificationpracticesoffemalegenital cutting (FGC) in Senegal, West Africa and breastimplantationintheUnitedStates.Inthesepractices,thewaysinwhichwomen’sbodiesaremarkeddemonstratepatriarchalsocial forcesembedding themselvesdifferently in thephysi-calexistencesofwomen.Empirically,theprojectstemsfromopen-ended, in-depth interviews from communities both intheUSandinSenegal.Sixmonthsof2005andonefollow-upmonthin2007werespentinSenegalwhereIconductedeightyinterviewswith womenandmenthroughoutthecountryaboutthe twopractices.Then, tenmonths in 2007 and2008werespentconductingsixty-oneinterviewswithAmericanmenandwomenalsoabout the twopractices.Asmanydifferentpeo-pleaspossibleineachcountrywereinterviewed,asthegoalwastogarnerthemostinclusiveunderstandingsofthewaysinwhichpeopleviewtheirbodiesandthebodiesofothers.

Ialsoconductedtheseinterviewsinordertodetermineifwomenoutsideof certain cultures are able to recognize themechanismsof social control that do regulate thebodiesofwomen.Bourdieuclaims thatan individual’shabitusdevel-opsaccordingtothesocialsphereofactioninwhichtheindi-viduallives.Thisspherethathecallsa“field”placescertainlimitsonthosewhoinhabitit(Chambers2008:52).Accept-ingBourdieu’s limiting“fields,” Iamled to thequestionofwhetherindividualsbothinternalandexternaltothatfieldareabletoidentifythesocialnormsthatareembeddedwithinit.If certain norms exist in theUnitedStates that regulate theformofthefemalebody,arewomenintheUScognizantofthesourcesofthosenorms?ArepeoplefromanoutsidefieldsuchasSenegalabletolocatethosesources?

IninterviewsintheUS,therecurringemphasisconcerningbothFGCandbreastimplantationisnotonwherenormsorigi-natebutratherontheexistenceofautonomouschoice.Theper-ceived existence of choice trumps any harmor disadvantagewomen experienceduring either practice, according tomanyinterviewees. As Martha Nussbaum asserts, however, “weshouldcriticallyevaluatestructuresofchoiceanddesire”(Nuss-baum1999:256).ClaireChambersagreesbecause“choicedoesnotsuffice torenderanoutcomejust: therearecircumstancesinwhichachosenpracticeremainsunjust,andthisisbecausepracticesareinherentlysocialandthusdonotdependonindi-viduals’choices”(Chambers2008:39,italicsoriginal).

Ontheotherhand,athreadrunningthroughSenegaleseinter-viewsisfundamentalgenderidentity.UnlikesomeoftheAmer-icanswhoviewwomenasindividualagentswithautonomouschoice,manySenegalese intervieweesemphasize thatwomenarebydefinitionwivesandmothers.FGCcanbeseenasindeedinscribingsocialnormsuponwomenthatcreateorenhancethisidentity.ChristineWalley recognizes: “…femalegenitaloper-ationsalsoplayanimportantroleasmarkersofsocial,ethnic,religious,andotherformsofidentity”(Walley2002:31).

Throughtheseinterviews,Ihopeitwillbecomeclearthatthough women have diverse experiences with their bodies,theyallgotolengths–albeitdifferentlengths–toconformtonormalizedsexroles.Inexaminingtheseexperiences,Iarriveat the conclusion best put byClaireChambers. She asserts:“Specifically, nobody (in this case, women) should have toharm themselves (by undergoing breast surgery or FGM) inordertoreceivebenefits(suchasasuccessfulcareer,asenseofself-worth,ortheabilitytobemarried)that,forothermem-bersofsociety(inthiscase,men)donotcarrysimilarlyharm-fulrequirements”(Chambers2008:197,parenthesesoriginal).

Section I: Senegalese interviewees on female genital cutting

Aside from viewing female genital cutting as an inher-ited cultural tradition, the eighty Senegalese interviewees donot express a homogenous viewpoint regardingFGC.As theintervieweesthemselvesvaryintermsofwheretheylive,lev-elsofeducation,whether theyarecut1,whichethnic identitytheybelongto,etc.:theirresponsestoquestionsregardingFGCreflectthisdiversity.TheopinionsoftheSenegalesemenandwomendotendtofallintothreecategories,orexplanationsofwhyFGCexists.Theseare:FGCaspartofthepassagetowom-anhood,FGCasahygienicmeasure,and,finally,FGCfortheprotectionofvirginity.Alongwiththeseexplanations,however,intervieweesalsoexpressnegativeopinionsregardingtheprac-tices.Theseopposingviewpointsarebasedonthedecrease,orelimination,offemalesexualpleasure,andthenegativehealthconsequences resulting from female genital cutting. Each oftheseresponsegroupingswillbeexaminedbelow.

FGC as a rite of passageThedevelopment of girls into adulthoodbegins, inmany

practicingsocieties,withtheriteof“circumcision,”whichusu-allyoccursbetweentheagesofsixandten.Oftentimesthisriteincludesaceremony,specialsongs,food,dancesandchants,allintendedtoteachgirlsthedutiesanddesirablecharacteris-ticsofagoodwifeandmother(Dorkenoo1994:39).GirlsinvariouspartsofSenegalreporttheirexperienceswiththisedu-cationandceremonyconnectedwithcutting.OneintervieweefromthesouthernregionofSenegal,theCasamance,explainsthat“cuttingishowagirllearnstobeawoman.It’saschoolinitself–whenthegirlslearnhowtokeepahouse,howtocarryherselfinfrontofmenandhowtobeamotherofahouse.It’sthepassingofinformationandnotjustcutting.”Thisimpor-tance of an “…education preparing girls for womanhood”goingalongwiththecuttingisrepeatedlyemphasized.

Mandinkawomen interviewed also report ceremonies ofthistype.AwomaninKoungheulSocéexplainsthatintheircommunity,“girlshaveabigceremonyawayfromthevillage. Thegriot comes,thereisabigfeast,singing,dancing,girlsaredressedup,buttheydonotknowwhatisgoingtohappen.Itisaneducationritualwheretheyessentiallylearntobeatrue


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Mandinkawomaninsociety.”Thisideaofbecominga“true”Mandinkawoman–orawomanatall–isintroducedbyinter-vieweesfrompracticingcommunities.

The two elements involved here – the education and theactualcutting–arebeginningtobeseparatedbysomeSene-galesewomen.Onewomanwhosevillageabandoned femalegenitalcutting2explainsthat“nowthatthecuttingisgone,theeducationandknowledgestillexist,butitjusthappensathomewiththemother.”Awomanfromthesamevillageagrees:“Withthe abandonment, therewill be no problems – the educationwillbereplacedbytakingyounggirlstoschool.”Acurrentrunsthroughthedatathat“youcanhavealloftheeducationwithoutthecutting”andthereforesomeSenegalesearelessinclinedtocontinuecuttingasariteofpassageintowomanhood.

FGC as a hygienic and aesthetic measureHygienicargumentsforFGCpresentedbySenegaleseinter-

viewees relyon the ideaofexternal femalegenitaliaasdirtyandunsightlyandthusrequiringremovaltopromotehygieneandprovide aesthetic appeal (ElDareer 1982:73).A circum-ciserfromKoungheulillustratesthisidea.Sheexplains:“Theclitoris is cut off because it is smelly and dirty. If awomangoesonedaywithoutwashing,she’llstink.Nobodycaneatanuncutwoman’sfoodbecauseitsmellssobad.”Uncutwomencannotcook,and“theycouldn’tevenprayordootherthingsbecause theyweren’t clean,” as onewoman inAblayeFantapointsout.Thegenitaliaofwomen,particularlywhen intact,aswellasbiologicallyfemaleprocessessuchasmenstruation3indeedhavethestigmaofimpurityanduncleanliness.

MuchlikemalecircumcisionintheUnitedStates,FGCisoftenseenasasanitarymeasure,allowingforeasiercleaningand lessfoldsofskin toholddirtandodor.Thedesireforaclean, smooth body is achieved through excision, and in anevenmorepronouncedway,throughinfibulation.InSenegal,intervieweesmaketheconnectionbetweenhealthandhygiene,inresponsessuchas:“Anuncutpersonisseenasunclean.Adiseasedefinitelycomestowomenwhoareuncutbecauseoftheirdirtiness.”Thesehygienicmotivationscontribute to thereasoningforfemalegenitalcuttingandrepresentanotherwayinwhichthefemalesexualbodyisseenasimpure.

The importance of virginityTheideaofcontrollingfemalehypersexualityandconse-

quentlyprotectingvirginityisthemostcommonresponsefromSenegaleseintervieweesduringdiscussionsoffemalegenitalcutting.OneMandinkawomaninterviewedinavillageincen-tralSenegalexplainsthat“anuncutwomancannotbeprudentbecausewhatiscutoffiswhatexcitesher,soifitisn’tcutoff,shewillalwaysbeexcited,”whichreinforcesthenotionoftheclitorisasthephysicallocationofuncontrollablefemalesexu-ality.Similarly,severalPulaarwomenandmencommunicatethisideaofcontrollingwomen’ssexualities,whichphysicallymanifestsintheirgenitalia.Onewomanclearlyexplainsthatnon-excisedgirls“chaseaftermen,”whileanotherprovidesmorespecificdetailbystatingthatitwas“previouslythoughtagirlwaswilling torun50kilometersatany timetochase

aman,butafterbeingcut,shecouldremaincalm.”Putsim-ply, theclitorisis thesourceofunmanageablesexualityandunrestraineddesire.Consequently,theexcisionoftheclitorisisarationalmeasuretotakefortheprotectionofthehealth,morality,andfutureofwomeninpracticingcommunities.

The expectation of female virginity itself has a constantpresence in thesocietiesunderstudy.For instance,oneuni-versitystudentinDakarexpressedtheimportanceplacedonpre-marital virginity, as she states it “is a proudvictory forthemother.Thehusbandsaysonthedayofmarriage‘Thankyou,youhaveraisedyourdaughterwell,sheiswellbroughtup.’Itisasourceofprideforthewholefamily.”Implicitinthisdescriptionisthatthesexualityofawomanisnothersintheindividualisticsense.Hersexualityandvirginitystatusaremonitoredbyherownkinshipnetwork,aswellasbythekinofpossiblehusbands.The sameyoungwoman fromDakar,whoherselfisnotfromanFGC-practicingfamily,elucidatesthisexternalmonitoring.“If,”shenotes,“onthedayafterthemarriage,thewomanisn’twalkingfunny,alloftherelativestakenotice.”Ifremainingavirginuntilmarriageisa“sourceofprideforthewholefamily,”engaginginpre-maritalsexualrelations(andthusnot“walkingfunny”thedayafterconsum-mation)thereforeshamesthefamilyanddisrespectsstructuresof kinship.As thiswoman demonstrates, the importance ofvirginity isevidentamongethnicgroupsinSenegalwhodopractice FGC, aswell as thosewho do not.The differencebelongs in themeasures towhichfamiliesandcommunitieswillgotoprotect–orregulate–thevirginityoftheirgirls.

Linkedwiththisideaofself-controlandrespectistheideathatgirls andwomenneedassistance in thepreservationoftheirvirginity.Girlsarenotsolelypressuredbytheprinciplesoftheirsocialandfamilialenvironment–theyaregivenphys-icalaidforremainingvirgins.A24year-oldmalestudentfromKoungheulremarks:“Apregnantgirloutsideofmarriagedis-honorsthefamily,sotheolderwomenofthevillagewilldowhateverpossibletokeepheravirgin.”Inthesamevein,awomaninthesmallvillageofKoumbidjaexplainsthat“exci-sionwasdonetokeepyounggirlsawayfromboys–toprotectthem.”Femalegenitalcuttingisameasureofprotectiontakenbycommunitiestoassistgirlsincontrollingtheirsexualities,andthusbeingabletoremainchasteuntilmarriage.

Diminishing sexual pleasure

Though interviewees by and large emphasize the impor-tance of virginity4, the view that females ought to have theability to physically enjoy sexual contact also is communi-cated.For themostpart,womenareonly intended toenjoysexualintimacywithintheconfinesofmarriage,whichdoesnot leave this opposition to genital cutting incompatiblewithpreservingvirginity.Rather,foropponentsofFGC,theremovaloftheclitoristakesawaysomeorallofthepleasurethatwomencanexperienceduringnormal,marital,appropri-atesex.Forinstance,awomaninanon-practicingfamilyliv-inginacommunitywhereotherfamiliesfromdifferingeth-nicitiespractice,providesherunderstandingthat“excisionisnotagoodthing.Theycuttheclitoriswherewomenareactu-

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allyabletofeelpleasure.”Likewise,aPulaarmalegriot,iron-icallywithacutwife,notes:“Ifawomancannothavepleasuresexually,thisisnotinterestingforeitherperson,thehusbandorthewife.”AnotherPulaarintervieweeagreeswiththegriotthat FGC “is unfair forwomen because it diminishes plea-sure.”Therefore,accordingtointervieweesinbothpracticingandnon-practicingnetworks,thesexualpleasureofwomenisaffectedbygenitalcutting.

Onetrendevidentininterviewdataisthatofanurban/ruraldivideconcerningsexualityandvirginity.Ifoundthattheteninterviewees living in Dakar tend to be more lax concern-ingsexualityincomparisonwithintervieweeslivinginruralareas.StudentsattheUniversityofDakarinparticularwereopenaboutsharingaccountsofsexualexperiences,evenwhenthatmeantalludingtotheirnoncompliancewithvirginityreg-ulations.Forexample,ayoungmaninDakarexplainshisper-sonalsexualexperiencewithcutwomen:

I’ve been with circumcised women and they can still have pleasure but it takes more time. They don’t react much when touched. Their sexuality is definitely diminished. All girls should have the same sensation – if it’s taken away, she can go for years without pleasure if the man isn’t strong. Also – cut women get more pleasure from oral sex than penetration.

Thoughthisreportisfromthemaninvolvedinthesexualencounters, not from the circumcised women themselves,it points to the fact that pre-marital sexual relations occurdespite female genital cutting, particularly, I gathered, inDakar.Further,contrarytotheAliceWalker-esquebeliefthatwomenbecome “sexually blinded”by the practice, perhapswomencan experience sexual pleasure, albeit “diminished”pleasure5.

Negative health consequencesWomenandmeninterviewedwerecognizantofthephysi-

calhealthconsequencesoffemalegenitalcutting.AMandinkawomannotedthat“duringcutting,youcanlosealotofblood,orduringchildbirthithasmajorconsequences.”AmanfromDakar similarly touched upon the debilitating effects on awoman’s health in stating: “excision isn’t good because ithandicapswomen,diminishestheirsexualpleasure,andcanbringnegativehealthconsequences.”Anex-circumciserher-self acknowledged that “sometimes cutting gets excessiveand thereareproblems…”Many intervieweesdo recognize(or experience themselves) negative ramifications from thepractices andare thusmotivated tooppose the continuationofFGC.AsJaniceBoddyconcludes,“Thesearenotharmlessprocedures.Itissadlyironicthatacustomintendedtodefendwomen’sfertilitycanactuallydamageit”(Boddy2007:204).

Section II: American interviewees on female genital cutting

SimilartotheinterviewdatacollectedinSenegalconcerningfemalegenitalcuttingdiscussedabove,theAmericanresponsestoFGCfallintocategories.UnliketheSenegaleseviewpoints,however, thesecategories arenotbasedon thevarious ratio-nalesforFGC–AmericansIspokewithare largelyunawareofthereasoningbehindthepractices–butratherontheiropin-ions about FGC in general. These responses from the sixty-oneinterviewsaredistributedinthreemaincampsthatcanbeunderstoodasmarkersonascale.OnoneendofthescaleareintervieweeswhocommunicateculturalrelativisticpositionsinthattheyviewFGCapracticefromanotherculture,asatradi-tionthatperhapsisharmful,thoughonethattheyhavenorighttojudge.ConstitutingasmallercampinthemiddleofthescalearemorehumanistresponsesfocusingonaconnectionwiththewomenwhoundergoFGCasfellowwomen.Onthefarendofthescaleare themostresponses toFGC,whichare ideologi-calliberalswhoviewFGCasabarbaricmutilationofwomen’sbodies.Eachofthecampswillbeunpackedbelow.

Cultural relativist responsesOnoneendofthescalearetheopinionsthatfemalegen-

italcuttingisapracticefromanotherculturethatperhapsisharmfulbutthatshouldnotbejudgedbyAmericansoutsideofthatculture.Onewomanexplains:“Thisisculturalforreasonsthat Idon’tunderstand.Whoam I to imposemybeliefsonthem?Theycan’tonmeeither,forthatmatter.Wedothingsin theUS thatotherpeopledon’tdo.Whoam I to say thatsomethingiswrong?”Implicitinthisresponseisthatculture–bothAmericanandSenegalese–isseenasprotectedfromindividualjudgment.ItisnottheplaceofthiswomantodeemFGCwrong,nor is it acceptable for aSenegaleseperson topassjudgmentuponpracticesinherlife.Also, thewoman’squestion‘whoamItoimposemybeliefs’isencouragingforproponentsofanti-imperialismassherecognizesherunfamil-iaritywiththecommunitieswhopracticeFGCandthelimitstoherrelativepower.

AwomaninEugene,OregonexplainsherinabilitytorelatetoculturesinwhichFGCinpracticed:“Itissofarremovedfromourculturesoitishardtoputintoperspectivehowdev-astating itcanbe. Idon’thaveanyway toassociatewith itorexperienceit,soitisdifficulttounderstand.Itmakesmesad.”Forthisyoungwoman,femalegenitalcuttingislocatedin another culture and shedoesnot connect on a humanorwomanlevelwiththosewhoarecut.

Finally,thereareintervieweeswhosimultaneouslyrecog-nizetheirownculturalbiaseswhileviewingthepracticesofFGCaspartofabroaderphenomenonof theoppressionofwomen.AnintervieweefromOhioisaclearexampleofthistypeofresponse:

I have terrible cultural bias toward my own culture. But knowing that, I see this as another way to repress women. And women, in my opinion, throughout the rest of the world are


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terribly repressed and treated as property. And this is another form. I don’t know if it is fair to equate those things, and I am biased by my own culture, though.

ShethereforedoesseeFGCasoppressiveandunderstandsitaspartoftheglobalsubordinationofwomen,yetshegrantsher own cultural biases in the formation of that judgment.Theseresponsesaddressingprivilegedor influentialrolesofculture highlight relativistic ways of understanding femalegenitalcutting.

Human connectionAsmallergroupingofresponsesfromAmericansconcern-

ingFGCcanbeplacedinthecenteroftheconstructedscale.Unlike thedissociation experiencedby someof thewomenmentionedabove,theserespondentscommunicateaconnec-tionfeltwith thecutwomen.Theconnectionwasanempa-thetic physical reaction, emphasizing the human or womanelement involved. Interviewees often make physical move-ments,eitherinasymbolicgestureofprotectionoftheirowngenitalia,orinatouchingoftheirhearts.

Theverbalresponsescomeinformssuchas“itmakesmecrossmylegseverytimeIhearaboutit,”“everythingtensesupwhenIhearaboutit.Ouchgoesinmyhead,”and“Ijusttouchmybodyandthinkabouthowmuchthatwouldhurt.”Inthesestatements,AmericansareassociatingwiththepainSen-egalesewomenandgirlsperhapsexperienceduringcutting.

Withinthisgroup,thethemestoodoutthat“awomanisawoman;”ahumanwithcommonfeatures,evenifthosecom-mon featuresareonlyphysical.Likewise, childrenarechil-drenwhodeserve the loveandprotectionof adults, regard-lessiftheycomefromAfricaorNorthAmerica.Onewomanassertsthisidea:“Idon’tthinkitisrighttohurtanybodyforanyreason.I’msuretherearereasonsbehindit,butIdon’tseethebenefitofinflictingpainonchildren,nomatterwheretheylive.”ThelinksmadebetweenthebodiesofAmericanwomenand Senegalesewomen and between the protection of chil-drenalldemonstratethewaysinwhichculturalboundariesaretrumpedbybroaderclaimsofhumanity.

FGC as barbaric mutilationJust as both academic andmainstreamWestern literature

havehistoricallypresentedfemalegenitalcuttingasabarbaric,mutilating ritual (Daly 1978; Hosken 1979), many Ameri-canintervieweesalsoseethepracticesassuch.Ofthesixty-oneinterviewsconducted,thirtyfitintothisthirdcategoryofresponses, as they address FGC as a horrible atrocity and amutilationofwomen.The idea that femalegenitalcutting iscarriedoutbyundevelopedanduncivilizedpeopleisevidentinresponsessuchas:“IthinkitisbarbaricandIamangry.Iamreallyangrythatthisgoeson.Itisprimitive,aprimitiveprac-tice;”“Iamhorrified.Thefactthatawomanwouldbecutlikethatto–I’mnotevenreallysurewhytheydoit.Thepracticeis sobarbaric;” and,“It isbarbaricandbeyond inhumane!”FemalegenitalcuttingisobviouslyseenbysomeAmericansasprimitive,andwhy thisissowillbediscussedshortly.

Anotherway thatAmerican interviewees express disgustatFGCisbyequatingthepracticeswithtortureormutilation.Onewomanexemplifiesthisinsaying:“Itisbeyondmywild-estimaginationwhyyouwouldtorturesomebodylikethat.”Anotherintervieweedirectlyasks,“Howcouldyoumutilatesomebodylikethat?”Onemanhighlightsthatthismutilationissex-basedandthushascomplexlayersofpowerattached.Henotes:“Ifyoumutilatedmenlikethat,itwouldstop.Ijustdon’t understand that, especially if it is yourownflesh andblood.”Afellowintervieweealsoemphasizestheeffectthemutilationhasonthefemalebody:“Thatisfemalecastration.Eveniftheyneverhavesex.Itisjustmutilatingthebody.”

Because interviewees see FGC as a barbaric,mutilating,tortureofwomen,manyofthemhavevisceralresponsestoit.Theymakestatementssuchas:“…deformingachild–withcomplicationslikedeath–ishorrendous;”“Itisanatrocity,Idon’tevenknowhowtodescribeit;”and“IthinkFGCisdis-turbingandhorrible,”whichclearly communicate theirdis-daintowardfemalegenitalcutting.Thequestionofwhy inter-viewees have such strong emotional reactions to questionsconcerning FGC remains. In looking at this question, twomainissuesarise:autonomouschoiceandfemalesexuality.

The element of choiceThefirst issue repeatedlyemphasizedbyAmerican inter-

vieweesisthatFGCisperformeduponchildren,whohavenochoiceinthematter.SinceliberalismpervadesmostAmericanideologiesinprofoundways,itisnosurprisethattheintervie-wees takeseriouslyautonomy,choice,and freedom(Cham-bers2008).Asonewomannotes,“atleasthereinthiscoun-tryyoudohavechoices,”andgirlsandwomenarenotforcedto undergo dangerous practices likeFGC.Another intervie-weeaddsinagetothequestionofconsent.Shesays:“Whatreallymakesitbadisthatthepracticeisonchildrenwhodon’thaveachoice.Theyhavenoideawhat’sgoingtohappen.Thechoice ismadeby theirmotherorgrandmotherorwhateverandtheyhavenochoiceinit.

ThatFGCoccursinlargepartonyounggirlsistroublingforintervieweesbecausethefuturecapabilitiesofthegirlstochoosewhat todowith theirownbodies aredecreased. “Awomanshouldbeabletochoosewhatshewantstodowithherbody,” awomannotes, “and I know that it is their cul-tureandbackground,butiftheydon’twantit,theyshouldn’thavetobeforced.”Iffemalegenitalcuttingoccurredonadultswhoconsenttotheprocedure,Americanintervieweesexpressopennesstoacceptingthepractice,evenifitisnotbeneficialtothehealthorsexualitiesofwomen.Thefact,though,thatitdoesoccurmainlyonunconsentingchildrenisproblematic.

Diminished sexual pleasureSimilar to Senegalese opponents of FGCmentioned ear-

lier,thesecondelementofwhyhalfoftheAmericanintervie-weeswerevehementlyopposedtoFGCrelatestotheeffectsuponfemalesexualpleasure.Americanintervieweesviewtheenjoymentofsexualrelationsasanaturalrightofwomen.Forexample,onewomanstates:“Tomeitisanunnecessarypro-

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cedurethattakesawaywhatshouldbeaverynaturalfeelingduringsex.Womenhaveeveryrighttohavepleasureduringsexasamandoes.”Thisequalrightofwomenisanimportantaspectof life for interviewees.Anotherwomanadds to thisemphaticdisdain:“Ican’tbelievetheywouldtakethatgrati-ficationawayfromwomen.Howdarethey?”“They”arenotrevealedbythiswoman.Theharmtofemalesexualpleasure,alongwiththeinterconnectedissueofchoice,motivatemanyAmericanwomentoopposefemalegenitalcutting.

Section III: American interviewees on breast implantation

Interview data show two main explanations for breastimplantation, while there are two core reasons Americansviewthemnegatively.Adivisiondoesnotexistwithimplantedwomenononeside (presumablyon thepositive sideof thediscussion)andnon-implantedontheother.Rather,thedatareveal both implanted and non-implantedwomen providingrationaljustificationsforthepractice.Oppositionalviewpoints,however, do exclusively come fromnon-implantedwomen.Theoverarchingliberalelementofautonomouschoiceseepsinto all perspectives concerning this practice.The issues ofphysicalproportionality,femininity,pity,andcorporealdam-agewillberespectivelydiscussed.

Natural proportionalityWomenwhoundergobreastimplantationoftenseekapro-

portional,natural,femininebody.Theproportionalmeasure-ments ofwomen have been a focuswithin the academy aswell as inmainstreamAmerican culture, from evolutionarypsychologists(MillerandKanazawa2007;Miller,G2000)toAmericanrappers(SirMix-a-Lot1992).Themessagesfromthesesourcesareembeddedinthementalitiesofwomen,andthusvariousmeasuresaretakentoachievenaturalproportion-ality.Onewomanwithbreast implantsexplainshercase:“Ihadaconservativeboobjobdone.Iwantedtobeproportionaltomyhipsandbutt.SoIhadadoctorlookatmybodystyleandseewhatwouldlookbest.”Anotherwomanechoesthisdesireinstating“Iwantedmybodytobeproportional.Nor-mallyyoucan’teventellthatIhavethemdone.”

Not only is proportionality important in terms of chest –waist–hipratios,butalsobetweenthetwobreaststhemselves.Despitethefactthatthemajorityofallwomenhavebreastsofdifferentsizes,plasticsurgeonspayattentiontothisdiscrepancyandcorrectitduringsurgery(Davis2003).AplasticsurgeoninAtlantanotes:“Thegoalistoachieveproportionalityandwhatwill lookgood.”Awomangiveshermorespecificaccountofachievingproportionality:“Iwent toaverynormalornaturalsize.Noonecantell.Ialwaysworeapaddedbrabefore.Onewasslightlybiggerthantheother,sotheyendedupfilling270ccinoneand290ccintheothertomakethemproportional.”

ThisdesireforproportionalbreastsizeisnotirrationaltoAmericans. Many interviewees achieve this status throughwearingpaddedbrasor throughsurgery,whileothersreport

remaining self-conscious about breasts that are too small,too large,disproportionate,ordeformed. Put logicallybyamanfromsouthernCalifornia,“I thinkwomenget implantsbecausetheydon’tfeeltheirbodyisproportionate.Itislikemefeelingthatmyarmsaren’tbigenoughsoIgotothegymtomakethembigger.”Throughoutthesediscussions,itisclearthatproportionalityisacommondesireofAmericanwomen.

FemininityInterviewdata,particularlywithwomenwhohavebreast

implants,providesmuchevidencethatwomendooftenseekaugmentationto“looklikeawoman,”“feelmorefeminine,”or“looknatural”ratherthantohypersexualizethemselvesorhaveunnaturallylargeordisproportionatebreastsize.How-ever,therearesomewomen,forinstancesomewhoworkinthesexindustry,whodoundergobreastimplantationforotherreasonsthantheabovementionedandwithdifferentresults.Nostatisticaldataisavailableconcerningtheoccupationsorothersocio-economiccategoriesofallwomenseekingbreastimplants, but I asked a cosmetic plastic surgeon inAtlantawhatproportionofherpatientsseekingbreastaugmentationworkinthesexindustry.Sheresponded:

We definitely see this type of clientele, but all in all it’s still the minority. My best guess is 15% – 20%. Admittedly, this number can be not only regionally dependent (i.e. I’d guess you’d see more women in the sex industry in metropolitan markets than small towns) but can also be doctor dependent.

Whileahigherproportionofworkersinthesexindustrymayhaveimplants–comparedtoteachers,forinstance–Ihavefoundtheydonotconstituteamajorityofallwomenwithimplants.

Intervieweeswith implants themselves communicate thisidea that women undergo breast augmentation in order toachieveahigherleveloffemininity.OnewomanfromPhoe-nix,Arizonawhoaugmentedherbreastsreports:“Ifeelmorefeminine.Ijustfeelmorefeminine.”Anotherwomaninsouth-ernCaliforniaexplains:“Idofeelmore likeawoman,hav-ingbreasts.”Theseare just twoexamplesof thepower thatimplantationcanhaveinthecreationoffemininity.

Finally,abreastcancersurvivorprovidesastrikingillus-trationoftherolethatbreasts–andthereforebreastimplants–haveinconstructingfemininity.ThiswomanfromAlbany,Oregonunderwentadoublemastectomyafterroundsofche-motherapyeliminated thecancer.After themastectomy, shechose reconstructive surgery, and refers to her implants as“prostheses.”Shediscussesherexperience:

I am sure I would not feel as much ‘like a woman’ without my prostheses. It is difficult to explain, but even though they help me feel ‘like a woman,’ they do not feel a part of me like my natural breasts. For the general population, though, my prostheses ‘make me a real woman.’ They function as a ‘gen-der prostheses’ if you can understand that.”


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Thisisaclearexampleofwhatrolebreastsplayinthegen-deredlifeofthiswoman.Asshephrasesit,thegeneralpopulationunderstandsherasawomanbecausetheimplantsmakeherso.

Feelings of pity

Not all interviewees sawbreast implantation as an efforttogainaproportionalandfemininephysical form. Intervie-weeswhodonothaveimplantstendtosharefeelingsofpityforwomenwhodoundergotheprocedure.“Ifeelpity–whydowomenhave todo that?Why is their self-confidence solow theyhave todo that?” askedonewoman. “I think it issadthatwomenfeel theyneedthat,”addedamale intervie-wee.Thesefeelingsofpityareoftenoutweighedbyindividualchoice.Thus,evenwhen intervieweesexpressopinions likethoseabove,theyfallbackuponthefactthatthewomanchosethisforherself.Thisisclearinstatementssuchas:“Ifeelsadforthewoman[whogetsimplants].BecauseshechosetohavethatandIthinkthatissad.ButIalsorespectthateverywomanhasachoice,evenifIdon’tidentifywithitorunderstandit.”

One of the main reasons why interviewees have thesefeelingsof pity are due to thebelief thatwomenget breastimplants inorder togarnermaleattention.Breast implanta-tion is seenassomethingwomendonot for themselvesbutformen.“Womengetbreastimplantstoseektheattentionofamale,”oneintervieweenotes.Thisisbecause“menliketolookat themand theyareadvertisingwhat theyhavewhentheydothat.”Grantingthatthisisaheterosexistframeworkwithwhichtostudythepractice,evidencesuchas“whenIseeitIthinktheyhavedoneitfortheattentionofamale,”and“Ithinkultimatelyitistopleaseaman,”pointstomaleattentionasaperceivedmotivationforimplants.

Mutilation or damageFinally,Americanintervieweesconveytheideathatbreast

implantationisamutilationofthebody.Thesurgeryinsertsunnatural substances into the body and requires significantrecovery.Americansareawareofthesefacts.Onewomanasks,“Whywouldyoudothattoyourselfandpaymoneytodamageyourbody?I think it isdamage,”becauseof thepermanenttransformationofthebody.Onceimplantationhasbeendone,awoman’sbreastscanneverreturntotheirpre-implantationstate(Chambers2008).Also,almostallwomenwillrequireare-implantationsurgerytentofifteenyearsafterthefirstproce-dureduetovariousbodilychanges(Davis2003).Thesephysi-calconsequencesareworththepriceofimplantedbreastsforsomewomen,suchasonewomanwhoasserts:“GoingintoitIwasveryawareoftheriskinvolvedandIknowthatImayneedanothersurgery.AndI’mokwiththat.”

Evenwomenwhoconsiderimplantationadamagingmuti-lationareclearthatitisthewoman’srighttomakethechoicetoget implants.As longaswomen retain the right tomakewhateverchoicetheywish–regardlessofthesocialcontextthatcreatesavailable“choices”orthephysical,emotional,andsocialramificationsofthosechoices–practicesofbodymodi-ficationareacceptable.Forexample,onewomanresponds: “Ithinkpeoplehavetochoosewhattheywanttodo.Icanonly

decideforme.”Anotherwomanagrees:“Itisawoman’srighttodothatifshewantsto.Itisherbusiness,hermoney.Itisnoneofmybusiness.”

Section IV: Senegalese interviewees on breast implantation

The reactionsofSenegalese interviewees towomenwithbreast implants range from repulsion to understanding.Aninitialclarificationoftenhadtobemadeconcerningtheroleofbreastfeeding.Manyintervieweeshadthefirstimpressionthat women undergoing breast implantation were doing soto increase theamountofbreastmilk inorder tobreastfeedlonger.Thus, some initial responseswere supportive of thepractice.WhenIexplainedthatbreastaugmentationdoesnotincreasemilkproduction,andthatoftenwomenwithimplantscannotbreastfeed6,theresponseschangedramatically.

For instance,aPulaarmotherexplains: “Babiesneed themilkof theirmothers. It’s true thatmenpreferwomenwithbreasts,butit’sonlysotheycanfeedtheirbabies.”Likewise,awoman inKoungheul reasons that if “it doesn’t augmentthemilk then it isn’t a good thing.Better to stay natural ifthereisn’tmoremilk,”demonstratingthetriumphofbreastsasfunctionalorgansoverbreastsasaestheticsbodyparts.Formany interviewees, the opinion is clear that “breastmilk istooimportanttolose,”andtherefore,“ifyoucan’tfeedyourbabies,thenthispracticemustbeabandoned.”

Initial reactions of disgustMany interviewees subsequently respond with disgust, as

illustrated by the following excerpts. First, a 24 year-old cutPulaarwomanexclaimsthat“peopleshouldstaynatural, theyway theywereborn!”Amarried20year-oldwoman inSedoAbassrespondssimilarly:“Ihaveneverheardofthiscatastro-phe artificielle.I’mscaredoftheidea.WhywouldwomenputsomethingintheirbodiesthatGoddidn’tgivethem?Ihavenoideawhypeoplewouldbeagainstfemalegenitalcuttingandnotthispractice.”Co-wivesinSedoAbasshaveaparalleltakeonthepractice.Thefirstwife responded:“Ihaveneverheardofthis,andneverinmylifedoIwanttoknowaboutit.Thewomenwhodothisaren’treallywomen,”whilethesecondwifeaddsthat“Alloperationsofthatsortmustbecausedbyasickness.”Among these negative responses concerning breast implanta-tion,theconsensusappearstobethat“apersonshouldbecon-tentwithwhatGodgaveherandthisshouldnothappen.”

Patterns in responsesAlongwithinitialdisdainstemmingfromtheroleofbreast-

feeding,otherpatternsalsooccurinSenegaleseresponsestobreast augmentation. Interviewees communicate in variouswaysdiscomfortwith thepracticedue to itsunnaturalchar-acter.Women,manyargue,shouldnotinsertaforeign,unnat-uralobjectintotheirbodies.Asa28year-oldfemalestudentinDakarresponds:“Itisalsoaproblemofunnaturalness.Itisunnaturaltochangethebodylikethat.It’spsychologically

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problematic–havingforeignobjectsinthebody.”Likewise,this unnatural implantation of material into the body goesagainstGod’swill.“YoumuststaythewaythatGodcreatedyou.Howwould you explain that toGod?” asks onemalefarmerfromKeurLamine.Thedistinctionherebetweentak-ingawaysomethingfromthebody–likeinthecaseofexci-sion – and implanting an unnatural substance – such as inbreastaugmentation–isapparent.

Demonstrations of understandingAtthesametime,respondentsexpressunderstandingofthe

importance of having particularly sized and shaped breasts.Themotivationforgettingimplantscanthenbeseenasratio-nal,evenwhenSenegaleserespondentstakeissuewithaspectsof the practice, such as the unnaturalness. One motivationof American women that Senegalese interviewees assume,and some sympathize with, is that the women undergoingbreastimplantationwanttoremainyoung.“Breastslikethat[implanted] are like young girls' coming into womanhood.Theydraw the interestofmenbecause theyshow thevigorandreadinessofawoman,”explainsa35year-oldman.

Additionally,Senegaleseintervieweesexplainthathavingbreasts allows people to tell if you are aman or awoman.So,theyreasoned,forwomenwithsmallbreasts,theymightaugmenttheirbreastssurgicallyinordertodistinguishthem-selvesaswomen.Ayoungman fromKoungheul states that“if aman sees awomanwithbigbreasts, he’ll be attractedtoherbecauseitshowsfemininity.She’sarealwomanwithbreasts.Ifyouseesomeonewithoutthem,orwithreallysmallbreasts,she’smissingsomethinginherfemininity,”thushigh-lighting the linkbetweenwomanhoodandbreasts.Anolderwomanreiteratestheseideasinsayingthat“womendothistoenhancetheirbeauty.It’sasymbolofbeautybecauseitworkswithclothes.Peoplecanseethatyouareawoman,butwith-outbreasts,theycan’ttellifyou’reamanorawoman.”Therolethatbreastsplayasthemostobviousoutwardsymbolofsexisevidentinthisdiscussion,andimplantationcanbeseenasatoolinobtainingthatsymbol.

One common Senegalese reaction to breast implanta-tion relates to beauty and aesthetics.Manywomen explainthatwomenwill dowhatever is necessary to increase theirbeautysothattheycangetandkeepahusband.Havingbeau-tifulbreastsisonefacetoftheirappearance,soperhapssomewomen choose this procedure to improve their appearance.“Womenhavebeenworking trying tofindways tobemoreandmore beautiful, this is just a next step,” responds a 55year-oldmaleinterviewee.Anothermanbringsupthegoalofbeautificationinstatingthatimplants“…makewomenbeau-tiful.Thereisnoharmintryingtobebeautiful.Isn’tthiswhywomenwearbras?Whyelsewouldawomanwearonebuttohaveperky,firmbreasts?”Asmentioned,thisattainmentofbeautyappearstomostasnotbeingagoalinandofitselfbutratherasconnectedwiththelargergoalofattainingahus-band.Breastsinparticularplayakeyroleinthisas,accordingoneinterviewee,“Menwon’tloveawomanwithoutbreasts–mostmenatleast.”Breaststhereforenotonlyrepresentfemi-

ninityandwomanhoodinthedifferentiationofthesexes,butspecificallysizedandshapedbreastsupholdsocialstandardsofbeautyandthusleadtotheimprovedchancesofbeingcon-sidereddesirableandmarriageable.

Non-verbal and “re-colonizing” responsesIn addition to the variations of confusion, disgust, and

understanding discussed above, Senegalese women alsoexposedtheirbreaststomeinadeliberatedisplayofwhata“true”breast,representinga“true”womanwas.Morethantenwomenthrusttheirbarebreastsatthetranslatorandmyselfasanon-verbalexhibitionoftheiropinionregardingthisissue.Awomanthrustingherbreastthiswayisdemonstratinghowherownbodyfitsthecommunallyaccepteddefinitionofwhatawomanis. Thisactionistellingmethatawomanisnotaper-sonwhofillsherchestwithunnaturalsubstancesinordertobemorebeautiful.Rather,arealwomanhasbreastsliketheonesexposedbytheinterviewees.Thesebreastshavenursedfive,seven,orninechildren,look“old”andhanglow,andarenotperkythewayapre-maternalyoungwoman’sare.Tothesewomen,thatiswhatatrue“woman”is.

Further, respondents also discursively reclaim colonizedspaces.WhatImeanbythis is thatwomenthroughoutSen-egalareindisbelief;disbeliefthatpeoplewouldtravelacrosstheglobe tofight femalegenitalcuttingwhile theunnaturaland ungodly practice of breast implantation exists in theirown communities.OnePulaarwoman explains, “Ifwe hadthemoney,wewouldmobilize, go there and send Senega-leseorganizationstosensibiliser7theAmericanswhodoandaccept that!”Awomanfromthesamecommunity reiteratestheseconcernsinexclaiming:“Howcouldwomenchoosetodosomethingthatispossiblybadfortheirhealth?Maybewe[thewomenofSedoAbass]shouldgototheUStosensibiliserpeopleabouthealth risks.Americanshavespent fortyyearscomingheretotalkaboutFGC,maybeitistimetogototheUS!”Basedontheirreactionstothequestionsathand,thereareotherintervieweeswhowouldgladlyjoininhermission.

Finally, when asked if there are any practices similar tobreastimplantationinSenegal,theresponsesvary,dependingontheethnicidentificationoftheinterviewee.Approximatelyhalfofallrespondentsadamantlyanswer“no!”tothethoughtof a similar practice existing in their kinship networks. Forexample,onemanasserted:“ThereisnothingsimilarhereinSenegal.Wewouldneverhaveapracticelikethathere.PeopleintheUSaretrulybizarre.”Thereisaconsiderablesenseofforeignnessanddisdainthatpushesmanyrespondentsawayfromforminganassociationwiththispractice.

However,theotherhalfoftheintervieweesreplythatsim-ilarities can be found in the forms of: khessal, which is thedepigmentationoftheskin;timmi soo,whichisthetattooingofthegumswithblackink;fatteningpills;abortion;and,notably,femalegenitalcutting.AMandinkawomaninKoungheulSocéreasonsthat,“inSenegal,excisionissimilarbecausesomethingischangedortakenawayfromthewomaninbothcases.”Onthe other hand, anotherMandinkawomannotes that the “…difference between FGC and breast implants is thatWestern


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womenknow all of the consequenceswhereAfricanwomendon’t.Theyneverlearnedthehealthinformation,forinstance.”Theconnectionisbeingdrawnbysomeintervieweesbetweenbreastimplantationandfemalegenitalcuttingasbotharecon-sideredfundamentalalterationstothefemaleform.

Conclusion

Myessentialpointinexaminingthepracticessidebysideistobeabletolookdeeperintothewaysthatthefemalebodyistransformed.Havingoutsidersdiscussthepracticesofoth-ershelpstouncoversocietalexpectationsthatareplaceduponwomen,whichareconcretelyenforcedandnotoftenrecogniz-able.Peoplefromoutsideaparticularsocialfieldoftenhavevaryingtakesonculturalpracticeswithinthatfield.

Twomain elements that are revealed in the cases of theUS and Senegal are those of autonomous choice and gen-der identity. Through the information presented, I am leftwiththesequestionsregardingthoseelementstobeexploredinfutureresearch:Whydoestheideaofautonomouschoiceoverride harm or disadvantage forAmerican interviewees?Why,despitecomingfromthesameculturalcontext,dosomewomendisparagewomenwith implants,whileacknowledg-ingtheimportantrolebreastsplayingenderedidentity?CanSenegalese women understand their own identities isolatedfromtheirrolesaswivesandmothers?WoulddoingsobeofanybenefittothemorratherjustaWesternimposition?Delv-ing deeper into the varying sources of biopower and socialcontrolwouldhelptoarriveatanswerstothesequestions.

Finally, one interviewee expresses: “I feel sorry for [awomanwithimplants]thatfeltshewassolackinginaccept-abilityinoursocietythatshehadtomutilateherbodytobeaccepted.Andwhatisthematterwithusasasocietytomakeherfeelthatway?”ThisispreciselywhatIwanttoask.Whatis in society thatmakeswomen feel the pressures theydo?Wheredothesepressurescomefrom?And,mostimportantly,shouldwetrytostopthem?

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Author

CourtneySmithDepartmentofPoliticalScienceUniversityofOregoncps16255@uoregon.edu

Notes1TheestimatedrateoffemalegenitalcuttinginSenegalisapproxi-

mately28%(FGMNetwork,http://www.fgmnetwork.org/intro/world.phpAccessed 24 July 2008). Excision is reported to bethemost common form of cutting, though infibulation is alsoreported.Duringmyfieldresearch,Ispokewithwomeninthe

FoutaregionofnortheastSenegalwhowere“sealed”–aformofcuttingverysimilartoinfibulation,withouttheactualsewingshutofthelabiamajora.Ididnot,however,directlyaskintervie-weeswhethertheywerecut.Womenoftenprovidedthat infor-mation,suchasthewomenintheFouta,yetitwouldhavebeeninappropriateandoffensivetoaskthatquestiondirectly.

2TheSenegalesegovernmentbannedfemalegenitalcuttingin1999,thoughthepracticescontinuedespitetheirillegality.TheSenega-lesebasednon-governmentalorganizationTostanhashadmuchmore success encouraging the abandonmentofFGCandotherharmfulpracticessuchasearlyandforcedmarriages.Thispartic-ularvillageisonethatparticipatedinaTostannon-formaleduca-tionprogramandmadetheunifieddecisiontoabandonFGC.

3Forexample,duringtheholymonthofRamadan,womenwhoaremenstruatingcannottakepartinthefastingorotherreligioustra-ditions.Theymustwaituntiltheyarefinishedbleedingandthen“makeup”thedaysmissedduringtheirperiods.

4Of the eighty interviews, only one person expressed directly theopinionthatvirginityisnotapreconditionformarriage.Aneigh-teen year-oldmanwas the anomaly in this case, as he stated:“virginity isn’t necessary –mywifemust only loveme.”TheteninterviewsconductedinDakarhintedateithertheintervie-wees’non-adherencetovirginityrequirementsortheirambiva-lenceconcerningapotentialspouse’svirginity,thoughthisopin-ionwasnotdirectlystated.

5SeeGruenbaum(2001:Chapter5)forathoroughdiscussionofsex-ualityandfemalegenitalcutting.

6The breastfeeding abilities of women post-implantation dependuponwhethertheimplantisbeloworabovethepectoralmuscleandwhetherthemilkductsaredamagedduringsurgery.Thereisnodataavailableconcerningthepercentagesofwomenabletobreastfeedwithimplants.

7Sensibiliser canbetranslatedastoenlightenortoinform.

http://www.fgmnetwork.org/intro/world.php

http://www.fgmnetwork.org/intro/world.php


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Vo l . 3 , No . 2 / 2008 www.etmu .f i

Aud Talle

Precarious Identities: Somali Women in Exile

The civil war in Somalia in the early 1990s produced a Somali diaspora of unseen dimensions. Men, women and children in hundreds of thousands fled a country ravaged by fighting and vio-lence and sought refuge in new lands. In exile, Somali women negotiate problems of alienation and identity loss. Their genitally cut bodies generate insecure and awkward encounters with the mainstream society which often cause them to search for security in withdrawn positions. In diaspora as well as in their home countries Somali women have begun to dress and veil them-selves in Muslim style. Women explain this change in dress code as a consequence of religious enlightenment. The overall objective of this paper is to discuss reterritorialisation of local prac-tices, with particular reference to memory, pain and identity making.

Abstract

Introduction

Manyyearsago, inMogadishu, thecapitalofSomalia,amalecolleagueclaimedthat“weSomalisdonothavetocon-fineourwomen[astheArabsdo],weinfibulatetheminstead.”1Hewasofferinghisremarksasacommentonthewidespreadconceptualisationamonghiscountrymen(andwomen)oftheprotectivenatureoffemalecircumcision.Thegenitalopera-tionofcuttingandclosing,asitistraditionallyperformedinSomalia, ismeant to securewomen’sdignityand the socialworthofanubilewoman(seeforexample,Talle1993;Wid-strand1964).Iheardwhatmycolleaguewassaying,buttheninSomaliaItookhiswordstobeyetanothermarkofaper-ceiveddifferencebetweenSomalisandArabs,frequentlyspo-kenbySomalipeopleatthattime.Hiswords,however,haveoften come back tome as I have carried out field researchamong Somali refugee women in exile – in London, andrecentlyinNorway2.IntheSomalidiaspora3,therelationshipbetweenfemalecircumcisionandbodilyconfinement,bywayofthe‘veil’4,alludestoaninterconnectionthatisworthpursu-inginordertounderstandthecopingofrefugeewomen,theirwell-beingandperceptionofself.

Inthisarticle,IamspecificallyconcernedwithhowSomaliwomen,ascircumcisedwomen,reworktheiridentityintheirsituated lives in exile.The reterritorialisation of local prac-tices such as for instance female circumcision in aWesternsettingisacontradictoryprocessofnegotiationandrenegotia-tionwherepeoplefindthemselveslocatedinshiftingcontextsofmeaningandpowerrelations.WhenSomalirefugeewomenarriveinEuropeforthefirsttime,manyofthemexpressfeel-ingsofwhatKirstenHastruphastermed‘identityloss’(Has-trup2005),thatisanexistentialstateofbeingwhereyourcon-ceptualisationofselfinrelationshiptoothersisseriouslycon-tested.Identityistofindone’sfeetamongandwithothersand,according toAnthonyCohenquotingEpstein, ‘aconceptofsynthesis’,aprocessofintegrating‘variousstatusesandroles,aswellas[…]diverseexperiences,intoacoherent image of self’ (1994:11,my emphasis), throughwhichone can relatetoothersandactmeaningfullyintheworld.Thisisaproces-sualapproachtoidentity,acknowledgingthatboththestatusespeoplehaveoracquireaswellastherelationstheyengageincontributeequallytotheformingoftheiridentityandimageofself(Cohen1994;Hastrup1995).Iarguethattheredefini-tion(ordeconstruction)oftheirgenitallycutbodiesinexileconstitutesexistentialdilemmasformanySomaliwomen.The

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hegemonicdiscourseoncircumcisedwomen in theWesternsettingconstructsthemasananomaly–adeviationfromthenorm.Whendebatedordiscussedinthemediaorinconversa-tionsamongthegeneralpublic,thephenomenonusuallystirsupstrongemotionsofdisgustandrejection.Oneexampleofsuchareactionwasbyanotherwisesensibletaxidriverwhorecently(inMay2008) tookmetoanAfricanistconferenceataNorwegianuniversity.WhenourconversationonAfricaingeneralslidintothetopicoffemalegenitalcutting,hejustsaidÅ,fy fan!(Oh,hell!).HesworefourorfivetimesasItriedtoexplaintheissuemorebroadly.Thisyoungmanwasobvi-ouslynotwillingtochallengehisimmediatevisceralreactiontoasocialpracticethathebelievesdestroyswomen.HowisitpossiblethenforSomaliwomen,andothers,tocraftaniden-tityasawomaninacontextinwhichyouarebydefinitionnotawoman? Inotherwords,how is itpossible toconstituteafemalesubjectandafemaleselfinWesternexilewhenmissingoutergenitalorgans?Theseforeign‘gazes’ontheirownbod-iesalienatethecutwomenthemselvesandstigmatise(Goff-man1963)themasdifferentwomen.InSomalia,theclitorisisdefinedasamale(andunclean)partofthefemalebodyandisexcisedundergreatsufferinginordertofeminise(andhuman-ise)awoman;incontrast,inthegender(andsexual)discourseinLondonandNorway,apresentclitorisisacoredefinitionofacompleteandattractivewoman.Inthesexualliberationofthe1970sthroughouttheWesternworld,theclitoriswascel-ebratedasacentreoffemalepleasureanditsrevivalwas,infact,asignificantissueinwomen’semancipationatthetime.AstheclitoriswasrecognisedintheWest,sotosay,reportsofclitoridectomyandotherformsoffemalegenitalcuttingwerereported from other parts of theworld, especially from theAfricancontinent.Thesimultaneousconcurrenceincontrast-ingfemalegenitaliabetween‘ours’and‘theirs’maynotbeasheercoincidence;however,thisisanotherstorythatIwillnotdwellonhere.

Veiling and circumcision: a kind of relationship

The increasing practice of ‘veiling’ in classical IslamicdresscodeamongSomaliwomeninthediaspora(alsorecentlyinSomalia), comparedwith the situation in theirhomecoun-try before thewar, is striking.This change in dress has beenobserved inmany places of exile (see for example, Johansen2007;Koskennurmi-Sivonenet al.2004).Of the33women IinterviewedinNorway,allwere‘veiled’inhijaborjelbab5apartfromthreehighlyeducatedyoungwomen(allofthemunmar-ried,twobeingsisters)andamiddle-agedwomanbroughtupinKenya.One-thirdofthewomeninthissampledonnedthejelbab,but nonewore niqab (the face cover). The latter is observedoccasionally, even among Somalis. The difference betweenhijabandjelbabisamatterofdegree:awomaninjelbabiscon-sideredmorecoveredthanoneintheheadscarf.Somaliwomenmay however alternate between hijab and jelbab during theirlifetime or according to circumstances, such as perception ofmodestyandpersonalfaith.AmongtheSomalithereisnosim-

plerelationshipbetweeneducationandveilinginthesensethateducatedwomenrejecttheveilandilliteratewomenuseit:farfrom it. Inmy sample, a young, unmarried student of politi-calscienceworethehijab,whilemanyhighlyeducatedelderlywomendressedinthejelbab.Itisalsotruethatthefewwomeninthesamplewhorejectedtheveilwereallhighlyeducated.OfallthedifferentimmigrantgroupsinNorway,Somalishavebyfarthestrictestreligiousdresscode.Amongotherethnicgroups,suchasIraqis,Iraniansandothers,itispossibletoseesomesin-glewomenwearingthejelbabandeventheniqab.TheSomalis,ontheotherhand,havemoreorlessindiscriminatelyacceptedtheIslamicdresscode(Johansen2007).InSomalia,beforethewar,onlyveryfewwomenwoulddonthekindofjelbabthatiscommon today,andevenwearing the lesscoveringhijabwasuncommonatthattime6.Thosewhodidfullycovertheirbodies(exceptfortheface),inMogadishuatleast,usedthetransparentblackbuibui (commonlyseenintownsalongtheEastAfricancoast)andbelongedtozealousreligioussects,whowereoftenquitemarginalwithintheirownsociety.

In Somalia, however, adult women would always wearthe shaash, a small, thin scarf, often in black, tied aroundthehead,usuallywithaknotonthelowerendatthebackofthehead.Theblackshaashwasparticularlycommonamongnomadicwomenwhereaswomenintownswouldoftenwearmore colourful scarves.Above the scarf, on their head andshoulders, theywould usuallywear a light, transparent andloose-fittingwrap(garbasaar).Thecloseconnectionbetweenfemalemodestyandclothingwasdefinitelyaculturalthemeevenwhenclothingpracticesweremoremoderate.Thefol-lowingincidentmayillustratemypoint.Oneafternooninthemid-1980s Iwaswalkingwith a dear friend to the court inMogadishu.Myfriendwasseekingdivorcefromherhusbandandhadinitiatedtheprocessherself–withouthisconsent.Aswe approached the court building, I noticed thatmy friendfoldedthegauzywrapmoretightlyaroundherfaceandneck.Iaskedherwhyshedidthat.“Ihavetoperformdecentlyinfrontofthemalejudges,”shereplied,quiteawareofhercon-troversialinitiativeinaskingforadivorce.

InmanySomalisocialcontexts,decentclothingintermsofconcealingbodypartsdefinedasprivateisastatementaboutawoman’smoralstatus.However,thegarbasaar,evenwhentightly wrapped, does not give the impression of ‘veiling’.Among the nomads of theHiran region in central Somalia,whereIalsodidfieldresearchduringthe1980s,womenwerecladinthetraditionalguntiino,apieceofcloththatisknottedononeshoulderandfoldedacrossthebodyandusuallytieduparoundthewaistbyawrap.Thelattermaybeloosenedfromthewaistandfoldedontheshoulderswhenrestingorreceiv-ingvisitors.Thehijabandmoreso,thejelbabcoverthefemalebodymuchmoreradically,andtheirstyleproducesaforeignlook(tothisobserveratleast),harbingeringmessagesofpro-foundchanges.Whenever Ibroughtup the topicofcompar-ingtheirpresentstylewiththewaywomendressedinSoma-liainthe1980s,myfemaleinformantswouldpondertheissueandoffertheircomments,advancingavarietyofreasonsandarguments,religiouspietybeingthemostprevalent.Theeth-


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nicNorwegianswithwhomIdiscussed the issuecommonlythoughtthat‘veiling’wasthegenericfemaledressforSoma-lis.Manyofthemwereactuallysurprisedtohearthatwearingthehijaborjelbabwasaratherrecentphenomenon.Duringthe20yearssincethecivilwarbrokeout,Somaliwomenhave,infact, ‘naturalised’an Islamicdresscode.Even though it isacontestedissueandsometimesthefocusof livelydiscussionon the Internet and elsewhere, veilinghas notmetwith anysevereorconcertedresistancebytheSomalidiaspora.

AtthesametimeasmyresearchfindingsinEuropeanexilecontextsrevealthatwomenhavechangedtheirwayofdress-ing,theyalsodemonstratethatwomenlivingintheseplacesexpress,toagreatextent,oppositiontofemalecircumcision,inparticularinfibulation,whichhasbeenverycommonamongSomalisforcenturies(Talle2008).All33womenintheNor-wegiansampleclaimedtoholdapositionagainstfemalecir-cumcision.Threeofthem,however,admittedthatsunna7wasacceptable–religiouslyonaparwithnotbeingcut–buttheywouldnotnecessarilyrecommendit.Oppositiontotheprac-ticeof femalegenitaloperationsbyvariouspopulations liv-inginexileisnotuncommon(seeforexampleAhmed2005b;Johnsdotter2002;Johnson2007;Morisonetal.2004).8

Amajor explanation suggested by the informants for thischange in clothing practice and resistance to female circum-cision was religious enlightenment; they had become morelearnedinreligiousmattersinrecentyears.TheyclaimedthattheyhadbeguntoreadtheKoraninamoreconsciousway,andnowunderstoodthatnowhereintheKoranisinfibulationpre-scribed.Incontrast,inSomaliatheyhadbeenunawareofscrip-turalcorrectnessandhadfollowedamorevernacularinterpre-tationoftheHolyBook.Accordingtothisinterpretation,infib-ulationisthoughtofasareligiousobligation,withtheproce-dureofcuttingandclosingbeingembeddedinaSomalisedAra-bicvocabulary.Thissemanticveneergivespeopleanimpres-sionofreligioussanction.Forinstance,thecuttingofthecli-toris,whichisthefirstpartoftheprocedurebeforethestitch-ing, is referred to ashalaalays (from theArabichalaa, reli-giouslyclean).Thecut isperceivedasanactofpurification,whereuponthewomenpresentululateandrejoice(Talle1993).Sometimesthewholeinterventionisspokenofashalaalays,atermthatintheculturalcontextemphasisesthehumanisingandgenderednatureofgenitalcutting.Acutwomanisconsidereda‘pure’woman(Talle1993).ThewordsunnaisalsoArabicandmeansin‘thewayoftheProphet’–inthesenseofagooddeed.Thepositiveringofsunnainreligiouslyinclinedearsmay,atleast as far as some ofmy informants in Londonwere con-cerned,continuetolegitimisetheprocedure.Theybelievethatthe termshouldbebanned fromthecircumcisionvocabularyaltogetherinordertofightthepracticemoreefficiently.Adif-ferencebetweenalearnedandvernacularinterpretationofreli-giousscriptswithregardtotheissueoffemalecircumcisionhasalsobeendocumentedinOrthodoxEthiopia(Rye2002).Inmysample,oneeducatedwomanfromNorthSomalia

whohasbeena refugee inOslo, theNorwegiancapital, foralmost20years,wasveryexplicitconcerningtherelationshipbetweeninfibulationandIslamicdresscode.“Yousee,”she

said,“thereasonforthechangedclothingpracticesisexactlythesameasforrejectinginfibulation.Beforewedidnotknowthatinfibulationwasharam(forbiddenbyreligion)andwedidnotknowthatcompletecoveringofthebody(exceptforhandsand face)was religiously commanded.So religionhas nowtaughtusboththings.”Thesituationis,ofcourse,morecom-plexthantheonedepictedbythiswoman.Herargumentis,however, illuminatingand,curiouslyenough,shemakes theconnectionbetweeninfibulationandMuslimsocialpracticesinmuchthesamewayasdidmySomalimalecolleaguemanyyearsago.Shedroveherpointhomebyargumentsofreligiousenlightenmentandcommunity,whilehepointedtoaculturaldifferencebetweenArabsandSomaliswhichwascommonlyportrayedinSomaliaatthetime.

Onemayaskwhetherthepracticeofveilinghassomethingtodowithinfibulation?Perhapsnotdirectlyasacausalrela-tion–onebeingthecauseoftheotherorviceversa–butintheshiftingcontextofexile,theremaybeapossibleconnection.Itappearsthattheprotectiveandenclosingcharacterofbothpractices makes considerable sense to Somali women (andmen)inthediaspora.AllthewomenintheNorwegianstudy,exceptfortheyoungestthree,hadbeencircumcisedand,apartfromtwo,withinfibulation.Forthewomenofthisstudy–cir-cumcised at home andnow living as immigrants in foreignlands–itwasnotaquestionofchoicebetweenveilorcircum-cision,asindicatedinmymalecolleague’squoteabove.Themajorityofthemwerebothcircumcisedandveiled.

Marking by pain

Until very recently, infibulation, or Pharaonic circumci-sion, has been performedon almost 100 per cent of Soma-lianwomen9.TheclosedvulvahasbeenasignofdistinctioninSomaliaandelsewherewhereinfibulationispractised(forexampleBoddy1982); it isbelieved toenhance female fer-tility,addtoawoman’sbeautyandsecureher(andherfami-ly’s)moralstanding(Talle1993).Itisalsoheldtoprotectthenomadic girl against dangers, particularly against ill-willedmales–epitomisedintheunrulycamelherderwhoisdeemeda potential rapist. Hence, in possession of a closed vulva,a young woman could roam around freely with the flocksof sheep and goats (the responsibility ofwomenwithin thenomadicproductionunit),collectwaterandfirewoodinfar-awayplacesandgo to themarket tosellmilkandpurchasegoods.With the bodily seal intact, a youngwomandid nothavetobeconfinedphysically,asobservedbymycolleague.(Apragmaticpointisthatanomadiclifestylerequiresmobileindividuals.)ItwascommontohearpeopleinSomaliaclaimthata‘sewngirl’(gabar tolan,or qodob,‘closed’)couldnotbe raped. In fact, this reasonwas occasionally given as anexplanationforthecontinuationofthepractice.

This radicalmarking ofwomen’s bodies at the hands ofcloserelativesandinextremepain(oftenviolence,asthegirlshad to be held forcefully)was reckoned a necessary act inanticipationofmarriageandwhatisculturallyunderstoodasa

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completelife(Talle1993).FollowingthelateFrenchanthro-pologistPierreClastres’article‘Tortureinprimitivesocieties’withreferencetoinitiationritesinSouthAmerica,theoutra-geouspaininflictedonyounggirlsduringtheoperationisaninscriptionofsocietal(patriarchal)poweraswellasanactofsocialinclusion–bysustainingthepain,youbecomeoneof‘us’ – neithermore nor less.The ‘law’ is inscribed directlyon the body through a painfulmark (Clastres 1982). EverySomaliwomancarriesacircumcisiontaleofherown,andthememory of that pain inscribed in the infibulation scar con-nectsherwithasocialgroup,acountryandacommoniden-tity.PainandinfibulationisoneandthesamethingforwomeninSomalia;infact,thelinkissoobviousthatitdoesnothavetobespokenaloud10.Thememoryofthepainisforeverfixedinabodilyscar(Clastres1982).“HowcanIforgetthatdaywhichhadsomuchpain,”saidawomaninMogadishuwhenIaskedherwhethersherememberedherowncircumcisionornot.Thecircumcisionpainappears to lingeron inwomen’slives,andrepeatedlysurfacesinfemininebodilyproblemsofchronicabdominalpainandailments(Johansen2002;RymerandMomoh2005;Talle2007;Tiilikainen1998).Manyyearslater, in theexilecontextofLondonorNorway, thepainfulinterventionontheirbodieswhentheywerestillveryyoungisbroughttomindindiffuseandcontradictoryfeelingsofshameandotherness,andsometimesleadstooppositionagainstcul-turalpractices.Thenewlyexperiencednegativeattentionontheirinfibulatedgenitaliamayevokebothpainandbelongingtotheplacewherethescarwasinitiallycarved.

Insecure lives

TheexodusofSomalirefugeestotheWestbeganin1988afterthebombardmentofthenorthernpartsofthecountrybytheSiadBarreregime.SomeofthewomenintheNorwegiansample had been political refugees since that timewhereasothers had arrived much later on humanitarian grounds orthrough family reunion. Two of the women, reunited withtheirhusbandsonlyayearago,werenewcomerstoNorway.Whenafull-blowncivilwarbrokeoutin1991,greatnumbersofpeoplefromallthepartsofthecountryfledtoneighbouringcountries,inparticulartoKenya,EthiopiaandYemen.FromtheseplacesmanyhavemovedontoEuropeandotherpartsof theworld (Al-Sharmani 2006).Until the present, peoplehavebeenfleeingunrestandviolence,whichhavecontinuedtohauntthecountry.

Therefugeeconditionisparadoxicalinthesensethatpeo-plewho,ingreatdistress,fleefromconflictandviolenceareforcedtofindsecurityinplacesthatintheirsheerothernessordifferenceareoftenexperiencedas‘insecure’.Thelackoffamiliaritywithlanguage,religion,modesofconductaswellas landscape intensifies the feelingof lossandvulnerabilityinherent in displacement/emplacement processes. Accord-ing toLiisaMalkki,whohasstudiedBurundianrefugees inTanzania,thelossof“culture,placeandhistory”asaconse-quenceofsuddenuprootednesshasturnedrefugeesintopeo-

plewithout identitywithin the “national order of things” –theyare“naked” in theirhumanity (Malkki1995:12).Evenafteryearsinexile,refugeesoftencontinuetobearthestigmaof (unwanted) ‘outsiders’ (Goffman 1963;Malkki 1995).ANorwegian sociologist studying young Somali immigrantsinNorwayreportedthatmanyofthemfrequentlyexperiencehumiliationandracisminencounterswiththemajority(Fan-gen2006).Manyrefugeesalsoexpresssentimentsofloneli-nessandalackofunitywiththepeoplearoundthem(Assal2006). InNorway, I frequentlyheardwomensay“wegreetthem, but we do not associate with them,” meaning theirneighbours.FewofthemhadpersonalfriendsintheNorwe-gian community other than professional contacts; however,their relationshipswith socialworkers, teachers, nurses andemployerswereoftencloseandfriendly.Mostofthetimeitwasnotthatthewomendidnotwishtosocialise,itwasjustthattheyhadlittleincommonwithNorwegians.Bothparties(SomalisaswellasNorwegians)seemedtobeveryawareofthatanddidnotactivelyseekeachothers’company.Thesitua-tionwasquitesimilarinLondon.SeveraltimeswhenIvisitedwomenintheirhomes,IrealisedthatIwasthefirst‘British’womanever todo so.Thewidespread tendencyofSomalis(likemanyotherimmigrants)toshifthomeandseekthecom-panyofcountrymeninordertoavoid‘loneliness’reinforcesisolationfromthemajoritycommunity(LindleyandvandenHeer2007).Statisticsalsopointtoagreatdegreeofintermar-riagewithinSomali communities, not least inNorway.ThefactthattheSomalidiasporahasproducedsuchlargenumbersofchildrenencouragessocialself-sufficiencyandhelpspeo-plefindmarriagepartnersamongtheirownethnicgroup.

The context of exile (London, Norway or elsewhere intheWest)locatesthecircumcisedbody(andthecircumcisedwoman) within a universalising discourse of ‘mutilation’(theabbreviationFGM–femalegenitalmutilation–iscom-monlyheard;seeforexampleToubia1995;WHO1998),thustransformingaharmful injury in thenameof a social iden-tity into a personal deficiency11.Getting rid of a dirtybodypart,whichishowSomalisusedtounderstandandappreci-atethepractice,hasnotpurifiedthecircumcisedwoman.Onthecontrary,inexile,thecircumcisedwomanhasbeen‘muti-lated’,shehas‘lost’somethingthatcannotbeputback.WithintheglobalFGMdiscourse, thedifferencebetween ‘cut’ and‘uncut’womenisoftenarticulatedinanidiomofloss;bylack-ingvitalbodypartsand,thus,beingphysicallydiminished,a‘mutilated’bodyisliterallyabodyoflessworth.InSomalia,incontrast,theseveringoftheoutergenitaliarenderedaddedvaluetothefemalebody–theclosedvulvawasasignofcul-turaldistinction.Thereanuncutfemalebodywastheabnor-mality.

TheuncertaintyofSomalirefugeewomeninexileandtheiracute and often distressed awakening to being ‘different’ isembodiedinmanyways–clothing,diffuseillnessconditions,tenselimbsandachinghearts(RymerandMomoh2005;Talle2007;Tiilikainen1998).Asrefugeesandimmigrants,Somaliwomenexperienceconsiderablediscomfortandlackofcon-fidencebecauseof livinginwhat theyfrequentlyconsidera


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‘hostile’andincapacitatingenvironment.InLondonandNor-way,manyareforcedintoencountersandsituationsinwhichtheirown‘losses’arepainfullyrevealedtothem.InEuropeanplaces of exile, infibulatedwomen are the subjects of greatconcern andmarked attention from powerful institutions ofgovernance,fromthemediaaswellasfromthegeneralpublic.Legislation,political actionplans, education campaigns andmedicaltreatmentguidelinestargetcircumcisedwomen–alltotheirbenefit,itwouldappear(seeforexampleLeye2005).However,thebalancebetweenfocusedandmarkedattentionisdelicateinthiscontext.Uninformedcommentsandinquisi-tivequestions,ofteninarbitrarysocialencountersandpublicspaces,contributetoanunpredictableandinsecurelifesitua-tion.DuringtheinterviewsinNorway,itbecamequiteappar-ent thatwomenfind thepublicexposureof their cutbodiesintimidating.Theyfeelthattheycannotdefendthemselves,astheyhavenoargumentsagainstthestereotypicalandstigma-tisingrepresentationoftheirculturalselves.Withdrawalmaybeonestrategytocopewithoutsidepressure.

Inprivatesituations,forinstanceconsultationsinhospitalsandothershieldedplaces,theymaytalkfreely;itisthepub-licexposurethatmarksthem.TheSomaliwomeninNorwayappearedtohavemoretrustinthehealthsystemthanthoseinLondon.AllthewomenIinterviewedinNorwayemphasisedthatNorwegian doctors showed considerable understandingandcarewhentreatingthem.Thewomenreportedthatmostdoctors, in fact,paid littleattention to their infibulation, forwhichwomenappearedtobegrateful.Onlytwowomen(outof33)mentionedcontroversialepisodes.Onerecountedhowadoctorhadaskedherwhathadhappened tohergenitalia,andwhethershehadburntherselfornot?ShetoldhimthatshewasfromSomaliaandhadbeen infibulated,whereuponthedoctornoddedaffirmatively,butsaidlittleandcontinuedtreatingher.AnotherwomanhadgivenbirthinOsloandhadbeenaskedbyherdoctorwhetherhecouldcallincolleagueswhenshewasdelivering.Shewasinpainanddidnothavethestrengthtorefuse,shesaid.However,onceshehaddeliveredandregainedhersenses,shebecameangryandaskedherhus-band(whowaspresentatthedelivery)whyallthesepeoplewereatherbedside.Shetoldhimtosendthemaway.(Thisincidencehappenedafewyearsagoandshenarratedtheepi-sodewithaplayfulhindsight.)

InLondon,incontrast,circumcisedwomenmoreoftencom-plainedaboutrudeandharshtreatmentfrommedicalperson-nel(Ahmed2005b;Morison2004;Talle2007).Duringdiscus-sionsabouttheirassociationwithhospitalsandhealthauthori-ties,complaintsregularlyemergedandexamplesofwhattheyconsideredilltreatmentandabuseweregiven.Onesuchexam-plewasfromawomanwhowent toher localgeneralpracti-tionerandaskedforareversalofherinfibulationscar12.Uponexaminingher, thedoctorhadaskedherhow itwas thathervaginal entrancewasnot large enough forherhusband?Thewomantookthedoctor’swordsasaseriousinsulttobothherownandherhusband’spersonalintegrity.MarwaAhmedwhohascarriedoutafocusgroupstudyofSomaliwomeninLon-don on their experiences of being infibulated and living in

the UK reports similar negative encounters between Somaliwomenandhealthprofessionals(Ahmed2005b).Afterquotingafewstatementsbyinformants,shecontinues“Suchcommentssadlywerecommon,aspointedoutbythewomen.Everytimetheywereconfrontedbysuchremarks,theyfelthumiliatedandashamed”(Ahmed2005b:114).ChalmersandHashi,whosur-veyedthebirthexperiencesof432SomaliwomeninToronto(all had undergone circumcision), found that 87.5 per centreported that theyreceivedhurtfulcommentsfromtheirphy-sicians,witnessingverbal andnon-verbal expressionsof sur-prise,beingregardedwithdisgust,beingaskedforpermissiontocallinacolleagueandhavingnorespectshownfortheircul-turalpreferences(ChalmersandHashi2000).ItishardtosaywhetherthedifferencereportedbetweenNorwayandtheUK(orCanada)isacoincidence,dependinguponresearchmeth-odology,orwhetheritreflectsdifferenttreatmentstandardsandpatient evaluation in these countries. The inequality of Brit-ishsocietycomparedwiththatofNorwayhasbeenreportedtohaveaneffectonpatienttreatment(Dunkley-Bent2005).Fur-thermore,thecourseoftimemaybeofimportance,ashealthprofessionalsaregraduallyacquiringknowledgeaboutfemalecircumcision.MyinformantswhohadlivedinNorwaythelon-gest observed this change. They claimed that health profes-sionals“nowunderstandthepracticebetter.”WhenVangenetal.didresearchinhospitals inOslosometenyearsago, theyreported communication difficulties between Somali womenandNorwegianhealthstaff.ThesedifficultiesweremostlyduetothelanguagebarrierasmanyoftheimmigrantwomenspokelittleNorwegianorEnglish(Vangenetal.2002).

Therelocationofcircumcisedbodiesinexileplaceswomenasactorsinshiftingcontextsofmeaningandhegemonicpower,whichareofprofoundconsequencetoSomalifemaleidentity,perceptionofselfandabilitytoact.Thegazeofothersbecomesembodied, not thatwomen automatically accept it, butwhenarticulatingpersonalexperiencesofpain,sufferingandculturaldiscourses among themselves as well as in negotiation withothers,theycontributetogeneratingheightenedreflectionandrevaluationoftheirowninsightsandgiventruths(seealsoFan-gen andThun2007). “When I came toLondon, I just foundmyselfagainstcircumcision,”saidone.Thatwastheexplana-tionshefeltshecouldgiveforsuddenlycomingtotermswithherpositionagainst thepractice. “Weare fatbecausewearecircumcised,” said another, reducing the issue of theirwide-spreadoverweighttotheirculturalheritage.WhenIcounteredher statement, she lookedatmeandasked rhetorically: “Butwhythenarewesofat?”AwomaninNorwayusedadrasticimagetovisualiseheroppositiontothepractice:“Ihavelostawholebodypart,itisonlythewheelchairlackingandIamahandicappedpersonIhavenosexualfeeling,”sheconcluded.Thewomanutteredthewordsjustaswewereabouttoleavethecaféwhereafewofushadbeensittingforacoupleofhours.Another, more timid woman in our company hurriedly sec-ondedthelastspeaker,asshewasbusyfoldingherhijabtighteraroundher face inanticipationofoutsideexposure. “NeitherhaveI,Ionlydoit[sex]formyhusband,”shesaidinamatter-of-factvoice.Iwasstruckbytheirdirectnessabouttheseinti-

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matematters,whichinfacttheyhadnotbeenaskedtovolun-teer.Theprocessesofreflectionandrevaluationcanobviouslybebothliberatinganddistressingatthesametime.

The veil

TheincreasinglycommonpracticeofembodyingtheIslamicfaiththroughstyleofdressamongSomaliwomenindiaspora(alsorecentlyinSomalia),comparedwiththesituationbeforethewar,canbeconsideredasbothprotectionagainstviewsfrom the outside and against looking towards far-reachinghorizons. The ‘veil’ protects and encloses the female bodyandintegratesSomaliwomen,nowlivinginadispersedandheterogeneousworld,intoarecognisableunit.TheirMuslimclothingmustbe regardedasa re-emphasisof their identityas‘true’Somalis,wherethelinkbetweenreligiousandethnicidentityisbarelydistinguishable(El-Sohl1993).IarguethattheMuslimdresscodehasbecomeanethnicmarker (Barth1969)thathelpsSomaliwomenreworktheirfeminineiden-tityinthediasporacontext.Itexpressesaheightenedpietyanddignity; intheirreligiouscumethnicperformances,whetherdress,prayersorconduct,womenseektoappeaseGodandaskformercyforwhateverwrongtheirpeoplehavedone.Duringthe last twodecades, theyhave seen their countrydissolve,beingtornintopiecesandfallintomoraldecay.Theythem-selvesintheirtransnationallivesfacesubstantialdifficultiesandproblemsbut,atthesametime,arealsoengaginginnewopportunities(Al-Sharmani2006).

Theirreligiosityisnotonlyintensifiedinexpressionsandpractices,buthasalsobecomemorelearned.Thewomeninthisstudyclaimtheyhavebecomemoreenlightenedinreli-gious matters. One woman used the expression ‘civilised’to differentiate this process from a local interpretation ofIslamtoanunderstandingofIslamasaworldreligion.It isworthnoting thatorthodox Islamdoesnotprescribe femalecircumcision, at least not the severe type traditionallyprac-tisedbytheSomalis.Onthecontrary,manyMuslimgroupsin Europe criticiseAfricanMuslims for such non-religiouspractices. Through studying the Koran, Somali women arenowlearningthatinfibulationisnotreligiouslycommanded.Thewomanquotedatthebeginningofthisarticlewhomadethe connection between infibulation and Islamic dress codereferredtotheirincreasedknowledgeofthereligioustextsindiaspora and how this recently acquired learning had prac-ticallyeffected their lives.Toher,aneducatedwomanmar-riedtoahighlyeducatedman,thenewscripturalinsightcom-pelled action and change on their behalf (women in Soma-liaalsoclaimthesame;Talle2008).Assheandothersawit,veiling is justanaturalconsequenceof this religiousawak-ening.WhenwelookattheNorwegianmaterial,notonlytheadultwomen, but also themajority of their daughtersworetheheadscarf.Forinstance, inthetwolocalcommunitiesinwesternNorway included in the sample, all the girls in thefourfamilieshavingdaughters(tenfamiliesinall),exceptforone,wereveiled.Thegirlsnotwearingthehijabweredaugh-

tersofaformerKoranteacher,whocamefromaminorityandvictimised clan in Somalia. The fatherwas an enlightenedandwell-informedman(themotherhadnoformaleducation)andhemadeapointofnot enforcingor trying to convincehisdaughterstocoverthemselves,neitherhadhecircumcisedthem.ThefamilylivedinaratherisolatedcommunityandheregardeditasimportantthathisthreegirlswerefullyacceptedamongtheirNorwegianclassmatesandthepeers.Later,asthegirlsgrewup,theywouldchooseforthemselves,heclaimed.Thismanwasopenlycriticalofthe‘conservative’attitudeofone of his female Somali neighbours,whose eight-year-olddaughterputonthehijabassoonasshegotoutofthehouse.

Atonelevel,women(andmen)adamantlyclaimthatveil-ingisavoluntaryactoftheindividualandthatparentsshouldnotenforceitontheirchildren.Donningthehijabisinnatelyanexpressionofaperson’srelationshipwithGod,andthusmustbeawilledactandspringfrominnerconviction.Thehijabinterms of decent dressing mediates the relationship betweenwomenandGod,andassuchisareligiousgarment.Inordertoemphasisethevoluntaryaspectofveiling,womenoftengivethe example of two sisterswhomay employ different cloth-ingpractices,onewearing thehijaboreven the jelbabwhiletheotherdoesnot.Somemothersadmitthattheyrecommendthattheirdaughterswearthehijab,whileothersareagainstit.“Ifyoubeginearly,youwillgetusedtoit,”saidonewomaninOslo,regardingthepointofgettingintothehabitofwearingarathercumbersomeoutfit.Herpointwasthatonceadress-codeis‘habituated’(Hastrup1995),itbecomesnaturalandprefera-ble.DuringagroupinterviewinOslo,Iwasstruckbythefierce-nessofonewomanscoldinganotherforhavingtoopragmaticandlenientanattitudetowardstheuseofthejelbab,whichshenormallydonned.Thiswomansaidthatsheremovedthecloakatworkbecausethatwaswhatherbossexpectedhertodo.Itwasdifficulttoperformherworksatisfactorilywearingheavyandbulkyclothes.Sheherselfhadnoproblemswiththat.Theotherwoman reprimandedher fornotbeingpiousenough infrontofGodandemphasizedthatGodwasmoreimportantthanher employer. I heard other similar stories inNorwaywherewomenhadtocompromisetheirheavyclothingforworkeffi-ciency.Duringdocumented research Ialsoheardmanymorepragmaticreasonsfordonningthejelbab;whenwearingfull-lengthoutfitswomendidnothavetoworryaboutwhatclothestheywore underneath. In otherwords, itwas away of low-eringexpenses.Somaliwomenmayalsocover themselvesatsomepointintheirlifebutabandonitlater,orviceversa.Onewomanonlybegantowear the jelbabaftershewasdivorced(beforeshe‘just’worealightheadscarf),whileanotheraban-doneditbecauseitwastootightaroundherheadandgaveherheadache.Thedefinitionofprivate-publiccontextsandwhentoveil isnotalwaysstraightforward.Furthermore,others talkedaboutthenomadsbackhomewhodislikethejelbab,claimingthattheunfamiliarandawkwardsightscarestheanimals.Eventhoughitisacontestedgarment,thejelbabiscommonlyusedbySomaliwomenindiasporaandbymanyathome.BecauseofitspopularityamongSomalis,comparedtomanyotherimmi-


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grantgroups,ithascometoidentifyaparticularSomalifashionstyle(Koskennurmi-Sivonenetal.2004).

“Youjustfeelyouhaveto,ortheotherSomaliswilllookatyouasifyouwereindecentlydressed,asifyouwerenaked,”saidonewomaninLondonabouttherecentchangeinstyleofdress.Shewashintingatthepressureofacommonmorality,andalsoatthevulnerabilityoftheexilesituation.Whensheusedtheexpression‘naked’shewasreferringtoanewmoralconceptualisationof the femalebody.However, shedidnotinterpretwhatshetermeda‘pressure’asanorderoradirec-tive;quitetheopposite,sheclaimed,asdomanyothers,thatwearingthehijaborjelbabisawilledactchosenbythewomenthemselves.Nevertheless,inthemosqueimamstellwomentodressdecentlyandbedevoutMuslims,andSomaligirlswear-ingWesternclothesinpublicplacesreportthattheyarefre-quentlydisciplinedverballybymalepassers-byfortheir‘non-Somali’appearance,oftenphrasedinthewords“fromwhereare you coming?” Somali men in general, however, regardthehijab,andinparticularthejelbabtype,asnon-traditionalSomalidresses.Iftheydonotopposeitassomedoordefendit,theyoftendisplayanindifferentattitude.Veilingischieflyawomen’sissue.

Reconstructing identity

Theinsecurityandcontinuousexposuretoforeignpeopleandawkwardquestioning,coupledwiththeturbulenceandgriefofmigrationand the lossofhomeanddisintegrationof families,require‘protection’inawidesense.‘Naked’inthequoteabovecanalsobeinterpretedsymbolicallyinlinewithMalkki–Soma-lisindiasporaarenothingelsethanhumanswithoutahistoryandwithoutacommunity(culture).BydressingdecentlyinIslamicstyle,Somaliwomeninventivelycraftanidentityas“acceptedothers”withinthe“nationalorderofthings”(Malkki1995).

Toexposeoneselftoaninsecureand‘hostile’environmentis a precarious project.The exiledwomen handle their exis-tential uncertainty by defending the body. The female bodyshrouded in ‘non-conspicuous’ clothes is hidden and turnsinward but, simultaneously, is very outwardly visible in theethniclandscapeofLondonorNorway.Theprotectiveclothesdrawboundariesbetweenoutsideandinside,between‘us’and‘them’,anddefinewhatcountsinrelations.Awomanenclosedinajelbabcanmoreeasilymaintaindistancefrom‘others’andavoidcontact.Also,inKenyawhereIconductedaninterviewstudyamongSomalirefugeewomeninonelocality,thewomenintheirjelbaborniqab(thelatterwasquitecommonthere)con-stitutedacontrasttothesurroundingsociety,totheextentthatthelocalchildrenfearedthem.Asnotedabove,itappearsthatthefemaleIslamicdresshasbecomeamarkerofSomaliethnicidentityinmanydifferentsocialsettingsandsituations.

ToidentifywithIslamthroughclothesandpracticecreatesameaningfulcontinuityinthediscontinuouslivesofSomaliwomen.SomaliawasIslamizedinthetenthcenturyandreli-gionhasalwaysbeenaunifyingfactor inthecountry’soth-erwise divisive clan-based society. By re-emphasising their

Islamicidentity,SomalisattachthemselvestoalargerIslamicworldandtothehistoryoftheircountry.InEuropeanexile,veilingcanalsobeanexpressionofsympathywithadeval-uedreligionandthushavewiderpoliticalundertones(Ahmed20005a),butthispositionwasnotconsciouslyexpressedbythewomeninthisstudy.ThewaytheveilingispracticedinexileamongSomaliwomencannotautomaticallyberegardedasasignofoppressionofwomen,asisoftenthecase.Itisasmuchasignoffemalecapacitytoactandnegotiaterelations(Hastrup1995;Watson1994).InnowayhastheveilrefrainedSomaliwomeninLondonorNorwayfrombeingoutwardlyactive–inthelabourmarket,inlanguageclasses,involuntaryassociationsordrivingtheirowncars.Itisafactthatinthediasporacontext,womenmoreoftenthanmenforvariousrea-sonshavebecomeresponsibleforfeedingandsupportingtheirfamilies(seeforexampleAl-Sharmani2006).

In their exiled condition (even in their home country),Somali women have taken the lead in upholding an ethnicidentitythroughacommonalityinreligion.Incontemporarytimes,theyaregivingformtoaspecificSomaliMuslimiden-tity,and to thatend the femalebody isan important instru-ment.TheimageofaclosedwomancontinuestomakegreatsenseintheSomaliconsciousness–giventhelong-standingaversetoandfearofthe‘open’femalebody.HereIthinktheveilisofimportance.Theveilaffordsprotectionandcomfort;it encloses the body and shieldswomen against evil forcesfromtheoutside,andfromthegazeofoutsiders.Inmuchthesamewayaswiththeinfibulationoftheirgenitalia,themorecovered (the smaller opening), the better in terms ofmoralexcellence.InNorway,Ioftenthoughtthatwomeninajelbabdemonstrated amore pious impression than those less cov-ered.Otherwomenalso claimed that thoseheavily coveredlooked upon themselves as ‘better’ in terms ofmoral (reli-gious)distinction.Wemayconcludethenthatifhijabiscom-mandedbyreligionasadignifiedwayofdressing,moreveil-ingisevenmoredignified.

BytheactofbeingveiledinacapitalcitysuchasOslo(orLondon),womenmaintaindistancefromthosearoundthem,bothMuslimsandothers,andastheymarkthatdistanceout-wardly, they craft their identities as Somaliwomen. In thatprocess of dichotomisation and boundarymaking, commoncultural preferences and moral standards are generated.Asa marker of religious devotion and piety, the veil protectswomen, their physical selves, against the outsideworld, aswellasagainstinfibulation,nowbeingunderstoodasanunre-ligiousand‘badtradition’(ado xun).ForperhapsthefirsttimeinSomalihistoryweseearelationbetweeneducation(readenlightenment)and rejectionof infibulation, the leverbeingreligiousknowledge.Ontheotherhand,someveryreligiouspeoplemayperform‘sunna’ontheirdaughters,perceivingtheinterventionasanextra-religiouspractice,makingthemevenmoremorallyoutstanding.Higherreligiosityandperformanceofsunnamay,undercertaincircumstances,gohandinhand.

Iamnotsayingherethattheveilsubstitutesforinfibulation.ItisnotthatSomaliwomenchangeonefortheother.Therela-tionshipismorecomplexthanthat.Thereareyoungwomenwho

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arenotinfibulatedwhowearthejelbab,bothforpersonalandpoliticalreasons,andmostofthewomendressedinfull-lengthcloaksinthissampleareindeedinfibulated.Theywereoperateduponasyounggirls,oftenalongtimeago,intheirhomecoun-try.However,thewidespreaduseoftheveil,Iargue,ismean-ingfultoSomaliwomen:ithelpsthemtopassthroughturbulenttimesandreconstructa‘coherentimageofself’,linkingthemto each other in space and in history.Adhering to an IslamicdresscodehelpsSomaliwomentoretainanidentityasdignifiedwomen,nowlivinginadangerousandthreateningworld(Ahl-bergetal.2004).Itmaybeseenasawayofholdingtheirworldstogether.Their vulnerable position in the diaspora, their splitfamilies,thememoryofpaininflictedontheirbodiesandtheirlongingforabelovedcountrycallforshelterinabroadsense.ThemoralexcellenceofSomaliwomen,essentialforupholdingthesocialorder,asitwere,continuestobeembodied,notpri-marilybycarvinghumanflesh,butbycoveringit.

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Author

ProfessorAudTalleDepartmentofSocialAnthropologyUniversityofOsloaud.talle@sai.uo.no

Notes

1During the 1980s Iwas involved in a research collaborationpro-grammebetweenthethenSomaliAcademyofSciencesandArts(SOMAC)andtheSwedishResearchCollaborationwithDevel-opingCountries(SAREC).Femalecircumcisionwasoneofthemany research issues included in the collaboration agreement.The colleague quoted interviewedmen inMogadishu on theirperceptionoffemalecircumcision.

2ThematerialisbaseduponsporadicfieldsojournsinnortheastLon-don (Talle in press) and in-depth interviews with 33 Somaliwomenofdiverseage,levelofeducationandlengthofresidencyindifferentpartsofNorway.ApreliminaryreportonthefindingsofthisstudyhasbeenpublishedinNorwegian(Talle2008).

3There are approximately 800,000 Somali refugees, 430,000 ofthemlivinginexileoutsideSomalia/Somaliland,manyoftheminEuropeandNorthAmerica(UNHCR2006).Today,Somalisarespreadmoreorlessallovertheworld,andfamiliesaresplitbetween different countries and languages, and between exilecountryandhomeland(UNHCR2006,Farah2000,Al-Sharmani2006).

4The veil is a general term for hijab, the principle within Islamicteachingsoffemalemodesty.Hijabisregardedasacommand-mentfromGodandpartofalargercodeof(gendered)conductwhichemphasisesprivacy.

5Hijabisageneraltermfordecentdressingorveiling,buthijabalsorefersspecificallytotheheadscarf,apieceofclothcoveringthehead and the neck. The jelbab (or jilbab) is the loose-fitting,ankle-lengthcloak.Bothareusuallyworninmoderatecolours:black,greyorbrown.Formoreinformationonthiswayofdress-ing,seeKoskennurmi-Sivonenetal.2004.

6DuringthesocialistregimeofthelatepresidentSiadBarre(1969–1991)religiousclothingwasdiscouraged.

7Sunnaused to refer toamild typeofcircumcision inwhichonlytheclitoralhoodorpartsoftheclitoriswereremoved.Inrecentyears,andinmanyplaces,thetermisbeingusedincontrasttoinfibulation;while infibulation isconsideredasevere interven-tion,sunnaisperceivedasamilderone.Arecentstudyamongcircumcisers in Hargeisa, Somaliland demonstrates that sunnamay imply both clitoridectomy and stitching (Talle 2008; seealsoGordon2005).

8RecentinterviewsamongcircumcisionpractitionersinSomaliland(2007)andamongSomalirefugeesinKajiadodistrictinKenya(2008) also reveal widespread verbal opposition to the mostsevereformsofcutting(cf.Talle2008).

9Infibulationwasnotpractisedamongtheartisans’andtraders’familiesin the townstatesalong thecoast (e.g.Mogadishu,Brava).Afterindependence in1960, however, informants claim that individualfamilies among theseminoritieswere influenced by themajority(thenomadicclanfamilies)andbeguntoinfibulatetheirdaughters.

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10InthetownsincontemporarySomaliaandSomaliland,theopera-tionisoftencarriedoutwithlocalanaesthesia.Thereasonforthewidespreaduseofanaesthesiais inpartduetoavailability,butalsothefactthatparentsclaimthattheirdaughterscannottoler-atethepain.Furthermore,operationsunderanaesthesiaareheldtobesaferforthegirl.Inthecountryside,however,infibulationcontinuestobeperformedwithoutanykindofpainkiller.

11I havewritten about this transformation from a ‘complete’ to an‘impaired’bodyinanothercontext(Talle2007).

12Reversal or defibulation of the infibulation scar has become anoptionforwomeninexile.Itiscarriedoutroutinelyonprima-para, ideally between 20 and 25weeks of pregnancy or upondelivery(Gordon2005).Evenyoung,unmarriedwomenmayaskfordefibulation.Thereversalisaquickoperation,usuallycarriedoutatpolyclinicsunderlocalanaesthesiaandisusuallyfreeofcharge(Momoh2005).


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Sara Johnsdotter

Popular Notions of FGC in Sweden: The Case of Ali Elmi

AbstractIn 2006–2007, the Swedish citizen Ali Elmi Hayow was sentenced to prison for the female genital mutilation of his daughter. In this paper I argue that the popular understanding of FGC, seeing African men as the true perpetrators, rendered it impossible for this man to get a fair trial. The facts presented during court proceedings were interpreted within a radical feminist framework, and the political will to sentence a male for FGC made it possible to overlook this citizen’s legal rights. The case is discussed in its specific social context and in relation to the wider social and political context of FGC in Sweden. I try to show that this case cannot be fully understood with-out the knowledge of Somali culture and that the court members, rather than aiming for a well-grounded understanding of the case, leaned toward popular and stereotyped notions of FGC as well as of Somali men and women. Ethnocentric ideas of family organisation also affected the outcome of the court proceedings. With more realistic preconceptions of the Somali practice of

Introduction

InJune2006theSwedishSomaliAliElmiwassentencedtoprisoninthedistrictcourtofGöteborg,Sweden,forthefemalegenitalmutilationofhisdaughterinSomalia.InthispaperIwillarguethathewasimprisonedwithoutsufficientevidencetoprovehisguiltandthathisconvictionhadtodowiththepoliticalcontextoffemalegenitalcutting(FGC)intheWestandtheemotionalpowerfieldsurroundingthisissue.

Thisstoryiscomplicatedandfullofsidetracks.Forthepur-poses of this article I have to highlight some aspectswhileoverlooking others.1 In the field of law, there is a principlecalledin dubio pro reo:ifthereisdoubt,letitbetotheben-efitofthedefendant.Inthewordsofalegalexpert,“onlytheonewhohasbrokenthelawistobepunished,notthosewhoprobablyor likelybrokethelaw”(Dreher2005:16;seealsoDiesen2002). IwillarguethatinAliElmi’scaseitwasnotevenlikelythatthepersonsentencedcommittedthecrime.

Thisarticleisanattempttoofferanunderstandingofthepro-cess that ended in the verdict of guilty. I start by relating thesocialcontextofthecaseandgiveadescriptionofthecourtpro-ceedings.Somefactorsthatmaycontributetoanunderstanding

of thiswhole process are suggested.Themain purpose of thearticleistoshowhowpopularnotions–popularinthesensethattheyare contrary to scholarlyknowledge–ofFGCmayhavedisastrousconsequencesforpersonswhohavemigratedtoWest-ern countries from settingswhere FGC is practised.The caseraisesissuesofhowenforcementofWesternlegislationbanningFGM,alegislationcreatedtoprotectmigrantwomenandgirlsatriskofbeingsubjectedtotheprocedure,mayunjustifiablypena-lisemeninthesegroups,ifappliedinapoliticizedway.

The social context

AliandhiswifeSafiya2,whocametoSwedentomarryAli,gotdivorcedin2001,aftertenyearsoflivinginSwedenasamarriedcoupleandthebirthoffourchildren.Therearecon-flictingversionsofwhatwastheiragreementoncustodyofthechildren.Alisaysthatthetwofamilies,representativesoftheirclans,mettonegotiatethecontentsofthedivorceandcustodyagreements.Thenitwasdecided,heclaims,thatthetwoolderchildren,MunaandAdam,wouldgowithhimtoSomalia,andthetwoyoungeroneswouldstaywithSafiyainSweden.

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Safiya,ontheotherhand,claimsthatallfourchildrenweresupposedtolivewithher,butthatsheagreedthatAlicouldtakeMunaandAdamtoSomaliaforafewmonthsin2001.ShesaysthatherefusedtotakethechildrenbacktoSwedenaspromised.Duringatripin2002shevisitedthechildren’sschoolandfilledinanapplicationforMunaandAdam.AcopyofthissheetwashandedoverbyhertotheSocialInsuranceOffice.According to Swedish regulations, a parent can getchild benefits for children living abroad if it can be proventhat they go to a school equivalent to a Swedish school.AcopyoftheapplicationSafiyafilledinandadescriptionoftheschool’scurriculamadeitpossibletoreleaseasumofmoneythattheSocialInsuranceOfficehadheldbacksinceMunaandAdamhadbeenawayfromSwedenforsuchalongtime.

InSeptember2002SafiyareportedAlitothepoliceforacrimecalled“dealingarbitrarilywithachild.”ShesaysthatshewenttoSomaliainthesummerof2002tocollectherchil-dren,butthatshewaspreventedfromdoingthatbyAli’sfam-ilymembersandagroupofarmedmen.InOctober2002shetookbackthisreportandsaidthatallthemisunderstandingsbetweenAliandherhadbeenresolved.Thiswasacoupleofdays after the Social InsuranceOffice had decided that thechildren’sschoolinSomaliawasapprovedandthattheyweregoing to start paying child benefits forMuna andAdam toSafiyaagain.Shewasalsogiventheaccumulatedchildbene-fitsthathadbeenwithheldforsixmonths.

There are conflicting versions about what happened inSomaliain2005.AlirelatedincourthoweverythingwasfinewithMunaandAdamuntillate2004.Muna,thentwelveyearsold,changed:

When it comes to my daughter Muna, she used to do well in school, she had no problems. She was happy. But I could see that something was wrong with her in 2004. I asked her, “What’s the problem?” She didn’t want to tell. In the end of 2004, she disappeared. She was away for two days. And then she called home and said that she was in Mogadishu, in a place called Qaran. She said that she was in the home of a [girl] friend. We went to collect her. I told her, “You should stay here, you shouldn’t be out, it’s not good for you.” She was really sad; she didn’t want to tell us much. But I realized that she hid something. I asked her several times what had happened… She used to have a healthy appetite, she used to sleep well at night, she used to do her homework. She usual-ly woke up at six, brushed her teeth, went outdoors to wait for the school bus… but [now] she cut class. She didn’t want to go to school. She listened to music all the time. She wanted to watch TV all the time. She didn’t want to have dinner. She used to say that she had stomach ache.

[Aliindistrictcourt,June2006]

InMarch 2005, according toAli,Muna said to him thatshewantedtotalktohim.“Daddy,Iknowthatyoulovemelotsandthatyoualwaystakecareofme,butIwanttoknowifyoureallyloveme.”Aliaskedhertotellhimwhathashap-pened,andshesaidthatshewasnolongeralittlegirlandthat

shewantedtomarry.Aliwasshocked,hesays.SheaskedAliifheknewofajournalistwhoisfamousforhostingchildren’sprogrammesonTVandradio.“Daddy,Ireallydolovehim.Iwanthimtocomehereandvisitus.”Alireplied,“Stopthisnonsense, you are only twelve years old.You have towaituntilyouareofage.”Munacried.

Relatives of the journalist, here calledKhalid, calledAliandaskedforpermissiontovisithim,andAlisaidno.ThentheycalledAli’sbrothertoconvincehim(inSomalia,courtingofthiskindofteninvolvesentirefamilies).Aliandhisfam-ilyagreedtoameeting.ThereKhalid’sfamilyoffered1,000Americandollars inyarad,bridewealthtoMuna’sfamily, ifAliagreedtoletthecouplemarry.Alirefused.

In July2005,Muna ranaway.Ali andhis familyhadnoideawheretolookforher.Afewweekslatertheyfoundafewthingsinabaginherroom:acassettetapewhereKhalidtalksabouthowmuchhelovesMunaandthathewantshertorunawaywithhimtotheSwedishembassyinAddisAbaba.Theyalso found a letter suggesting thatMunahad agreed to thisplan.Ali senta fax immediately to theSwedishembassy inAddisAbaba,buttherewasnoreplyfromtheembassy.

WhenMunaandKhalidarrivedattheSwedishembassy,sheaccused her father of several things. She claimed that he hadbeatenherandabusedherpsychologicallyforyears,thathehadthreatenedherwithagun, thathehadsenther to jailforsometime, that he planned tomarry her away by force, and that hehadhadhercircumcised.Further,shewasnotallowedtosocial-izewithfriendsortowatchTV.Laterpoliceinterrogationswithher younger brotherAdam, twelve years old, contradicted thisdescriptionoftheirlifeinSomalia.Forinstance,hecouldeasilynameseveralofMuna’sfriendsthatsheusedtospendtimewith.

AlithenreceivedthenewsthatMunawasaliveandsafeinLondon.SwedishauthoritiesarrangedforMunatogotohermother.LaterthatyearAlireceivedasummonsregardingcus-tody.Safiyawantedtobethesolelegalcustodianofallfourchildren.InthedocumentsthatreachedhiminMogadishuitwasstatedthathewassuspectedofFGM.AlileftSomaliaforSwedentopartakeinthelegalproceedings.Heknewthathewasaccusedofhavinghadhisdaughtercircumcised.Hedidnotworryabout thatatfirst, ashewassure thathisdaugh-terwasnotcircumcised.Butthen,aphysician’sexaminationindicatedthatshewas,andthatmadehimupset.Alithentriedtofindoutwhenhisdaughterhadbeencircumcised.Herea-lised that thismusthave takenplacemanyyearsago,whenMunawasfourorfiveyearsoldandhisex-wifeandmother-in-lawwantedtohavehercircumcisedtogetherwithSafiya’syoungersisters.Hedidnotgivehisconsent then,and therewasaseriousconflict.Hehadstayedatafriend’sapartmentforacoupleofmonthsbeforereunitingwithhiswife.Sincethen,hehadnotheardanythingmoreaboutcircumcisionandhadalwaysthoughtthatithadnotbeendonetoMuna.

ArrivinginSweden,Aliwasdetained.Adistrictcourtsen-tenced him to four years’ imprisonment for holding MunaandheryoungerbrotherinSomaliaagainsthisex-wife’swillandforFGM.TheCourtofAppealissuedthesameverdict.TheSupremeCourtdismissedtheprosecutionregardingthe


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childrenbeingheldinSomaliaandreferredthecasebacktotheCourtofAppeal.ThereAliwassentencedtotwoyearsinprisonforFGM.InJuly2007,Aliwasconditionallyreleasedafterhavingservedtwothirdsofhispenalty.

The court proceedings

In court, word stood againstword.Medical examinationshowedthatMunahadgonethroughamilderprocedure,typeII,“lossoftissueofpartsoftheinnerlabia,intheareaaroundtheclitoris,andlossofclitoralhood.”Itwasnotpossibletoestablishwhenthecircumcisionhadtakenplace.Theonlyevi-dencetoproveAli’sguiltwashisdaughter’sstatementthatherfatherwasinvolvedwhenshewascircumcised.Alidenied.Inthe first interrogationMuna said that the circumcision tookplaceinJanuary2005,andthatherfatherandherfather’ssis-ter(hereshewillbecalledMeriam)werepresentwiththecir-cumciserintheroomduringcircumcision.Ali’ssisterMeriamwent toSweden in July2006 to supportherbrother’s testi-mony. She turned herself in to the police in Gothenburg,knowingthatshetoowasaccusedofFGM.Shewasdetainedimmediatelyandstayeddetainedforfourmonths.

There was, however, no prosecution against Ali’s sis-terMeriam.Muna,whenpressedduringan interrogation inAugust2006,admittedthatherfather’ssisterwasnotpresentduringcircumcision:

Policewoman: Well, then we have three persons in there and

you lying in the bed, that you have said, and then we wonder about Meriam, was she in the room or was she not in the room?

Muna: I can’t say she was there and I can’t say that she wasn’t.

Policewoman: No. Do you remember what you said about Meriam in the first interrogation, do you remember that?

Muna: Mmm.Policewoman: Then you said that Meriam was there. Muna: Don’t know.Policewoman: You don’t know. Do you know why you said

so then?Muna: Because I hate her.Policewoman: You hate her.Muna: Yes.Policewoman: Mmm, was that why you said so?Muna: Maybe.Policewoman: It is really good that these things emerge

now. In what ways do you hate her?Muna: I just hate her, I don’t know.Policewoman: What is the reason that you have said that

she was there…? That you said that she was in the room when you in reality don’t know if she was there, please explain that one more time. Can you explain one more time why you said in a previous interrogation that she took part in the genital mu-tilation, but that you actually are not sure about that, can you explain why you said so about Meriam?

Muna: Because I hate her.Policewoman: What, what did you think of when you told

me during interrogation that she was there; what did you think then? What did you want for her to happen since you hate her so much?

Muna: That she would die… I actually wanted her to die.Policewoman: What has she done to you since you hate her

so much?Muna: I don’t know. I hate her like hell. [Interrogationrecordfromthepolice,7August2006]

Date of circumcision Present during circumcision

Interrogation I March 2006

January 2005 (possibly autumn 2004) Ali, Ali’s sister, circumciser

June 2006: Ali is sentenced to prison in district court

Interrogation III August 2006

Muna has ”forgotten everything” (possibly August 2005)

Ali, Ali’s wife, circumciser

October 2006: Ali is sentenced to prison in court of appeal

Figure 1. Major contradictions in Muna’s statements during interrogations.

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ThebackgroundofMuna’snegativefeelingstowardherauntMeriamhasbeenrevealedinapreviousinterrogation(inMarch2006):

Muna: And that woman, my father’s sister, she will see one day what I’ll do to her.

Policewoman: How do you feel?Muna: I hate her at the moment; she will see one day what

I’ll do to her.Policewoman: What will you do?Muna: I don’t know, but she’ll see.Policewoman: Are you more resentful toward her than to

the women who did it [FGM] to you? Muna: Her.Policewoman: The woman who did it?Muna: No, my father’s sister.Policewoman: Your father’s sister?Muna: Yes.Policewoman: Is it toward her you are that resentful?Muna: Yes, and my father, both of them. And she used to

tease me every day.Policewoman: What did she say then?Muna: Tease me, and… “she looks for boys all day,” “she is,”

how do you say it, “a whore.” She constantly teases me.Policewoman: Does she say that you are a whore?Muna: Yes, she and her mother. And now that she came

back to Sweden, she told other women who live here in Swe-den, that I, I, that I am a whore.

Policewoman: Did you hear her saying that?Muna: Yes.Policewoman: Who did you hear it from?Muna: My mother came one day […] and she cries… she

said “your father’s sister tells all the women that you are a whore.”

[Interrogationrecordfromthepolice,27March2006]

TheCourtofAppealwasfacedwithaproblematicsitua-tionwhenMunawithdrewherallegationagainstheraunt.TheonlyevidenceagainstAli that theprosecutioncouldpresentonthechargeofFGMwasMuna’sstatements.Consequently,highcredibilitywasrequiredofMuna.HowwasthefactthatMunatookbackherinitialstatementhandledintheCourtofAppeal,whereitwasinsistedthatMunawasreliable?

Muna’sreliabilitywasdiscussedintheverdict:

Muna speaks comprehensible Swedish, but it is obvious that her ability to express herself in Swedish is limited and that she sometimes has problems understanding the exact meaning of the questions asked in Swedish. The interpreter intervened oc-casionally during the last interrogation. […] It is clear from the interrogation that Muna is spiteful toward Meriam NN.

The court notes that Muna’s statements about Meriam’s participation [during FGM] are not exact enough, given what was said above about Muna’s lack of proficiency in Swedish, to draw the conclusion that Muna actually claimed that Meriam NN was physically present during the genital mutilation.

[VerdictfromtheCourtofAppeal,October2006]

During interrogations Muna claimed 19 times that herauntMeriamwaspresentbeforeshetookitback.Further,herwordsexpressingherfeelingstowardsheraunt,“Ihateherlikehell”(“jag hatar henne som bara fan”)wasaratheradvancedphraseshowingagoodlinguisticcompetenceinSwedish.

InthefirstinterrogationMuna’sstatementsgavetheimpres-sion that shewas circumcisedbyMeriamandher father inAugust2004,butlaterduringthesameinterrogationshesaidthatshewasabsolutelysurethatthecircumcisiontookplacein January 2005. In the last interrogationfivemonths later,she “remembered nothing” about that point in time.Whenpressed,shesaidthatshethoughtthecircumcisiontookplaceinthesummerof2005.

Muna’sdescriptionofthecircumcisionitselfwasshortandyetfullofcontradictions:forinstance,shesaidAlihadheldherdownbypressingherchest.Inalaterinterrogationhehadonlyheldherknee.Herstoryisendedbyablunt“andthenIwenttothebath-room,”“Iwenttopee.”Thisdescriptionofpeeingdirectlyafter-wardsdoesnotresemblethedescriptionsgivenbyotherwomenof their circumcisions. They usually emphasise the pain andagonyofpeeing,oreventheinabilitytourinate.Itseemsharshtosay,butMuna’sstorylacksdetailtogiveitcredibility.

Partial court?

Was Ali sentenced beforehand? The presiding judge isexpected tobe impartial (in contrast to thedefence and theprosecutor).However, therearereasonstoquestionwhetherthejudgeindistrictcourtcompliedwithhisdutyinthisregard.There were several occasions during proceedings when hespoketoAliinawaythatrevealsthathehasmadeuphismindbeforehand.Oneexampleoutofseveral:

Ali [giving a complex explanation to why Khalid arranged a false passport for Muna]: They wanted to go to Ethiopia. Do you understand?

The judge: Elmi [Elmi is Ali’s second name], you talk to me in a way as if you try to convince me. I have listened to Muna, we have all listened to what Muna said. This is not any…

Ali: I have told the police…The judge [in an angry voice]: Yes, but I do not want you to talk

to me like that. Like I should understand that what you say…Ali: No, no. I did not mean to.The judge: I certainly hope so.Ali: I am so sorry. I didn’t mean to.[Districtcourt,June2006]

The judge never spoke to Safiya in a sceptical or scorn-ful way. Muna’s contradicting statements did not seem toleadtotheconclusionthatshemightnotbereliableortrust-worthy.Safiya, it seems,couldchangeher statementsmanytimeswithoutbeingquestionedaboutitbyanyonesaveforthedefenceattorney.


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Another remarkable detail in the legal process was atestimony labelled supporting evidence in the district courtverdict:Muna, “shaken,”was said to have told a secretaryat theSwedishembassy inAddisAbaba“that shehadbeengenitallymutilatedbyherfatherandhissister”(districtcourtverdict,June2006).Inreality,whatthissecretaryhadactuallysaidinhertestimonywas:

The prosecutor: Did she say something else about the geni-tal mutilation, who… what happened?

The embassy secretary: She told… well, she did not tell me, I think she told the doctor, because the way I remember it, I think I read in the doctor’s report that it was performed by a woman. But that she told the doctor. Not me.

[Districtcourt,June2006]

Scrutinizingwhatquestionswereaskedandwhatquestionswerenotaskedoftheleadingactorsofthiscourtcase,wegettheoverallimpressionthatAliElmiwasnotgivenafairtrial.

What the court members were unable to understand

Therearesomedetails in theverdictand in thecase thatstandouttoananthropologist.Iamgoingtodiscussafewofthemhere.

Somali fathers’ unthinkable presenceSomalifathersarenotpresentduringthecircumcisionof

theirdaughters. Ihave foundnocasedescribed in the liter-ature where a Somali father was present in the room, letaloneholdinghisdaughterduringcircumcision.Fathers areexpectedtokeepaway.MostSomalisIhaveaskedsofarsaythingslike:“ItisgoodthatafatherwasimprisonedforFGM,forheshouldhaveprotectedhisdaughterfromit.But…pres-entintheroom?Noway!”Nobodyhaseverheardofacasewhere a fatherwas present.3Given the improbability that aSomalifatherispresentintheroomduringhisowndaughter’scircumcision,suchaclaimwouldneedhardevidence.

AllwomeninthefamilyofAli’sex-wifearecircumcised.InAli’sfamily,onlyhisoldestsister(53yearsold)iscircum-cised,hisotherfivesistersarenot.Hisparentswereopposedto female circumcision. His wife, whom he married someyearsago, isnotcircumcised.ThesocialcontextpointsatadirectionwhereitisunlikelythatAliwouldoptforcircumci-sionofhisowndaughter.

When it comes to Safiya’s family, Safiya is pharaoni-cally circumcised. Safiya’s sisters are also circumcised. Ifwebelieve thatAli’sversion is true, these sistersmayhavebeencircumcisedin1997,whenAlisaysthatSafiyaandhermotherwantedtohaveMunacircumcisedwiththem.Ifwearetobelievetheothersideofthestory,thesegirlswerecircum-cisedatbirthinMogadishu(asstatedbySafiya’smotherinaninterrogation).Circumcisionisnotknowntobeperformedonnewbornbabies.ThereisgoodreasontodoubtwhatSafiya’smotherclaimsinthisrespect.Hence,seeninawiderperspec-

tive,theriskforagirltobesubjectedtocircumcisionishigherinSafiya’sfamilythaninAli’s.

“She says that I am a whore”What does it mean when Muna says she hates her aunt

becauseshehadcalledhera“whore?”AccordingtotraditionalSomalivalues,youngwomenarecategorisedaseither“good”or“bad”inasocialandmoralsense.Refrainingfrompre-mar-italsexisanimportantaspectofagirl’sreputation.Ifshefailsinthisrespect,allherfamilymembers–especiallyhermother,who is ultimately responsible for her daughter’s education– will lose their good reputation and face malicious gossip(Johnsdotter2002).InaFinnishstudySalmela(2004)describeshowFinnishSomaligirlsmovearoundthetownaccordingtoa“moralgeography.”Thereareplaces(cafésforinstance)whereyoungwomenshouldnotbeseenbyotherSomalis,sincetheymayriskabadreputation.If theyare labelled“badgirls”or“whores,”theirfamilieswillsufferintheend.

ItwasaseriousblowtoMunawhenhermother toldherthatherauntMeriamhadsaidtootherSomalisthatMunawasawhore.HergoodnameamongtheSwedishSomaliswasatstake, with serious social consequences for her: She riskedsocialexclusionfromthegroup.Consideringthis,itisnotsur-prisingthatMunawishedrevengeonMeriam.Giventhehos-tileattitudeMunaexpressedtowardMeriamduringinterroga-tion,wecanimaginethatsheachievedthisrevengewhenshestatedthatMeriamwaspresentduringcircumcision.Meriamwasdetainedforsixmonths.

Somali family organisationWhentheauthoritiescutshortthebenefitspaidtoAli’sex-

wife,sheinitiatedadisputeovercustodyandsuddenly,afterseveralyears,claimedthatAliwasholdingthetwooldestchil-dreninSomaliaagainstherwill.Thecourtmemberstookherside,andthis,Iargue,wasduetotheirethnocentrism.

AmongSomalis,childrenare‘mobile’toahighextent(inanthropologicalliteraturethetechnicaltermis‘childcircula-tion’).Achildmaygrowupwiththebiologicalparents,butheorshemayalsospendhisorherchildhoodinanotherfamilyofrelatives,orinseveralfamilies.Childrenaresentbetweenhouseholdsforahostofreasons,fromthecountrysidetothetown,or theotherwayaround.FromSomaliatoSweden,orfromHolland to Canada. Familiesmay include several fos-terchildren,forshorterorlongerperiods(Johnsdotter2007a;2007b).ThisisawayoforganizingfamilylifethatdiffersfromtheSwedishorWesternway.IntheSomalifamilysystem,thereisnothingpeculiaraboutamotherwholetsherownbiologi-calchildrenberaisedbyotherpeople,mostoftenrelatives.In‘our’culturalconstructionofmotherhood,familyandfamilybonds,amotherlettingherchildrengoisa‘bad’mother.Thisisnot thecaseamongSomalis.Yet thecourtmemberswereconvincedofwhatis‘normal’and‘natural’infamilyorganiza-tion–infact,theyseemedtoseetheSwedishwaysasuniver-sallyvalid–andthatmadeAli’sex-wifeseemcrediblewhensheclaimedthatAlihadheldtheirchildreninSomaliaagainstherwill.Iquotefromtheverdict:“Thatshewillinglywould

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sustainfrombeingwithhertwochildrenduringseveralyearsoftheirchildhood,theybeinginasensitiveage,doesnotseemveryplausible.”Ali’sex-wifebenefitedfromthefactthatthecourtmembersheldethnocentricviewsof family life.Obvi-ously,theyhadnoideaofhowtheseissuesareculturallycon-structed,orthatSwedishidealsmaynotbeuniversal.Conse-quently,whenAliassuredthattheyhadagreedonthisarrange-mentwiththechildren,theydidnotbelievehim.

How could it happen?

Yetthereissomethingstrangeaboutthiscasethatmakesithardtograsp.MostSwedesprobablyagreethatintheSwed-ishlegalsystem,thedefendantshouldbegiventhebenefitofadoubt, in dubio pro reo.So,howcomewas thisprincipledownplayedinthetrial?WhywasAlisentencedtoprisonwithno other evidence than statements from a young and angryteenagerwhoprovedthatshemaynotbethatreliableafterall?IproposefourpossibleexplanationsforAli’sconvictionwith-outsufficientevidencetoprovehisguilt.

IsuggestthatpopularexplanatorymodelsofFGCplayedanimportantrole.Whatdidthecourtmembersknowaboutthiscus-tom?Thatitisapatriarchalattackonwomen.ThatitiswhatAfri-canfathersdototheirdaughters.WhenthepracticesoffemalegenitalcuttinginAfricawereintroducedtothepublicintheWestattheendofthe1970s,thewholeissuewasframedwithinaradi-calfeministexplanatorymodel.ThekeyactorwastheAmericanactivistresearcherFranHosken,whocoinedandpropagatedthephrase ’femalegenitalmutilation’ to replace the lessoffensiveterm’femalecircumcision.’IquoteFranHoskenhere:

“FGMisatraininggroundformaleviolence.ItisusedtoassertabsolutemaledominationoverwomennotonlyinSo-maliabutalloverAfrica”(Hosken1993:5).

“[F]orAfricanmentosubjecttheirownsmalldaughterstoFGMinordertosellthemforagoodbride-priceshowssuchtotal lackofhumancompassionandviciousgreed that it ishardtocomprehend”(Hosken1993:16).

“Somaliaistheclassicexampleoftheresultsofmalevio-lence: the practice of infibulation as family custom teachesthechildrenthatthemostextremeformsoftortureandbrutal-ityagainstwomenandgirlsistheirabsoluterightandwhatisexpectedofrealmen”(Hosken1994:1).

Hosken’sandotherradicalfeminists’viewofFGCbecamehegemonic and still is very influential when it comes to thepublicunderstandingofFGC.Menareseenastherealperpe-trators behind all practices involving cutting of female geni-tals irrespectiveofwomen’sagency(e.g.Daly1979;Hosken1993[1978],1994;Levin1980).4Consequently,whenaSomalifatherisaccusedofhavingcircumcisedhisdaughter,thesys-temhas tosidewith theyounggirl forpolitical reasons.Thepopular viewofFGMhas its origin in radical feministwrit-ingsanditisfirmlyrootedinthepublicmindtoday.WhenAliElmiwasprosecutedforFGM,thecourtmemberswerenotsur-prisedthatthedefendantwasaman.Thatwasjustwhattheyexpected.

ThestereotypesofSomalimenandwomeninSwedenarethose of dominant, patriarchalmen and oppressedwomen.5Somaliwomenareinasensereducedtobeingownersofmuti-latednetherparts,anassumedresultofmen’scollectivewill-ingnesstocontrolwomen’ssexuality(seee.g.Finmo2008);theirveryappearanceseemstoevokeimagesofcutgenitals.ASwedishjournalistrelateshowhewasmadeawareofhisownprejudice,whenhewasabouttointerviewwomeninaSwed-ishSomaliassociation:

But how am I supposed to establish contact with the women from Somalia? Will they say anything at all? In several books I have read about the patriarchal societal system and about the pharaonic genital mutilation of the women. Will the Soma-li men perhaps prevent me from talking to the women? (Wing-borg2000:20–21).

Aftertenminutes,hesays,herealisedthathisexpectationslacked substance.Nobody prevented him from approachingthewomenandthewomenheturnedtowerereallytalkative.

AcolumnistofaSwedishnewspaperstated that thecivilwarwaspartlyduetothefactthatwomenweregenitallymuti-lated:“thusbroken,physicallyaswellaspsychologically,theSomali women simply do not have the energy towork forsocialcohesion”(Jönsson1993).InthedebatethatfolloweditwasarguedthatSomaliwomenareinfactpillarsoftheirsoci-etyandtherealheadsoftheSomalifamily(Jamaetal.1993).ASwedishanthropologistspecialisedinSomaliaandmarriedtoaSomaliwomanstatedthat:

It seems that Per Jönsson never met a Somali woman. He does not know anything about how she manages her husband and family with obvious authority. […] Few Somali women would concede that they are in any way inferior to the men. Surely they serve the men food first, apparently servile, but not until they have provided themselves with the most delicious pieces in the kitchen. […] Neither the Somali women as in-dividuals nor the roles that the Somali society has defined for them have anything in common with the oppressed, secluded status that Jönsson ascribe to them(Helander1993).

Herelatesthatalreadyin1856aBritishtraveller,RichardBurton,describedaSomaliwomanas“thecockoftheroost,”whosehusbandwouldhesitatetoscoldher;hehadseenquiteafewscaredmenslipofftoavoidtheirwives’bitterremarks(Helander 1993). He ends his article arguing that Somaliwomenarefarfrompassivelylickingtheirwounds–theyareremarkablystrong:“Sostrong,infact,thatSomalimenocca-sionallyexpresssomedrearinessat theirwomen’shectoringways”(Helander1993).

Theremaybe a risk that the imageof the strong-willed,dominant Somaliwoman turns into just another stereotype.Nevertheless, thatstereotypewasnotevenclosetobeingatworkduringthe legalproceedings involvingAliandSafiya.Whatever questions Safiya got, she had the possibility toescapeaccountingforheractionsbysayingthat“Aliforced


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me.”Evenwhen suchadefence fromSafiyawasabsurd, itseemstohavebeenacceptedincourt.SafiyaadmittedduringpoliceinvestigationthatshehadliedtotheSocialInsuranceOfficeaboutthedatewhentheirchildrenmovedtoSomalia,becauseshewasafraidthatshewouldhavetopaybackunduebenefitsforsixmonths.Incourt,shesaidinsteadthatAlihadforced her to lie. Nobody but the defendant seems to havequestionedthisallegation,eventhoughit ishardtoimaginewhyAliwouldhaveforcedhertolieinawaythatbenefitedonlyher(shegotthefinancialbenefits,nothe),particularlyashewasnoteveninSwedenwhenhe“forced”her.

Prosecutor: Why did you say that they went away in Janu-ary 2002?

Safiya [through interpreter]: Because when we quarrelled, he told me, “you tell the Social Insurance Office that the chil-dren left in 2002.”

Prosecutor: So you were obedient then?Safiya: Yes. Because my children were away, I was forced.Prosecutor: You were forced. [Districtcourt,June2006]

Even the judge confirmedSafiya’sversion throughutter-anceslike:“itseemsthatyouwereratherdominatedbyElmianddidwhathetoldyoutodo…”(Districtcourt,June2006).

Another situation where deeply rooted gendered stereo-typesmayhave played an important role concernsMuna. Inthe videotaped interrogationsMuna appears wearing a hijab(theArab-inspired head garment).This fact probably evokedoneofthemostforcefulstereotypesoftoday’sWesternworld:thatofyoungMuslimwomenlivingunderhardpressurefrompatriarchalfathers.Thefact thatMunagaveconflictingstate-mentsseemedtobeerasedbythefactthatsheworeahijab:thehijabmadeherstoriesaboutthecruelfatherplausible.AndwhowantstofailanoppressedyoungMuslimwoman,memberofoneofthemostvulnerablegroupsintoday’sSwedishsociety?

Lately, we have had a huge debate in Sweden concern-ingmenwhohavebeenimprisonedforsexualabuseoftheirdaughtersorotheryoungwomen.Inseveralcasesithasbeenprovenatalaterstagethatthemenhavebeeninnocent,andtheyhavebeenreleasedfromjailandreceiveddamages.6ThestructureofthesecourtcaseshasbeensimilartoAli’scase:themenweresentencedalthoughtherewasnootherevidencetosupporttheirguiltbesidetheplaintiff’sstatements.Accordingto theguidelinesof theProsecutorGeneral, thereshouldbenoprosecutionwhensupportiveevidenceislacking(2002:3).Consequently, according to theguidelinesof theProsecutorGeneral,inthecaseofAlithereshouldnothavebeenatrialatall,sincetheevidencewastooweak.7

Itseemsthatinsomelegalcases,theusualstandardsofthelegal system are downplayed. In this case of FGC, the emo-tionalpowerfieldsurroundingthisissuewascrucial.Whenwe,ashumanbeings,aredeeplyemotionallyinvolved,ourcogni-tivefacultiesareaffected.FGCisexperiencedbymostpeopleinSwedenasahideouscrime.Thisismypersonalguess:emo-tionalturmoilmadethecourtmembersabandonreasonandtheir

senseoffairness.TheysentencedAli,becausesomeonehadtopayforthefactthatthisyounggirlhadbeencircumcised.

IngovernmentalpreventiveworkagainstFGM,criminali-sationofthepracticeandlegalprocedureshavebeenempha-sised.France,withmorethan30casesofFGMtakentocourtsince1988(Weil-Curiel2004),hasbeenheldupasamodel.8SwedenwasthefirstWesterncountrytolegislateagainstFGMin 1982.9 Even so, it took almost twenty-five years beforethefirstcaseappeared incourt. In2006,bothAli’scaseandanotheroneinthesamecity,Sweden’sthirdlargestcityGoth-enburg,resultedincustodialsentences.10

MostofthesuspectedcasesofFGMreportedtothepoliceduringtheseyearshaveturnedouttobeunfounded.Inquitea few instances genital examinations have been performed,sometimes inacompulsorymannerand inconflictwith thewilloftheparents.Theamountofsuspected,unfoundedcasesreported to thepoliceshowsahigh levelofalertness in theSwedishsocietyandageneralwillingnesstoreport(Johnsdot-ter2004).ThisalsoindicatesthatestimatesonhowmanygirlsareatriskofbeingsubjectedtoFGMareclearlyexaggerated(Johnsdotter2002;2007c;JohnsdotterandEssén2005).11

ThelackofFGMcasestakentocourtisgenerallynotunder-stoodasaresultofchangedattitudesinimmigrantgroupsduetomigration, internaldebates in thesegroups,orpreventivework in state campaigns and among activists.The situationis rather understood in termsof a failure on thepart of theSwedishauthorities: ifonly thepolice, theprosecution,andthesocialauthoritiesimprovedtheirefforts,alltheclandestineFGMwouldsoonbebroughtintotheopen.Thelackofdocu-mentedcasesisseenasfailingSwedishSomaligirls.12

ThedetentionandsentenceofAliin2006wasapieceofnews that spread all over the world.Writing his completenameinGooglegiveshitsnotonlyinwebsitesinEnglish,butalsoinCzechandJapanese.ItishardtoknowifthejudgeandthelayjudgesinthecourtroomsrealisedthatAli’scasewasofinteresttopeopleallovertheworldandwhetherthisinflu-encedtheirassessmentofthecaseinanyway.Buttheatmo-spheresurroundingFGMinSwedenandthepoliticalimpor-tanceofacasetakentocourtprobablymadeitmoredifficulttoletAliElmiwalkfree.FinallytherewasanopportunitytojailsomeoneforFGM,aftermorethantwodecadesoflegisla-tion.Andtheworldwaswatching.

Summary

AliElmiwassentencedtoprisonforFGMwithnootherevi-dencethanhisdaughter’saccountwhichcarriedseriousflaws.In this paper I have argued that therewere some aspects ofSomaliculturethatthecourtmembersdidnotunderstand,andthattheywerethereforeunabletoassessvariouscomponentsofthecase.IftheyhadhadinsightsinSomalifamilyorganisa-tion,iftheyhadappreciatedthefullmeaningofthesocialrisksofbeingcategorisedasa“whore,”andiftheyhadhadcorrectinformationontheroleofSomalifathersinrelationtocircum-cisionoftheirdaughters,theywouldhavejudgeddifferently.

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sara JohnsdottEr

Othercontextualdimensionsarecrucialifwearetounder-standthesentenceAliwasgiven.Theradicalfeministexplan-atorymodelaffectspublicopinionsofFGMGiventhepopularunderstandingofAfricanmenasthetrueperpetrators,nobodywassurprisedtoseeamanaccusedofFGM.Relatedtosuchattitudes are Western notions of dominant and patriarchalMuslimmen and oppressedwomen and daughters. Safiya’sandMuna’saccountswereneverquestionedincourt,althoughtheirstatementswerecontradictory.Theflawsintheirversionswereovershadowedbythewishtomakeanexample,perhapsevenapoliticalstatement.Yet thesentencecannotbefullyunderstoodunlesswetaketheemotionaldimensionintocon-sideration.FGMevokessuchstrongfeelingsthatnormalcriti-calthinkingseemstobeputaside.

Ali was taken to court after almost twenty-five years ofFGM-legislation.Foryears,keyactors–activists,politiciansand officials – had spoken of the necessity to get a case tocourt.Finallytheysucceeded.

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Johnsdotter, Sara (2007b) ‘’Släktträdet är långt’: Somaliskafamiljerochdenationellaregelverken’[ThefamilyTreeisHuge: Somali Families and theNationalRegulations], inErikOlssonetal.(eds) Transnationella rum,Umeå:Boréa.

Johnsdotter,Sara (2007c) ‘PersistenceofTraditionorReas-sessment of Cultural Practices in Exile? Discourses onFemaleCircumcisionamongandaboutSwedishSomalis,’inYlvaHernlund andBettina Shell-Duncan (eds)Tran-scultural Bodies: Female Genital Cutting in Global Con-text,NewBrunswick,N.J.:RutgersUniversityPress.

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Author

SaraJohnsdotterFacultyofHealthandSocietyMalmö[email protected]

Notes

1ThecaseisdescribedindetailinJohnsdotter2008.2Fictitiousname.AllpersonsbutAlihavefictitiousnames.3This conclusion is supported by at least three international FGC

experts: the Norwegian anthropologist Professor Aud Talle(personal communication, 26 May 2008) who has conductedresearchonFGCinSomaliafordecades;theAmericananthro-pologistProfessorEllenGruenbaum(personalcommunication,7Nov2006)withextensivefieldworkexperienceinSudan;andtheAmericanhistorianProfessorCharlesGeshekter(personalcom-munication,8Aug2007)whohasworked for severalyears inSomaliaandotherAfricancountries,FGCbeingoneofhisfieldsofexpertise.

4Lately,therehasbeenagrowingcritiqueofthisoversimplifiedver-sionofthelogicbehindFGCpractices,notleastamongfeministscholarsofAfricanorigin(e.g.Abusharaf2000,2001;Ahmadu2000,2007;Obiora1997a,1997b;Njambi2004).

5For further discussion on the Western stereotype of the Somaliwomanas”chattel,commodity,andacreatureoflittlepower”,seeAhmed(1993,159).

6Several cases are described in the bookFelaktigt dömda [”Incor-rectly sentenced”]publishedby theAttorneyGeneral [Justitie-kanslern]in2006.Beforethe1990s,Swedenpracticallylackedcaseswherepeopleweresentencedatfirst,butlaterfreedafteranewtrial.During1992–2005therewereelevensuchcases,themajorityofthemconcerningsexualcrimes.

7Guidelines from theProsecutorGeneral (2002-07–12,p.3): ”Thecentral evidence in form of a plaintiff’s accountmust be sup-portedbyotherevidence,whichcanverifytheinformationgiven

by theplaintiff and this documentationmust beof a kind thatmakes it possible to establish the course of events evenwhenscrutinizingitafterwards,afterashortorlongperiodoftime.”

8ThecourtcasesinFrancehaveallconcernedWestAfricanparentsandcircumcisers.InSweden,avastmajorityofimmigrantsfromcountrieswhereFGCispractisedarefromEastAfrica.

9The Swedish Act Prohibiting Female Genital Mutilation [Lag(1982:316)med förbudmotkönsstympningavkvinnor] reads:Section 1: Operations on the external female genital organswhicharedesignedtomutilatethemorproduceotherpermanentchangesinthem(genitalmutilation)mustnottakeplace,regard-less of whether consent to this operation has or has not beengiven.Section2:AnyonecontraveningSection1willbesenttoprisonforamaximumoffouryears.Ifthecrimehasresultedindangertolifeorseriousillnessorhasinsomeotherwayinvolvedparticularly reckless behaviour, it is to be regarded as serious.Thepunishmentforaseriouscrimeisprisonforaminimumoftwoandamaximumof tenyears.Attempts,preparations,con-spiracyand failure to report crimesare treatedascriminal lia-bilityinaccordancewithsection23ofthePenalCode.(QuotedfromRahmanandToubia2000:219.)

10TheothercaseconcernsaSwedishSomaliwomanwhowassen-tenced to threeyears inprison forFGMofherdaughter (aged16atthetimeofthelegalproceedings)andintegrityviolation.Accordingtotheaccountofthecriminalact,thegirlwascircum-cisedduringholidays inSomalia in 2001.Further, thewomanhadphysically abusedher daughter for years, and also repeat-edlycarriedoutgenitalexaminationstocheckforsignsofsexualintercourse.Recordsshowthatthiswomanhadfiledsixreportstothepolicethatherchildrenhadbeenraped.

11Nyamko Sabuni, minister of integration in the Swedish govern-ment,statedin2006thatFGM“isoftenperformedinSweden:Firstand foremost,weneed to reachaconsensus thatFGMisgoingon.EveryweekSwedishgirlsaremutilated”(interviewedinthemorningpaperSydsvenskan,1October2006).Needlesstosay,shehasnotreportedanycasetothepolice–adutyaccord-ingtotheActonFGM,whichstatesthatfailuretoreportinfor-mationaboutcasesofFGMisanoffence.

12Seee.g.theBarnombudsmannen,ombudsmanforthechildren,ina debate article (Lena Nyberg,Göteborgs-Posten, 18 January2002).

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Vo l . 3 , No . 2 / 2008 www.etmu .f iP ro ject Reports

R. Elise B. Johansen, Heli Bathija and Jitendra Khanna

Work of the World Health Organization on Female Genital Mutilation: Ongoing Research and Policy Discussions

Femalegenitalmutilation (FGM) involves“thepartialortotalremovalofthefemaleexternalgenitaliaorotherinjurytothefemalegenitalorgansfornon-medicalreasons”(WHO2008).FGMisadeeplyrootedtraditionalpracticeprevalentinmorethan28countriesinAfricaandinsomecountriesinAsiaandtheMiddleEast.Between100millionand140mil-liongirlsandwomenlivingintheworldtodayhavebeensub-jectedtothispractice,withabout3milliongirlsundergoingtheprocedureeveryyear(UNICEF2005).

WithintheUnitedNationssystem,theWorldHealthOrga-nization (WHO)has the responsibility forproviding leader-ship on global healthmatters.Recognizing the scale of theproblemofFGM,andtheseverehealthconsequencesandsuf-feringassociatedwithit,WHOhassetitselftwoobjectives:

●toadvocatevigorouslyforthecompleteabandonmentof FGM;and

●toensurethatthegirlsandwomenwhohaveundergone FGMreceiveadequatecaretopreventandtreatallhealth- relatedsequelaeofFGM.

The major activities undertaken by WHO in supportof these objectives include: generation of sound evidencethroughresearchfor informedpolicies;advocacy;settingofstandards for health care; development of guidelines aimedathealth-careprofessionals;andprovisionoftechnicalassis-tancetocountries.WHOHeadquartersaswellastherelevantregionalandcountryofficesallcontributetothecoordinationand implementation of these activities. This paper focusesmainlyontheworkcarriedoutatWHOHeadquarters.

Advocacy, policy support, and standards

Foranyideatobeputintoactionsuccessfully,theactorsinvolved (policy-makers, programme managers, communi-tiesandindividuals)firstneedtobeinformedandconvinced.Then,basedonlocalneeds, theresponsibleauthoritiesneedtodevelop informedpolices for action.The specificactions(especiallyhealth-careprovision)themselvesthenneedtobestandardizedtoensureuniform,measurableresults.IntheareaofFGM,WHOsupportscountriesinallthesesteps.

InsupportofadvocacyagainstFGM,WHOsupportsandconductsepidemiologicalaswellassocialscientificresearchas afirst step. Then, in collaborationwithMembersStates

and internationalpartners, theknowledgegenerated throughresearch is packaged and disseminated widely (via publi-cations, the mass media, at meetings, etc.) for maximumimpact.

Advocacyandpolicydevelopmentarecloselylinkedandare largelycarriedout in,andby, thecountrieswhereFGMisactuallypractised.Hence,nationalgovernmentsplayacru-cialroleinboth.Aparticularlyimportantaspectofthisworkisbuildingconsensusamongnationalandinternationalplay-erssothatactionsatlocalandinternationallevelscanbecoor-dinated.The required consensus for action is build throughtheorganizationalstructureofWHO−e.g.throughthedelib-erationsandresolutionsof theWorldHealthAssembly(andother international forumssuchas theUnitedNations-spon-soredmeetings)inwhichMemberStatesactivelyparticipate.Achievingconsensusiscriticaltosecuringpoliticalcommit-mentfromaffectedcountries.

History of WHO's work in the area of FGM

At the international level, discussions on elimination ofFGMbeganintheearly1960s.ItappearsthatoriginallytheUnitedNationssystemandWHOwerehesitanttotakeuptheissueofFGM.Atthattimeknowledgeaboutthepracticewasverylimited.TheinternationalorganizationsregardedFGMasaculturallysensitivetopicthatwasbestdealtwithdirectlybytheaffectedcountriesthemselves.Theorganizationsbelievedthat internationalpressureonthosecountriesmightprovokedefensiveandcounterproductivereactions.

However,graduallytheFGM-affectedcountriesthemselvesbegantoquestionthepracticeandstartedtorequestinterna-tionalassistancetodealwithit.Then,asknowledgeaboutthehealth risks associatedwith FGMexpanded,WHOdecidedtotacklethepracticedirectly.ThemeetinginSudanin1979settheissueofFGMfirmlyontheinternationalagenda,andWHO, togetherwith the rest of theUnitedNations family,begantopursueeliminationofthepracticeinearnest.Nearly30yearson,WHOwork in theareaofeliminationofFGMsawitsculminationinMay2008whenthe61stWorldHealthAssemblyfor thefirst timeadoptedaresolutionspecificallytargetingFGM.


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IntheyearsthatfollowedtheSudanmeeting,WHOpassedtworesolutions:thefirstwasadoptedbytheWHORegionalCommittee forAfrica in1989, and then in1994, theWorldHealthAssemblyadoptedaresolutionagainstharmfultradi-tionalpractices,whichincludedFGM.Boththeseresolutionsurged all Member States to establish policies to eliminatethe practice. Following these resolutions, WHO developeda series of documents (political, scientific aswell as guide-lines)toassistcountriesandtosecurehealthcareforgirlsandwomensufferingthehealthconsequencesFGM.

In 1997,WHO, togetherwithUnitedNations PopulationFund (UNFPA) and United Nations Children's Fund (UNI-CEF),issuedajointstatementonFGM.Thiswasthefirstinter-nationallyaccepteddocumenttosetstandardsrelatedtoFGM:itdefinedFGMwithintheframeworkofhumanrightsandasa health issue and classified it into four categories basedonthedegreeofmutilation.Thestatementalsooutlinedthemostpromisinginterventionsforabandonmentofthepractice.

Recent work

Inrecentyearstherehasbeenasignificantincreaseinlocal,nationalandinternationalinitiativestoeliminateFGM,whichhasnowcometoberecognizedinternationallyasaviolationofhumanrights.Policiesandlegislationtoprohibittheprac-tice have been put in place inmany countries, and there isgrowingsupportinmanycommunitiesfordiscontinuationofthepractice.Awiderangeofresearchprojectshashelpedtoincreaseinformationaboutthepracticeitself,thereasonsforitscontinuation,itshealthconsequencesandwhichinterven-tionsworkinthepreventionofFGM.

However,inspiteofthesesuccesses,therateofdeclineinFGMhas been slow.Also, some setbacks have been docu-mented.OfparticularconcerntoWHOisthegrowingtrendtowardsmedicalizationoftheFGM−i.e.FGMisincreasinglybeingperformedbyhealth-careprofessionalsinbidtomakethepractice“safer.”Thisincludesreinfibulation(theclosingagainof thevaginaafter, for example,delivery),whichhasbeenshowntobeharmfultowomen'shealth;insomecoun-triesreinfibulationispartlydrivenbyhealth-careprofession-alswhowishtobe“culturallysensitive.”

TheslowerthanexpectedrateofdeclineofFGM,themen-aceofmedicalizationofthepractice,andtherealizationthatinvestmentinthisissueremainsinadequate,haveallspurredWHOtoreinforceitsefforts,commitmentandresourcestothegoalofeliminatingFGMwithinonegenerationandtoensurehealthcareforallgirlsandwomenaffectedbyit.Oneimpor-tantresultofWHO’sreinvigoratedeffortshasbeenupdatingof thejointstatementpublishedin1997(WHO2008).Pub-licationof thenewexpandedstatementin2008wascoordi-natedbyWHOwiththeparticipationofnineUnitedNationsagencies: Office of the High Commissioner for HumanRights(OHCHR);JointUnitedNationsProgrammeonHIV/AIDS(UNAIDS);UnitedNationsDevelopmentProgramme(UNDP);UnitedNationsCommissionforAfrica(UNECA);

UnitedNationsEducational,ScientificandCulturalOrganiza-tion(UNESCO);UNFPA,UnitedNationsHighCommissionerforRefugees(UNHCR),UNICEF,andUnitedNationsDevel-opmentFundforWomen(UNIFEM).Thesupportandcom-mitmentof these agencies to the eliminationofFGMhigh-lightsthefactthatFGMisnowseenasamuchwider,socialandhumanrightsissueratherthanmerelyahealthissue.

The new statement summarizes findings from researchonthereasonswhythepracticecontinues.Itarguesthatthepracticeisasocialconventionwhichcanonlybeeliminatedthroughcoordinatedcollectiveactionbythepractisingcom-munities.ItalsopresentsrecentepidemiologicalresearchontheharmfuleffectsofFGMonthehealthofwomen,girlsandnewbornbabies (WHO2006).Drawingonexperience frominterventionsinmanycountries,thenewstatementdescribestheelementsneeded,bothforworkingtowardscompleteaban-donmentofFGM,andforcaringforthosewhosufferfromitsconsequences.Alsoincludedinthestatementareupdatedesti-matesofthenumberofgirlsandwomencurrentlylivingwiththe consequencesofFGM,aswell as amendments and fur-therdescriptionsofthetypesofFGM.Thelatteraredesignedtoimprovetheaccuracyofawiderangeofresearchstudies,especially those that document direct relationships betweentypesofFGMandhealthrisks,andthosethatmonitorchangesinFGMpracticebytype.

The WHO classification of female genital mutilation

AclassificationofFGMtypeswascreatedforthefirsttimeat aWHO technical consultation in 1995 (WHO1995).AsAnnex 2 in the new interagency statement onFGM (WHO2008)explains, thisclassificationwasdeemednecessaryforpurposes such as: researchon the effects of different formsofFGM;collectionofdataon theprevalenceandchangingtrends in FGM practice; gynaecological examinations andmanagementofhealth consequencesofFGM;and for legaluse.Whilesuchaclassificationascanassistwithcompara-bility of data sets, it inherently involves grouping of varia-tions into a few simple categories, and therefore cannot beexpectedtocoverthevastnumberofvariationsinactualprac-tice.Toseeifsomeofthelimitationsoftheexistingclassifi-cationcouldbeovercome,WHOconvenedanumberofcon-sultationswithtechnicalexpertswithaviewtoreviewingtheclassificationandevaluatingpossiblealternatives.Expertsatthese consultations concluded that although available datawereinsufficienttoproposeabrandnewclassification,someofthewordingofthecurrentclassificationcouldbeslightlymodified;theyalsorecommendedthecreationofnewsubdi-visionsinordertocapturemoreaccuratelythewiderangeofFGMprocedures.

Genital practices should be classified as FGM dependingonwhethertheyinfringeahumanright,includingtherighttohealth, therightsofchildrenand theright tonon-discrimina-tiononthebasisofsex.Somegenitalpractices–suchasthoseclassifiedunderTypesI−III,inwhichgenitaltissueisremoved

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(usuallyinyounggirls)–clearlyviolateseveralhumanrights.However,whatpracticesshouldbeincludedunderTypeIVcat-egoryislessstraightforward.Thatcategoryoriginallycoveredarangeoflesswellstudiedpractices(pricking,piercing,incis-ing,stretching,cauterization,scraping,etc.),andassuchwasnotaclear-cutFGMtype.ManyresearchershadbeencriticalofclassifyingsomeofthesepracticesasFGM.Forthisreason,thenewclassificationhasawiderdefinitionforType-IVcategory.Thedefinitionleavesroomforfurtherdiscussiononthismatter,proposinginclusionofsuchpracticesintotheclassificationonacase-by-casebasisasmoreinformationbecomesavailable.ForamoredetaileddiscussionoftherationalebehindthedefinitionofType-IVcategory,readersarereferredtoAnnex2ofthenewinteragencystatement(WHO2008).

Introductionofharmfulsubstancesintothevaginaisanothergenitalpracticethathasbeenfoundinseveralcountries.Likegenitalpractices,inthiscasetootherearealargevarietyofrea-sonsandpotentialhealthhazards.WHOiscurrentlysupport-ingastudyinseveralAfricanandAsiancountriesthatlooksintotheprevalenceofsuchpractices,reasonsfortheircontinu-ation,andhealthrisksassociatedwiththem(BagnolandMari-ano2008).Generally,thesepracticesareperformedregularly

byadultwomenonthemselvesforeithercleaningthevaginabeforeoraftersexual intercourseor tighteningandstrength-eningthevaginatoenhancetheirownortheirpartner'ssexualpleasure.The consequences andhealth risks related to thesepracticesdependonthesubstancesused,aswellasonthefre-quencyandtechnicalitiesoftheprocedures(McClellandetal.2006).Though the insertion of harmful substances could beconsideredasaformofgenitalmutilation,particularlyinthecaseofpracticesthatareassociatedwithhealthrisksandper-formedunderhighsocialpressure,theyarenolongerincludedamongtheexamplesofType-IVFGM.

Collection of baseline data and development of guidelines and manuals

WHOconducts research tofill gaps in knowledge, espe-ciallyontheprevalenceofFGM,onitshealthconsequences,andoninterventionstohelpeliminatethepractice.Evidence-baseddataare thenused todevelopguidelinesandmanualstoassistcountrieswiththeformulationofpoliciesandinter-ventions.

Table 1. Comparison of the 1995 and 2008 classifications of FGM types (WHO 2008; WHO 1996).

Original classification, 1995 Revised classification, 2008

Type I: Excision of the prepuce, with or without excision of part or the entire clitoris.

Type I: Partial or total removal of the clitoris and/or the prepuce (clitoridectomy).

When it is important to distinguish between the major variations of Type I mutilation, the following subdivisions are proposed: Type Ia, removal of the clitoral hood or prepuce only; Type Ib, removal of the clitoris with the prepuce.

Type II: Excision of the clitoris with partial or total excision of the labia minora.

Type II: Partial or total removal of the clitoris and the la bia minora, with or without excision of the labia majora (excision).

When it is important to distinguish between the major variations that have been documented, the following subdivisions are proposed: Type IIa, removal of the labia minora only; Type IIb, partial or total removal of the clito-ris and the labia minora; Type IIc, partial or total removal of the clitoris, the labia minora and the labia majora.

Note also that, in French, the term ‘excision’ is often used as a general term covering all types of female genital mutilation.

Type III: Excision of part or all of the external genitalia and stitching/narrowing of the vaginal opening (infibulation).

Type III: Narrowing of the vaginal orifice with creation of a covering seal by cutting and appositioning the labia mi-nora and/or the labia majora, with or without excision of the clitoris infibulation).

When it is important to distinguish between variations in infibulations, the following subdivisions are proposed: Type IIIa, removal and apposition of the labia minora; Type IIIb, removal and apposition of the labia majora.


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In1999,WHOcompiledbaselinedataonFGMandpub-lished it in the formof a reviewof thebest approaches foreliminationofthepractice(WHO1999).Datafromthisreviewweresubsequentlyusedtodevelopedahandbookforfrontlineworkerswithpracticalguidelinesonhowbesttoworkagainstthepractice(WHO2000).

AnothermajoractivitywasthepublicationofasystematicreviewofhealthcomplicationsofFGM,includingsequelaeinchildbirth(WHO2001a).Thisreviewformedthebasisforthedevelopmentofaseriesofmanualsandguidelinesdirectedathealth-careprofessionals:Female genital mutilation: integrat-ing the prevention and the management of the health compli-cations into the curricula of nursing and midwifery, a teach-er’s guide (WHO2001 b);Female genital mutilation: inte-grating the prevention and the management of the health com-plications into the curricula of nursing and midwifery –a stu-dent’s manual(WHO2001c);Female genital mutilation: the prevention and the management of the health complications, policy guidelines for nurses and midwives(WHO2001d).

Research on obstetric outcome in women who have undergone FGM

Between2001and2003,WHOcarriedoutalargemulti-centre,multicountrystudytoexploretheeffectsofdifferenttypesofFGMonarangeofmaternalandneonataloutcomesduringandimmediatelyafterdelivery.Thestudyinvolved28393women attending 28 obstetric centres inBurkinaFaso,Ghana,Kenya,Nigeria,Senegal andSudan.The systematicreview, mentioned above, had demonstrated that previousevidenceontheimpactofFGMonobstetricsoutcomeswassketchybecausemostavailablestudiesonthisissuehadbeensmallandhadnotusedthemostreliableresearchmethods

The obstetric centres inwhich the studywas carried outranged from rural hospitals to teaching hospitals in capitalcities. Thewomen recruited for the studywere carrying asingleton pregnancy and prior to delivery their FGM statuswas checked and theywere classified as havingundergone,TypeI,TypeIIorTypeIIIFGM.Then,thewomenandtheirinfantswerefollowedthroughdeliveryuntildischargedfromhospital.

Effects of FGM on maternal health. The women who hadundergone FGM were significantly more likely to have theirdeliveries complicated by caesarean section, postpartumhaemorrhage and prolongedmaternal hospitalization comparedwith those who had not undergone FGM. Women who hadundergoneTypeIIIFGMhada30%higherriskfordeliverybycaesareansectioncomparedwiththosewhohadnothadgenitalmutilation.Also,TypeIIIFGMwasassociatedwitha70%higherriskofpostpartumhaemorrhagecomparedtoFGM-freewomen.TheneedforepisiotomywasalsohigherinFGM-affectedwomenwhoweredeliveringforthefirsttime,rangingfrom41%ofthosewhohadnotundergoneFGMto88%inthosewhohadundergoneTypeIIIFGM.Amongwomenwhohaddeliveredpreviously,thecorrespondingfigureswere14%and61%,respectively.

Effects of FGM on infants. Agreaterproportionofinfantsof women who had undergone FGM required resuscitationand a greater proportion suffered perinatal death comparedwith infants born towomenwho had not undergone FGM.Also,theseverityoftheadverseoutcomesstudiedincreasedwiththeseverityofFGM.Therateofresuscitationwas66%higher for infants of women who had undergone Type IIIFGMthanforthosewhohadnotundergoneFGM.Thedeathratesamonginfantsduringandimmediatelyafterbirthwerehigherforthoseborntomotherswithgenitalmutilationthanthosewithout,being15%higherforwomenwithTypeI,32%higherforthosewithTypeIIand55%higherforthosewithTypeIII.

This study has highlighted the importance of not onlypreventingFGM,butalsoofprovidinghealthcare toFGM-affected women to reduce the risk of adverse obstetricoutcomes.Withregardtothelatter,thereisaneedforfurtherresearchtoimproveinterventionsforreducingsuchrisks.Thereisalsoaneedforcreatinggreaterawarenessamonghealth-carepractitionersoftheroletheycanplayinprovidingsexualandreproductivehealthcareforwomenlivingwithFGM.WHOisplanningactionsthatwillhelpimprovetheknowledgeandskillsofhealth-careprofessionalsinFGM-affectedcountries.WhileWHOisseekingfinancialsupportforfurtherresearchin this area (notably for systematic reviews of obstetricinterventionssuitableforwomenwhohaveundergoneFGM),plans are under way to produce information and trainingpackages for health-care providers, including video-basedtrainingmaterials.Health-careproviderscanplayakeyroleinpreventingFGM,caringforthosewhohaveundergoneFGMandreducingthespreadofmedicalizationofFGM.

FGM numbers and costs of care and prevention

Following the WHO study on obstetric complications,WHOhascommissionedanewstudytoestimate:(i)theeco-nomic costs of managing the obstetric and newborn healthcomplicationsrelatedtoFGM;(ii)coststosociety(inDisabil-ityAdjustedLifeYears−DALYs)attributabletoFGM;andthecost−effectivenessofahypotheticalinterventionthatcanlowertheincidenceofFGMby10%.

ThisstudywilldrawonexistingdatafromtheWHOmulti-centrestudyonobstetricoutcomes.AdditionaldatawillcomefromDemographicandHealthSurveys(DHS),publishedsys-tematic reviewsof the literature, andWHO’s tabulationsofregional variations in hospital and health-worker costs sup-plementedbyexpertopinionfromrelevantWHOCollaborat-ingCentres.Thisstudy,amongotherobjectives,aimstobuildmodelsoftheDALYburdenofTypesI–IIIFGMandofthemedicalcostsattributabletoeachofthethreeFGMtypes.

EstimatesofFGMprevalencebasedonlarge-scale,nationalsurveyshavenowbecomeavailableformostofthecountriesinAfricawhereFGMisknown tobepracticed.Hence, it isnowpossibletomakeabetterestimateofthenumberofgirlsand women who have undergone FGM. Following a study

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commissioned byWHO,Macro International estimated thatapproximately92milliongirlsaged10yearsormoreinAfricaandYemenarecurrentlylivingwiththeconsequencesofFGM.Thoughthisnumberislowerthanpreviousestimates,includ-ingtheonemadebyWHOandpresentedinthefirstjointstate-mentonFGM in1997 (UNICEF/UNFPA1997), it doesnotindicateareductioninprevalence.Rather,itrepresentsamoreaccurateestimateforaspecificagegroupofgirlsandwomen.It is important tonote that thenewestimateneither includesgirls under 10 years of age who have undergone FGM northosewholiveoutsideAfrica(YoderandKhan2007).WHOplans to followup thisworkby issuing regular estimatesofFGMprevalenceincollaborationwithpartneragencies.

Research on decision-making with regard to FGM

Literature suggests that a key obstacle to the eliminationof FGM is the paucity of information on how familiesmakedecisionsrelatedtoFGM(PopulationReferenceBureau2006;UNICEF 2005; WHO 1999). Also, large-scale studies haveidentified a large discrepancy between the number ofwomenwho,ontheonehand,saythattheyareagainstthecontinuationofFGM,but,ontheother,plantohavetheirdaughterssubjectedto thepractice(Yoderetal.2004).Inaneffort tounderstandbetterthemodelsofbehaviourchange,WHOsupportedapio-neering,qualitative-cum-quantitativestudythatintegratedtheo-reticalmodelsofbehaviourchangeintothestudydesign.Whiletheresultsofthelattercomponentarestillawaited,thequalita-tivecomponenthasfoundthat,regardlessofthesetting(urbanorrural),decisionsonFGMaregenerallytakenbytheextendedfamily;thegrandmothersandpaternalauntsexerciseconsider-able influence in thedecision-makingprocess.MenarerarelyinvolvedindecisionsrelatedtoFGM,andbothmenandwomenregardFGMas“women'sbusiness.”Neithertheparentshavinghighereducationnorhavingrelativeslivingabroadwasasignif-icantinfluencingfactorindecision-makingonFGM(HernlundandShell-Duncan2007;Shell-DuncanandHernlund2006).

The quantitative, follow-up component of the studywascarriedoutin2007.Itincludedquestionson:individuals'his-toryofFGMandtherelateddecision-makingprocess;factorsmotivating change inbehaviour andpractice; andquestionsonwhichsocialnetworksareinvolvedindiscussionofFGM.Theresults,whichwillbepublishedsoon,areexpectedtopro-videmoreinformationontheimportanceofsocialnetwork-inginFGMdecision-making.ThenewinformationwouldbeusedtotestthetheoryofsocialconventionthatisnowrelieduponinmanyFGMpreventionprojects.

Operations research on community interventions

In 1999, WHO published a review that evaluated pro-grammesthataimedtoeliminateFGM.Conductedonbehalfof WHO by the Program for Appropriate Technology inHealth,thisreviewwasdesignedtoserveasaprogramming

tooland/orabaselineformonitoringtheevolutionofeffortstoeliminateFGM.

Tofurtherupdateinformationinthisarea,aresearchproto-colhasbeendevelopedincollaborationwiththeInternationalCentreforReproductiveHealthResearch,GhentUniversity,Ghent,Belgium.ThisresearchinitiativeistobeconductedinBurkinaFasoandSudan,andwillfocusoncommunity-basedintervention targetingbehaviourchange towardseliminationofFGM.Thespecificobjectivesoftheprojectare:●toidentifysuccessfuldeterminantsofdesign,imple-

mentation,monitoringandevaluationofbestpractices relatedtoeliminationofFGMandtodevelopguidelines forthosepractices;

●todevelopandtestaninterventionadaptedfromatheo- reticalmodelandbasedonexistingcommunity-based interventions;

●tocreateasocialmobilizationprocessintheintervention communities;and●togenerateasustainedmomentumtowardsbehaviour

changewithregardtoFGMintheinterventioncommuni- ties.

Theproject involvescollectionofbaselinedata followedbysituationanalysis,planning,intervention,monitoring,eval-uationanddissemination.Thestudywilluseaparticipatoryapproachtoguaranteeclosecollaborationbetweenallpartiesinvolved.Operations researchwill be conducted tomake itpossibletodocumentallstagesoftheinterventionstudy.TheinterventionitselfwillbebasedonCommunication for social change: an integrated model for measuring the process and its outcomes (Figueroaet al. 2002).Asper thismodel, it isassumedthatFGMisasocioculturalpractice,andtoeliminateit,itwouldbenecessarytoaddressthewiderrangeofpeople'svalues,beliefsandinteractionswithinthecommunitythatgohandinhandwiththepractice.

Research on how FGM is locally perceived as related to women's sexuality

AmongcommunitiesinwhichFGMisaculturaltradition,thepracticeisassociatedwithavarietyofsocioculturalmean-ings,andFGMisoftenconsiderednecessaryforsocialaccept-ability.ItisbelievedthatmajorgapsinknowledgeregardingthesocioculturalunderpinningsofFGMareimpedingeffortstoeliminatethepractice.WhilecontinuationofFGMinvolvesmany factors, including the support of religious leaders andmen, few studies and interventions have specifically exam-inedwomen's involvement incontinuingorending theprac-tice.Among the factors that are believed to influencewom-en'sdecision-making,anareathathasbeenlesswellstudiedissocioculturalbeliefsregardingtherelationshipbetweenfemalesexualityandwomen'sdecisiontocontinuepractisingFGM.

Tofillgapsinknowledgeinthisarea,in2006,WHOissuedacallforproposalforstudiesexploringtherelationshipbetweenFGMandfemalesexuality.Themainaimofthiscallwastocol-lectdataaboutpeople'sperceptionsinFGM-practisingcommu-


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nitiesaboutFGM,women’ssexualityandmarriageability,andhowtheseperceptionsinfluencewomen'sintentiontocontinue,abandonorchangepracticeswithregardtoFGM.Thecallforproposalyieldedmorethan30conceptpapers,fromwhichthreestudieswereselectedforsupport−oneinEgyptandtwoinSen-egal.Thesestudiesareexpectedtobecompletedby2009.

Plans for future research

Asstatedatthebeginningofthispaper,twokeyprioritiesofWHOaretoadvocatevigorouslyforthecompleteabandon-mentofFGMwithinonegenerationandtoensurethatthegirlsandwomenwhohaveundergoneFGMreceiveadequatecaretopreventandtreatallhealth-relatedsequelaeofFGM.Withregardtothelatter,WHOplanstolaunchspecificinformationdisseminationandtrainingactivitiesaimedathealth-carepro-fessionals.Thesewillinclude,amongothers,thesettingupofadedicatedInternetwebsiteonFGMfocusingontechniquesofmanagingobstetricsequelaeFGM(includingcounselling).Inaddition,researchisplannedonthefollowingtopics.

Research to understand the psychological consequences of FGM. Studies have found indications of post-traumaticstress disorder and other psychological consequences afterFGM,buttheevidenceisextremelyscanty.ItispossiblethattheobservedincreasedriskofcomplicationsinchildbirthinwomenwhohaveundergoneFGMisnotrelatedtoanatomicalchangesonly,butisalsorelatedtofearflashbacksandotherlong-term psychological effects of FGM. Increased under-standingofhowwomencopewiththetraumaofFGMmayhelptoimprovecounsellingandotherapproachestoencouragechangeinbehaviourtoendthepractice.Also,furtherresearchis needed on the immediate and long-term psychologicalaspectsofbirthcomplicationsinwomenwhohaveundergoneFGM,andtheneedforextracareduringdelivery.

Implementation and impact of laws on FGM. Anumberofcountries have enacted specific laws or have started apply-ingexistinglegalprovisionsforprohibitingFGM.Whilelegalmeasures help tomake explicit the government’s disapprovalofFGM,imposingsanctionsalonerunstheriskofdrivingthepractice underground. Legal measures need to be accompa-niedbyinformationprovisionandothermeasuresthatpromoteincreasedpublicsupportforendingthepractice.Veryfewcom-prehensivestudieshavebeendonesofartodocumenttheimple-mentationofanti-FGMlawsandtheirimpactoneliminatingthepractice.WHOplanstoinitiatestudiesincountrieswithdiffer-entcultural,religiousandlegalenvironmenttoinvestigatehowlaws,regulationsandpoliciescancontribute toeliminationofthepractice.

Research on obstetric fistula and FGM. There is a linkbetweenFGMandobstructedlabour(4),whichisaknownriskfactorfordevelopingobstetricfistula.However,theassociationbetweenFGMandobstetricfistulahasnotyetbeenscientificallyinvestigated.Ifsuchanassociationisfound,thisevidencecanbeused to strengthenadvocacyand to improvebirth-care forwomenwhohavebeensubjectedtoFGMtoreducetherisk.

Research on the immediate complications and emergency health care.Awide variety of immediate health risks fromFGMhavebeendocumented,but inmostcases theirpreva-lenceisunknown.Moreresearchisneededtodocumentaccu-ratelytheextentof immediaterisksofFGMandtodevelopandimplementguidelinesforappropriatecareprocedures.

Research on obstetric care and care for newborns.Researchis needed to improve standards ofmedical care on how tomanageandreducetheadversehealtheffectscausedbyFGMduringlabour.

Bibliography

Bagnol, Brigitte and Mariano, Esmeralda (2008) ‘Elon-gationof the labia minora andUseofVaginalProductsto Enhance Eroticism: Can These Practices Be Consid-eredFGM?’Finnish Journal Of Ethnicity and Migration3(2):42–53.

Figueroa,M.E,Kincaid,D.L.,Rani,MandLewis,G.(2002) Communication for Social Change: An Integrated Model for Measuring the Process and its Outcomes,NewYork:TheRockefellerFoundation.

Hernlund,Y.andShell-Duncan,B.(2007)‘Contingency,Con-text,andChange:NegotiatingFemaleGenitalCuttingintheGambiaandSenegal,’Africa Today53:43−57.

McClelland, Scott, Lavreys, L, Hassan, W, Mandaliya, K,Ndinya-Achola, J,BaetenJ.M. (2006) ‘VaginalWashingandIncreasedRiskofHIV-1AcquisitionamongAfricanWomen:A10-YearProspectiveStudy,’Aids20:269−273.

Population Reference Bureau (2006) Abandoning Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting: An In-Depth Look at Promis-ing Practices,Washington:PopulationReferenceBureau.

Shell-Duncan,BandHernlund,Y(2006)‘AreThere"Stagesof Change" in the Practice of Female Genital Cutting?QualitativeResearchFindingsfromSenegalandtheGam-bia,’African Journal of Reproductive Health 10:57−71.

UNICEF(2005)Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting: A Statis-tical Exploration,NewYork:Unicef.

UNICEF/UNFPA(1997)Female Genital Mutilation: A Joint Who/ UNICEF/UNFPA Statement,Geneva:WorldHealthOrganization.

WHO (2008) Eliminating Female Genital Mutilation: An Interagency Statement,Geneva:WorldHealthOrganiza-tion.

WHO(2006)‘FemaleGenitalMutilationandObstetricOut-come:WHOCollaborativeProspectiveStudyinSixAfri-canCountries,’The Lancet367:1835–1841.

WHO(2001a)A Systematic Review of the Health Complica-tions of Female Genital Mutilation Including Sequelae in Childbirth,Geneva:WorldHealthOrganization.

WHO (2001b) Female Genital Mutilation: Integrating the Prevention and the Management of the Health Compli-cations into the Curricula of Nursing and Midwifery, a Teacher’s Guide, Geneva: World Health Organization(DocumentNo.Who/Rhr/01.16).

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WHO (2001c) Female Genital Mutilation: Integrating the Prevention and the Management of the Health Complica-tions into the Curricula of Nursing and Midwifery—a Stu-dent’s Manual, Geneva:WorldHealthOrganization(Doc-umentNo.Who/Rhr/01.17).

WHO (2001d) Female Genital Mutilation: The Prevention and the Management of the Health Complications, Pol-icy Guidelines for Nurses and Midwives,Geneva:WorldHealthOrganization(DocumentNo.Who/Rhr/01.18).

WHO (2000) Female Genital Mutilation: A Handbook for Frontline Workers, Geneva: World Health Organization(DocumentNo.Who/Fch/Wmh/00.5).

WHO (1999) Female Genital Mutilation Programmes to Date: What Works and What Doesn’t. A Review,Geneva:World Health Organization (Document No: Who/Chs/Wmh/99.5).

WHO(1996)Female Genital Mutilation. Report of a WHO Technical Working Group, Geneva,17−19 July 1996,Geneva:WorldHealthOrganization.

Yoder,P.S.andKhan,S(2007)Numbers of Women Circum-cised in Africa: The Production of a Total, Calverton:MacroInternationalInc.

Yoder,P.S.,Abderrahim,NandZhuzhuni,A.(2004)Female Genital Cutting in the Demographic and Health Surveys: A Critical and Comparative Analysis, Calverton:MacroInternationalInc.

R.EliseJohansenPhD,[email protected]

HeliBathijaMD,AreaManagerfortheAfricanandEasternMediterra-

neanRegionsDepartmentofReproductiveHealthandResearchWorldHealthOrganizationbathijah@who.int

JitendraKhannaM.Sc.,M.A,TechnicalEditorTheWHOReproductiveHealthLibraryDepartmentofReproductiveHealthandResearchWorldHealthOrganizationkhannaj@who.int


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Ugaso Jama Gulaid

The Challenge of Female Genital Mutilation in Somaliland

Theoverwhelmingmajority(98%)ofSomaliwomenhaveundergone genitalmutilation. FGM/FGC among Somalis isoftenassociatedwithreligionandtraditionalbeliefsthathaveprevailedinthecommunitiesforalongtime.Foroveradecade,civilsocietyorganizationsinSomalilandhavebeeninvolvedinFGMeradicationactivities, yet these efforts,whichhavemainlyfocusedonawarenesscreationandprovisionofalter-native skills to circumcisers, haveproved to be slow in theabsence of a national policy on female circumcision.ThereisnolawspecificallyprohibitingFGMinSomaliland.Untilrecently, theTypeIIIcircumcision,or infibulation, themostsevere type of FGMwas the only socially acceptable formofcircumcision.Thistypeinvolvescuttingofalltheexternalgenitaliaandsewingupthevaginaalmostentirely,allowingatinyholeforthepassingofurineandmenstruation.Thehealthandpsycho-socialeffectsandhazardsoffemalecircumcisionarewelldocumented.

Over the past 7 years,Candlelight forHealth,EducationandEnvironment(CLHE)hasbeencarryingoutFGMerad-icationactivitiesalmostcontinuously inmostof theregionsofSomaliland.CLHEisa localdevelopmentalorganizationfounded in 1995with focussing on health, education, envi-ronment and income-generation. CLHE’s activities relatedtoFGMincludeawareness-raising,trainings,workshopsandconsultativemeetingstargetingdifferentcommunityrepresen-tativesandgroupssuchastraditionalbirthattendants,circum-cisers,teachers,youthgroups,religiousleaders,femaleschol-arsaswellaspublicandprivateinstitutionsandIDPcamps.The health team of CLHE which consists of social work-ersandareligiousleadertakespartincommunityeducationrelatedtoFGMintheprojectareas.Motherandchildhealthcarecentreshaveprovedtobeveryimportantvenuesfortheseawareness-raising activities.As themajority of the targetedpopulationsareilliterate,theuseofaudio-visualmaterialanddramaareencouraged.Moreover,trainingfortraditionalbirthattendants(TBAs)hasbeenconducted.Theyhavebeenintro-ducedtosafemotherhoodpractices,complicatedpregnanciesaswellastheconsequencesofFGManditsimpactonwom-en’shealth.CircumcisersfromruralvillageshavefurtherbeentrainedasTBAsasameansofmotivating themtoabandoncircumcisinggirlsandtoenablethemtoearntheirlivinginadecentway.

Achievements in the fight against FGM/FGC

Despite the fact that behavioural change is a slow and acomplex process, there are some emerging positive trendsresulting from the considerable efforts of local and interna-tionalorganizationsoverthepastfewyears.

Some community members, although small in number,havealreadyabandonedthepracticeoffemalecircumcision.ThesearemainlythosewhoreturnfromtheDiasporaandAra-biancountrieswhereFGMisnotpracticed.Theyareusuallytownpeople.Nostatisticsareavailableontheirnumber,butfromthefeedbackwearegettingfromprojectstaff,theyareinthehundreds.Theriskofgettingcross-infectedwithHIV/AIDSandHepatitisisalsoacontributoryfactortotheincreas-ingpreferenceforabandonmentoffemalecircumcision.Totalabandonmentofthepractice,however,isconstrainedbytheexistingstigmaonuncircumcisedgirlsandpeerpressure.

Today, a less severe form of circumcision referred to assunnaispreferred.Again,thisappliesparticularlytopeopleliv-ingintowns.Anassessmentonthesocio-culturaldimensionsoffemalegenitalcuttingcarriedoutinBurao,Togdheerregion,duringApril2007byCandlelightwiththesupportoftheInter-nationalSolidarityFoundationofFinlandshowsthatthelevelof willingness to stop Pharaonic circumcision (infibulation)washighamong those interviewed.Themajorityof intervie-weesshowedpreferencetothesunnatypeofcircumcision.

Younger and more educated females and males tend todisapproveofthepracticemorethantheirparents.MalesoftheyoungergenerationsseeFGMlessandlessasamarriagerequirement.Although hundreds of marriages are arrangedeachmonthinHargeysaandothermajorurbancentres,fam-ilyconflictsarisingduetobridesbeingfoundun-circumcisedarebecomingrareandsomethingofthepast.Allinall,rigidcultural norms and demands related to female circumcisionamongthepopulationseemtobesoftening.

More grass-root organizations and groups are becominginvolvedintheeradicationoffemalegenitalmutilation.Theseinclude women’s and human rights organizations. Declara-tions against FGMhave also increased over the past years.Peoplewhospeakpubliclyaboutthepracticearenotstigma-tizedinthewaytheywerebefore.TherearealsoeducationalprogrammesontheradioandTV.

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Challenges and opportunities in the fight against FGM/FGC

NocoherentstrategicactionplanandpoliciesareinplacefortheeradicationandoutlawingofthepracticeinSomaliland.Thishinderstheworkagainstfemalegenitalcuttingonalllev-els.MostopinionleadersandcommunitygatekeepersdonotconsiderorrecognizeFGMasapriorityissue.Becauseoftheeconomicgains,somecircumcisersareswayedbythedemandresulting in their return to practicing FGM. This phenom-enonshows that thepractice isdemand-drivenandaddress-ingtheroot-causesisamatterofgreatimportanceinthefightagainstfemalegenitalcutting.FGMpractitionersarenotonlyrespectedmembersofthecommunityforthesakeoftheirroleandwork,butatthesametime,itisaprofitableskill.

In most urban areas, communities are now shiftingto sunna type of circumcisions. However, even thoughpeople may admit that they have now stopped doinginfibulations,inreality,thesunnatypethatmanypeoplehaveadopted isnotverymuchdifferent frominfibulation.More-over,manypeoplearenowshiftingfromthe traditionalcir-cumciserstonursesworkinginpublicandprivateclinics.Thefear ofHIV/AIDS transmission through the cutting encour-agesmorepeopletogotohospitalsandclinics,thuscreatingtheinstitutionalizationofFGM.

Ithasbeendifficulttogetaclearstatementfromreligiousleaders to support the eradication of female genital cutting.

Therearedifferentinterpretationsofthehadiths.Imams,whomayagreeprivatelythatFGMisnotarequirementinIslam,failtospeakoutagainstthepracticeinpublic.Someimamspreach that whilst infibulation is not acceptable, the sunna typeofcircumcisionis.

For futurework against femalegenital cutting inSomal-iland,apromisingstep is the formationof thenewnationalFGMnetworkNAFIS.ThemainobjectiveoftheforumistoexchangeexperiencesandsharerelevantinformationamongorganizationsinvolvedwithFGMeradicationinitiativesinthecountry.TheMinistryofFamilyAffairsandSocialDevelop-menthasalsoshowninteresttoinitiatetheformationofaFGMpolicy.Inaddition,thegovernmentandcivilsocietyorganiza-tions seem to bewilling towork together for the abandon-ment ofFGM.Finally, there is a growing awareness of theexistenceofhumanrightsconventionsaswellasofFGMnotbeinganIslamicobligation.Theserecentdevelopmentspro-videnewopportunitiesandhopefortheacceleratederadica-tionoffemalegenitalmutilationinSomaliland.

UgasoJamaGulaidProfessionalmidwife/FGMexpertCoordinatorofCandlelighthealthsectionCandlelightforHealth,EducationandEnvironmentHargeysa,[email protected]


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Faduma-Hagi M. Hussein

Changing Attitudes towards FGM in the Somali Community in London

Introduction

Femalegenitalmutilation(FGM)isacommonpracticeinSomalia.Reasonsgivenforitvary:religiousobligation,tra-ditionandculture,hygienicandestheticpurposes,preserva-tionofvirginityandneedtocontrolwomen’ssexualdesires..Due to theSomali civilwar, a largenumberof thepopula-tionhaveleftthecountry.WhilemanyrefugeeshavesettledinEurope,NorthAmericaandAustralia,othersmovedeithertotheneighbouringcountriesortotheMiddleEast.Follow-ing this relocation, theway the Somali community inLon-don thinks about FGM has changed. However, this changeisnotdue to theUKlawof2004whichprohibits theprac-tice,buttothefactthatpeoplehaverecognisedthatFGMisnotareligiousobligation.MeetingwithotherfellowMuslimsand learningmore about Islam has contributed to this pro-cess.EducationandlifestyleinLondonhavealsoempoweredwomen,andtheydonotadvocatethepracticeanymore.ThisreportisbasedonobservationsmadeatWaltham Forest Afri-can Well Woman ClinicinLondon,whereIworkasacommu-nityhealthadvisor.

The Somali Community in London

TheSomalicommunityinLondonislarge:accordingtoa2003report,thereareca.70000Somalisinthecapitaland95000intheUKasawhole.Mosthavecomeasasylumseekerssincethelate1980sbecauseofthecivilwarandlackofstabil-ityinSomalia.TheSomalicommunityoriginatesfromdiffer-entpartsofSomaliaandfromdifferenteducationalorsocio-economicalbackgrounds.Womeninthiscommunityhaveonething incommon,however; theyallhaveundergonefemalegenitalmutilation.MostoftheSomalianpopulationareMus-limsandmanyUKSomalisusedtobelievethatthepracticeofFGMisa religiousobligation practisedamongallMus-lims, andno one ever questioned its legitimacy.For a longtimeitwasalsoataboototalkaboutthepractice,butnowatWaltham Forest African Well Women Servicewomenareabletodiscussitandtheydoaskalotofquestionsabouttherea-sonsforthepractice.

The Waltham Forest African Well Women Service

In 1997, a large number of asylum seekers and refugeesfrom the Balkans, Somalia and some NorthAfrican coun-triescame to theUK.Manyof these settled in theboroughofWalthamForest(WF)inNorthEastLondon.TheCommu-nityHealthProjectinWFtooktheleadtoopenaclinicforthenewcomersinordertogiveinformationonthehealthcaresys-temintheUKandhelpthemtoregisterwithafamilydoctor.Itwasobviousthatthisgroupofpeopleneededsupportandassistanceinthenewenvironment.Itisverydifficultforref-ugeesandasylumseekers to becomefamiliarwith thesys-tem, to knowwhat rights they have andwhere to gowhentheyhavehealthproblems.Theclinic,locatedinLeyton,wascalledRefugee Access Clinic andwas delivered fromRefu-gee Advice Centre inLeyton, because itwas a placewhererefugeesandasylumseekerscameforadviceoneveryissueconcerningthem.Thestaffoftheclinicincludedaleadnurseand tworefugeedoctors,oneofwhomwasagynaecologistwithexperienceinworkingwithwomenwhohaveundergonefemalegenitalmutilation.

Thisservicegavewomenanopportunitytocomeanddis-cussissuesrelatedtoFGMandtodescribethedifficultiestheyhad encountered when talking to local health professionalsabout theirproblems.Theclinicbeganadvocacyandhealthlinkworkinordertoassistclients.Giventhehighproportionof femaleclients, itbecamenecessary toestablishaserviceespeciallydesignedfortheminordertorespondtotheneedsofwomenwhohadundergoneFGMandtofillthegapinthelocalhealthservices.

In1999, theWalthamForestAfricanWellWomenClinicwas established under the management ofWaltham ForestCommunityHealthProject.Operatingononedayaweek,theclinicaimedatdealingwithwomen’sneeds.In2003,theman-agementoftheclinicwastakenoverbytheWalthamForestPrimaryCareTrust,anditwasdevelopedintoaservice–TheWaltham ForestAfricanWellWomen Service. The staff oftheserviceincludesaleadservicenurse,acommunityhealthadvisor,andanoutreachandyouthworker.

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Our mission statement is: The team at theAfricanWellWomen is dedicated to providing culturally sensitive andholisticserviceforwomenwhoareaffectedbythepracticeoffemalegenitalmutilation.WearecommittedtoourmissionofrisingbothprofessionalandcommunityawarenessinordertosafeguardgirlsatriskofFGMandtoworkwithotherorgani-sationstohelperadicatethepractice.

Theservicefocusesonreachingouttoyoungpeoplefromcommunities inwhich FGM is practiced. It is important toraise their awareness on the health consequences of FGMand empower themwith information and knowledge aboutthesubject.Theseyoungpeoplewillbeparentsinthefuture,andiftheyareequippedwithappropriateandcorrectknowl-edge,theywillnotcarryoutFGMontheirdaughtersandthepracticewillgraduallybeeradicated.Thisserviceprovidesaweeklydrop-inclinicand twoadvicesessionsbymeas thecommunityhealthadvisor.

15–20womenattendthecliniceveryweek.ThemajorityoftheclientsarefromSomalia,buttherehavebeenwomenfromSudan,Eritrea,Gambia,Nigeria,GuineaConakry,Zimbabwe,Liberia,KenyaandGhanaaswell.Althoughmostofourcli-entsareMuslims,wehavealsohadasmallnumberofChris-tianswhohaveundergoneFGM.OccasionallyweseewomenfromcommunitiesinwhichFGMisnotpracticedforconsulta-tionandcervicalsmeartests.Intheclinic,wepromotescreen-ingtestsandperformcervicalsmearteststoalotofwomen,whohaveeitherneverhadoneordonotwanttohaveitagainbecause they have undergone FGMor because they do notunderstandwhythe test is important.Theclinicalsocarriesoutscreeningforinfectionsandrefersclientstootherservicessuchascounselling,reversalanddeinfibulation,andhomeop-athy.Weoffersupportandadvocacyforourclients.

Womencometotheclinicandtheadvicesessionsfordif-ferenthealthissues,butthemajoritycomesbecauseofhealthproblems associated with FGM. Lots of women complainabout lowerabdominalpainanddiscomfortwithnopathol-ogyandneedsomehelpwiththesesymptoms.

In 2003, we won an Innovative Creative PracticeAwardfromQueen’sNursingInstitute.Aprotocolwasestablishedforapilotstudytointroducehomeopathyforthetreatmentofwom-en’ssymptoms.AhomeopathworkedintheCommunityHealthCentreforatrialperiodofsixmonthswithsuccessfulresults.

Although theAWWS was meant for local women fromcommunities inwhichFGM is practised, it is also attendedbywomenfromoutsideofWalthamForest.Itoffersmonthlyawarenessrisingsessionsforalocalwomen’sassociationinWalthamForestandforanotherwomen’sgroupinNorthLon-don.Thesessionsfocusonwomen’shealth,FGMandhealthyeating.During thesecommunitysessions,wediscusshealthaswellassocialissuesandofferonetooneforwomen.Fromtimetotime,weconducthealtheducationsessionsandaware-nessrisingonFGMinotherpartsofLondon.

In2004,a lawprohibiting FGMcameintoaction in theUK.ThislawcriminalisesFGMperformedtoaBritishCiti-zenorapermanentresidentintheUKorabroadwithapen-altyof14yearsimprisonment.Weinformwomenoftheleg-

islationatconsultationandadvicesessionsanddiscuss it indetailwiththemduringawarenesssessions,whereitalwaysopens and generates important debates onFGM in general.Women are invited to contribute to the discussions and toexpress themselves. It is rewarding tosee thatwomenopenupandwanttosharetheirexperiencesofthepracticewiththegroupwhendiscussingthisculturallysensitiveissue.

Thestaffhavealsocontributedtothedevelopmentofaproto-colforWalthamForestregardingsafeguardingchildren,asFGMisconsideredtobeaformofchildabuse.Ithasbecomeneces-sarytodevelopatrainingpackageformulti-agencyprofession-alsandtheneighbouringareaonFGMandchildprotection.

Ashealthadviser,Ilistentomyclients,discussFGMwiththemandgivetheminformationonthesubject.Themajorityofthemrememberthedayitwasdonetothemevenif theyhavenothadanycomplications.Theyusuallytalkveryopenlyabouttheday,butalthoughtheytalkaboutitindetail,theydonotwanttorememberit.Theyoftensay:“Don’tremindmeofit,”anddonotwishittohappentotheirbelovedones.Espe-ciallyyoungmothersstronglyopposethepracticeanddonotwantittohappentotheirdaughters.Othersdoexpresstheirsorrowthatithappenedtothemandregretthatithappenedtotheirelderdaughtersbackhomeoutofignorance,especiallyaftertheycametoknowthatitisnotanIslamicpractice.

Eachwoman attending theWalthamForestAfricanWellWomenServicehasastorytotellaboutthedaytheyunder-wentFGM,andmanyofthemstillhavepost-FGMcomplica-tions.Forexample,MrsXsaid:

I was only 5 years old and it was not planned for me to be circumcised on that day, because I was young. My elder sis-ter and some of my cousins were supposed to be done. When the girls asked who would go first to be circumcised, no one came forward, because they were all afraid and scared. Then I raised my hand and volunteered to go first and I had it done. I did not know what was going to happen and what I was go-ing for. It was very painful, but what was worst, I felt that I lost part of my body. After that I continuously asked my mother to bring back the parts which had been removed. And I still have complications.

ThisquotetellsusaboutthedeepfeelingsofthepersonswhohaveundergoneFGM,especiallytypeIII.

Mostwomen,andespeciallythosefromcommunitiesthatpractice type Ior type IIFGM,donotknowwhich typeofFGMtheyhavehad.Awomanwhobroughtheryoungdaugh-tertotheclinicforconsultationandadvicesaid:“IdidtellthecircumcisertoperformSunna,justalittletouch,butnowthegirlishavingalotofdifficulties.IhavebeenexplainedthatitisduetothetypeofFGMthatshehasundergone.”Anotheryoungwomanfromthesamecommunitywasshockedwhenshefoundoutthatshehadundergoneinfibulationandneededreversal.Throughouttheentireconsultationperiodsherepeat-edlyasked:“ThisisnotSunnawhatIhaveundergone?Whywasitdonetomeinthisway?”Iunderstoodthatsheneededtoaskherparents,whoalsomightnotknowtheanswer.


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Womenoftenaskquestionsaboutthepracticesuchas:whatdoes theKoran sayaboutFGM,how is thepractice relatedtoIslam,andwhydidreligiouspeoplenotspeakaboutit inthepast?Theystarttowonderaboutthereligiouslegitimisa-tionofFGMwhentheyaretoldthatitispractisedamongallreligionsinAfrica,theChristians,theEthiopianJewsandtheunbelievers (Lockhat 2004).Women also discuss other rea-sonsandexpresstheiropinionclearlyandopenlythatFGMhasnothingtodowithIslam.Whatisimportant,mostofthemnowunderstandthatFGMhasbeenpracticedduetoignoranceandthatthemainreasonbehindithasbeentheneedtocon-trolgirls’sexuality.Atthis,manyexpresstheirsorrow.Ithinkasignificantchangeistakingplace.

DuringconsultationattheclinicwomenarealsoaskedabouttheirviewsaboutFGM.Themajorityofwomenareagainstit,especiallywomenwithtypeIII.ThosewithtypeIorIIalwayswant toknowmoreabout therelationof thepractice to theirreligion.WhenweexplaintothemthattheKorandoesnotsup-portFGM, theybegin to agree that there is noneed for it. Icomeacrossalotofyoungwomenfrompractisingcommuni-tieswhowerebornintheUKorhavecometothecountryatveryyoungage,andwhohavenotbeencircumcised.Ialsomeetalotofwomenwhohavesparedtheirdaughtersfromthiscruelpractice.Someofthemdidnothaveitdonetotheirdaughtersduringthecivilwarforverysimplereasons.Theysay:“Ididnothavetothinkaboutit,becauseIhadotherproblems.”ThemainreasonforthisculturalchangeisthatwomenhavegainedmoreeducationonreligiousmattersandbeguntounderstandthatFGMisnotanIslamicpractice,thatitisnotprescribedbytheKoranandthatitcausesalotofhealthproblems.Education,knowledgeandchangeofenvironmentcanleadtochangesinattitudes,andIthinkthisiswhatishappeningwithFGM.Itisnotonlyaboutformaleducation,aslifeexperiencesplayabigroleintheprocess(Ahmed2005).

Today,womenspeakopenlyaboutFGM,whichwastaboointhepast.Theyevendiscusssomeintimateandsensitiveissuesrelatedtothepracticeandtheywantinformationandexplana-

tions.Manyofthesewomenleadtheirlivesandsupporttheirchildrenontheirownassingleparents,whichgivesthemmorepower. I believe that attitudes towards FGM are changing,becausepeoplehavestartedtodiscussthepractice,askques-tionsandseekanswersforalotofissuesaffectingtheirlivesduetoFGM.NotonlyinLondon,similartransformationsmaybetakingplaceelsewhereinEuropeforthefollowingreasons:

•Thereisnopressurefromthecommunityorrelatives,aspeopledonotliveinextendedfamilyhouses.

•Previousexperienceandhealthcomplications,especiallywomenwithtypeIII.WomenwithtypeIorIIarequestioningthereligiouslegitimisationofthepractice.

•Awarenessofthehealthimpactsofthepracticeisrisingandwomenarereflectingitonthemselves.

•TheUKlawof2004,whichprohibitsFGMandprescribesanimprisonmentof14yearsforperformingFGMonaBritishcitizenorapermanentresidentoftheUK.

•ThemostimportantfactorisreligiouseducationandtherisingawarenessofthefactthatFGMisnotanIslamicpracticeandthatitisnotmentionedintheKoran.

The FGM law has become a tool for somewomenwhohavebeenpressuredbyafamilymember.Ihavemetwomenwhohavebeenaskedtocircumcisetheirdaughterswhileonholiday,andthelawhashelpedthemtostronglyrefuse.

In2006,westartedaskingwomenabouttheirviewsonFGManddocumented the interviews. I have observed that a lot offamiliesstoppedhavingitdonetotheirdaughterslongbeforethe2004law.BetweenJanuaryandJune2007Isaw263womenattheclinic.153ofthemattendedtheclinicforafollowupand110cametotheclinicforthefirsttime.Iaskedthesewomen

WhattheythoughtaboutFGM?1.Iftheyhaddaughters?2.HadthedaughtersundergoneFGM?3.Ifnot,whatwasthereason?4.

Figure 1.The number of clients between January and June 2007.

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

Jan Feb March April May June

New

follow up

Total

Not discussed

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proJEct rEports

IhavetonotethatawomancangivemanyreasonsfornotperformingFGMonherdaughters, saying for example thatsheherselfhashadabadexperience,a lotofcomplicationsandthatsheknowsnowthatitisnotareligiousobligation,whichiswhysheisagainstit.Othersmightsayitwasigno-rancetohaveitdonetogirlsandthattheyaretotallyagainstit.WhatImeanisthatthereisnotnecessarilyonlyoneanswerfromonewoman,butonepersonmightgiveseveralreasonstowhyshehasnothadFGMperformedtoheryoungdaughters.

Conclusion

MostoftheclientsattheWalthamForestAfricanWellWomenService are Muslims who used to believe that FGM is anIslamicpractice.IbelievethatraisingtheirawarenessofthecomplicationsandofthepositionofIslaminregardtoFGM,aswell asmixingwith other fellowMuslims have broughtaboutachangeinattitudestowardsthepractice.IalsobelievethatthelawagainstFGMwillhelptobringthepracticeonUKcitizenstoanend.AlthoughIhavehighlightedwomen’sideasandpracticesinthisreport,Iamsurethatmanymenopposethepractice.Thereisaneedforwiderresearch,reachingmorepeopleinthecommunity.

Finally,IhopethatFGMwillbehistoryinthenearfutureamong the Somali community in theUK and among otherAfricanmigrantcommunities,andthatthefuturegenerationwillbefreefromit. Ialsohope theSomalis in theUKwilleducatetheirfamiliesinSomaliatosimilarends.

Figure 2. Clients’ views on FGM.

Bibliography

Ahmed,Marwa(2005)AttitudestowardsFGMamongSomaliWomenlivingintheUK,inMomoh,Comfort(ed.)Female Genital Mutilation,Oxford:RadcliffePublishing

Hassan,AmnaA.R.(2000)FGM Psycho-socio-sexual Con-sequences & Attitude Change in Khartoum North & East Nile Provinces,InternationalAfricanUniversity.

Hussein F.H., ShahK.P., Nasir S., Igal K.A.,MuktarA.S.,AbbasA.S. and Shah P.M. (1983)Community Study on Female Circumcision in Somalia.

Leye,Els,Bauwens,SoetkinandBjalkander,Owolabi(2006)Behaviour Change Towards FGM, Lessons Learned from Africa and Europe.

Lockhat,Haseena (2004)Female Genital Mutilation: Treat-ing the Tears,London:MiddlesexUniversityPress.

Maccoby,Nathan andMaccoby,EleanorE. (1961)Homeo-static Theory in Attitude Change, Princeton: PrincetonUniversityPress.

Momoh, Comfort (ed.) (2005) Female Genital Mutilation,Oxford:RadcliffePublishing.

Tashakhori, Abbas and Thomson, Vaida D. (2004) Cultural Change and Attitude Change. An Assessment of Post Revolu-tionary Marriage and Family Attitude in Iran.

Dr.Faduma-HagiM.HusseinCommunityhealthadvisorWalthamForestAfricanWellWomanClinicfmhussein@hotmail.com

Client's View on FGM

7122

88

59

42

14

9

No FGM for one’s own daughters

Against FGM

FGM is not a religious obligation

FGM is a bad tradition

Bad experience of FGM

It is good to have a lawagainst FGM

Ignorant of FGM


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Janneke Johansson

Methods for the Prevention of Female Genital Cutting in Finland

FemalegenitalcuttinghasbeenknowninFinlandsincethe1990swhenasylumseekersandrefugeesstartedtoarrivetothecountry.ThebiggestethnicgroupbearingthetraditioninFinlandisSomalis.In2007,therewerealmost10000Soma-lis inFinland,abouthalfof themwomen(StatisticsFinland2008). Other smallergroupsarefromEthiopia,Eritrea,Egypt,Sudan,Kenya,GhanaandNigeria.Wemightroughlyestimatethere tobearound15000people inFinlandwhoarefamil-iarwiththetraditionoffemalegenitalcutting.In1994MulkiMölsä, aSomaliborndoctor living inFinland, conductedastudyabouttheattitudesofSomaliimmigrantstowardsFGCfortheNational Research and Development Centre for Welfare and Health (Mölsä1994).Accordingtoherresultsallintervie-weeswantedsomekindofgenitalcuttingfortheirdaughters.Mostof themstated that theywished tomakesunna,a lessharmful operation,while the rest preferred themost radicaltypeofcutting,infibulation. Atthattimenobodyannouncedthattheywouldabandonthetradition.

Femalegenitalcuttingcontinuestobeasensitiveissue,andbothimmigrantsandauthoritiesrequiremoreinformationandbettertoolstobeabletoaddressitconstructively.Existingleg-islationandgeneralappealstohumanrightsformthebasisfortheworkagainstFGCinFinland.However,toppriorityshouldbe given to preventive work. Preventive work must beginbeforeanysuspicionofagirlbeingthreatenedbyFGCevenarises.For this reason,manydifferent factionsrequire infor-mation on questions related to female circumcision, so thattheycantheninformrelevantpartiesoftheprohibitivestanceof Finnish legislation towards the practice, and intervene inparticularcasesifnecessary.PreventingFGCisthedutyofallauthorities thatencounter immigrants in theirwork.Enhanc-ingtheknowledgeandskillsofprofessionalsinrelationtothisissuecanonlybeachievedbytrainingallrelevantvocationalgroups.Trainingshouldbe intensifiedand targetedatdiffer-entvocationalandmulti-vocationalgroupsonanationalscaletoenableandencourageefficientcooperation.InformationonhowtopreventFGCandhowto treatgirlsandwomenwhohavealreadyundergonethepracticeshouldbeincludedinthebasiceducationofallrelevantvocationalgroups.Even though there have been no court cases concerning

femalegenitalcuttinginFinland,itispossiblethattheproce-dureisperformedduringtripsabroad.Finlandwillcontinueto

receiveindividualsandfamiliesfromcountrieswherethetra-ditionisstillupheld.Furthermore,therearealreadyfamilieslivinginFinlandwhomaywanttohaveFGCperformedontheirdaughters.Suchfamiliesrequireinformationonvariousquestionsrelatedtofemalecircumcision.ItisalsocrucialtorecognisethatFGCisnolongersimplya“Somaliproblem,”as itmight have been at the beginning of the 1990s,whenthefirstrefugeesandasylumseekersfromSomaliastartedtoarrive.Moreover,attitudesarechanginginawaythatnowa-daysthelessseveresunnaformofFGCisgenerallypreferredoverthemoreextensiveformsandmoreandmorepeopleareabandoning the tradition entirely (Mölsä 2004). Continuingthepreventiveworkisvitalinordertoreinforcethispositivedevelopment and thus gradually advance towards the com-pleteabolishmentofthetradition.

The KokoNainen project

TheKokoNainen(WholeWoman)project, fundedbyFin-land’sSlotMachineAssociationandcoordinatedbytheFinn-ishLeagueforHumanRights,waslaunchedin2002.Thefirstphaseoftheprojectlastedtilltheendof2004.Theprojectwasthengrantedadditionalfundingfortheyears2005─2007andattheendoftheyear2007KokoNainenwasgrantedpermanentfunding for itsvaluablework.Thereare twoemployees,oneofFinnishandoneofAfricanbackground.Theprimaryobjec-tiveoftheKokoNainenprojectistopreventthegenitalcuttingofgirlsandwomenamongst the immigrantgroups thatprac-ticethetraditionandtoimprovethewelfareofthosegirlsandwomenwhohavealreadyundergoneFGC.Thegoalsarethat:

1)theimmigrantswholiveinFinlandandinwhosecountryoforigin the traditionoffemalegenitalcutting isupheldareawareofthehealthhazards,thehumanrightsconsid-erationsandrelevantFinnishlegislationaswellasallotheraspectsthatmayencouragethemtoabandonthetradition

2)mosthealthcare,socialandchildwelfareworkersaswellasvocationalstudentsinthesefieldshaveatleastabasicknowledgeoffemalegenitalcutting,preven-tiveworkandtreatmentand/orknowwheretofindmoreinformationandsupportifneeded

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3) theworkagainstfemalegenitalcuttingisorganisedonapermanentbasisinFinland.

Duringthefirstphaseoftheprojecttheprevalenceofandknowledge about FGC in Finlandwasmapped through twostudies, one of which was based on interviews with immi-grants(Mölsä2004)andtheotheronasurveytargetedatpub-lic health nursesworking in theHelsinkiMetropolitanArea(Tiilikainen2004a).Educationalmaterialwas thenproducedonthebasisof thesestudies.TheseincludedtheinformativebookletTyttöjen ja naisten ympärileikkaus Suomessa. Asian-tuntijaryhmän suositukset sosiaali- ja terveydenhuollon hen-kilöstölle(FemalecircumcisioninFinland.Therecommenda-tionsofanexpertgroupforthepersonnelinsocialandhealthcare) (Tiilikainen 2004b). The recommendations, publishedalso inEnglish and Swedish in 2007, targeted at social andhealthcareworkers,whereasthefilmKokoNainen /The Whole Woman / Idil (producedbyDreamCatcher /AlexisKouros,2004)targetedatimmigrants.Theyprovidedthebasisforthetraining scheme thatwas developed during the continuationphaseoftheprojectandutilisedinthebasicandsupplemen-tary education of professionals and vocational studentswhoencounterimmigrantsintheirwork.ThetrainingpackageEi! Tyttöjen ympärileikkaukselle (No!ToFemaleCircumcision),createdbyTrainingCoordinatorMaiSalmenkangas,wascom-pleted towards the end of 2005. In addition, the employeesof the project prepared power point presentations for differ-ent trainingevents.Sincemany immigrants regardanti-FGCworkasanattackagainsttheirculture,preventiveworkhastobecarriedoutinadiscreet,respectfulandconfidentialmanner.Theonlywaytoachievethisistotrainandeducatetheperson-nelthatcomeincontactwiththeissue.Theyneedtoknow

1)howtoquestiontheancienttraditionwithoutquestioningthepersonhim/herself

2)howtodrawattentiontothefactthatFGCisprohibitedbytheFinnishlawwithoutaddingtothereservationsthatimmigrantsmayhavetowardsFinnishsociety

3)howtoachievemutuallyrespectfulandopendialogueoversuchasensitiveissue.

(Salmenkangas2005)

Preventivework aswell aswork related to treatment hasbeen carried out amongst immigrants at the grassroots levelthroughouttheproject.Themainactivitieshaveconsistedofworkdoneinsmallgroups(separatepeergroupsforwomenandmen),individualdiscussionsandawareness-raising.Mate-rialsproducedbytheprojecthavebeenutilisedingroupworkand individualdiscussions to facilitate interaction.Themaintarget group is the Somali community, as the Somalis formthelargestgroupinFinlandthatpracticesFGC.Groupeventshavealsobeen targetedatSudanese,Ethiopian,EritreanandNigerianimmigrants.In2007,theKokoNainenprojectbegantofurtherdeveloptheworkdoneatthegrassrootslevel.ThegoalistoincludeFGCinalargerthematicunitwhichaimstoenhanceimmigrantwomen’sknowledgeoftheirbodyindif-ferentstagesofawoman’slife.Collaborationinthecreationof

asuitabletrainingpackagewaspreliminarydiscussedwithSta-diaHelsinkiPolytechnic.Students specialising inmidwiferycouldcompilesuchatrainingpackageastheirfinalproject.

Duringtheproject,manydifferentstakeholdershaveindi-catedthatthereisastrongdemandforinformation,materialandtrainingrelatedtoFGC.Manyprofessionalsareunsureofhowtodealwithsuchasensitiveculturaltradition.Asaresult,theissueisoftendeficientlyaddressedoritisnotaddressedatall(Tiilikainen2004a).Inparticular,theissueconcernssocialandhealthcarepersonnel,includingmidwives,publichealthnurses, doctors, socialworkers, childwelfareworkers, day-carecentreemployeesandschoolteachers.Itisimportanttoinclude the topicofFGCin thecorecurriculumofstudentsaspiring towork inoneof thesefields, so that theyalreadyhavetherequiredexpertisewhentheybegintheirprofessionalcareers.AllthetrainingeventsorganisedbytheKokoNainenprojecthaveclearlyshownthathavingatrainerofimmigrantoriginiscrucialforthesuccessofthetraining.Thismakesiteasier for theprofessionals to appreciate the severityof theissueandunderstandtheirownvitalroleinpreventivework.

Finland does not have a separate law prohibiting femalegenital cutting. In a possible court case, the Finnish PenalCodeandtheChildWelfareActwouldbeapplied.InlightofthePenalCode,FGCwouldprobablybeequatedwithaggra-vatedassaultandbattery.Inadditionto thenational legisla-tion,Finlandisalsoastatepartytothekeyhumanrightscon-ventionsand treatiesof theUNand theCouncilofEurope.ThetwomostimportantinstrumentsinthisregardaretheUNConventionontheRightsoftheChild(1989),whichobligesFinlandtotakeeffectivemeasureswithaviewtoabolishingtraditionalpracticesprejudicialtothehealthofchildren(Arti-cle 24), and the resolutionWomenandReligion inEurope,adoptedby theCouncilofEurope in2005, inwhich forcedmarriages,honour-relatedviolenceandfemalegenitalcuttingareidentifiedasviolationsofhumanrights.Statesmusttakeeffective action to abolish these harmful traditions. It mustalsobetakenintoaccountthat therearenumerousgirlsandwomen living inFinland thathavealreadyundergoneFGC.Supporting them and disseminating information on existingmethodsoftreatmentmustbekeyobjectivesaswell.

The importance of cooperation between different stake-holders for the successof preventivework hasbecomeevi-dentduring theproject.Theprojecthasprovidednationwidetrainingrelatedtofemalegenitalcuttingandinterculturalcom-municationforsocialandhealthcarepersonnel,day-careper-sonnelandschoolteachersaswellaspolytechnicteachersandstudents aspiring towork in oneof thesefields.The startingpointofthetraininghasbeentheinsightthatboththosewhopracticeFGCandthosewhoopposethetraditioncanactuallyhavethebestinterestofthechildinmind.Thetrainingeventshaveraisedwide-scaleinterestandreceivedpositivefeedback.Therearetwounderpinningquestionsguidingtheworkcarriedoutamongimmigrantsandauthorities:first,tounderstandthephenomenonof femalegenitalcuttingandwhyfamiliescon-tinuetocircumcisetheirdaughtersandsecond,whytherestoftheworldcondemnsthepractice(Figure1.).


98

Preventiveworkagainstfemalegenitalcuttingisextremelyimportant,butformsonlyasmallpartofalltheworkcarriedoutamongimmigrantsbytheKokoNainenproject.AsFGCisstilladelicatetopic,itisdeemednecessarytoincludeitinalargerthematicunit.InAugust2005,theKokoNainenprojectbegantocollaboratewiththeFamilyFederationofFinland,theManner-heimLeagueforChildWelfareandMonika-Naisetliitto(Mul-ticulturalWomen’sAssociation).Theworkdonewithauthori-tieswithintheframeworkofthiscollaborationhasfocusedontraining.TheobjectivewastoproducejointtrainingmaterialinordertosupporttheintegrationofimmigrantfamiliesintotheFinnishsociety,andthebookAhaa – Avaimia monikulttuuri-seen kohtaamiseen(Keystomulticulturalencounters,Salmenk-angas2006)wasjointlypublished.Undertheumbrellathemeofintegrationalsomoresensitiveissueslikehonor-relatedvio-lence,violenceagainstwomenandfemalegenitalcuttingcanbeaddressed.Thecollaborationpartnershaveorganisedjointtrainingeventsbasedonthismaterialforbothimmigrantsandauthorities. TheKokoNainen project also participated in thedrafting of a newhandbookonmidwiferywith a chapter onfemalegenitalcutting(Tiilikainenetal.2006).

TheKokoNainenprojecthasachievedgoodresultsinpre-ventiveworkagainstfemalegenitalcuttingdespitethechal-lenging nature of the task.Attitudes have changed throughawareness-raisingandbytrainingbothimmigrantsandauthor-ities.Attitudinalchangescannotbeachievedbybeingappalledand judgmental. Instead,preventiveworkmustbebasedoncorrect informationandbecarriedout respectfullyandcon-fidentially.TheKokoNainenprojecthas succeeded increat-ing, amongboth immigrants and authorities, an atmosphereinwhichthetraditionprejudicialtotherightsofthechildisunderstood fromahistorical andculturalpointofview,butnotaccepted.Theworkagainstfemalegenitalcuttinghasthusbeensuccessfully launched,butachieving thesetobjectivesrequiressufficientandcontinuousresources.

Bibliography

CouncilofEurope(2005)“WomenandreligioninEurope,”Parlia-mentaryAssembly,Doc.10670.16.9.2005.http://assembly.coe.int/Main.asp?link=/Documents/AdoptedText/ta05/ERES1464.htm

KokoNainen / The Whole Woman / Idil(2004)Filmproducedby the Finnish League for Human Rights and DreamCatcher/AlexisKouros.

Mölsä, Mulki (1994) Tyttöjen ympärileikkauksen hoito ja ehkäisy Suomessa,Helsinki:Stakes.

Mölsä,Mulki(2004)Ajat ovat muuttuneet,Helsinki:KokoNainenproject, Ihmisoikeusliitto ry. www.ihmisoikeusliitto.fi >KokoNainen

Salmenkangas,Mai(2005)Ei! Tyttöjen ympärileikkaukselle,Helsinki:KokoNainenproject,Ihmisoikeusliittory.www.ihmisoikeusliitto.fi>KokoNainen

Salmenkangas,Mai(2006)Ahaa! Avaimia monikulttuuriseen kohtaamiseen,Helsinki:Väestöliitto,MannerheiminLas-tensuojeluliittoUudenmaanpiiri,MonikaNaisetLiittoandIhmisoikeusliittory.

Statistics Finland (2008) Population Structure. Languageaccordingtoageandgenderbyregion1990–2007.

http://pxweb2.stat.fi/database/StatFin/vrm/vaerak/vaerak_en.aspTiilikainen, Marja (2004a) Tyttöjen ympärileikkaus tervey-

denhoitajien työssä: Kyselytutkimus pääkaupunkiseudulla toimivien terveydenhoitajien kokemuksista ja koulutustar-peista.KokoNainenproject,Ihmisoikeusliittory.Unpub-lishedstudy.

Tiilikainen,Marja,ed.(2004b)Tyttöjen ja naisten ympärileik-kaus Suomessa: Asiantuntijaryhmän suositukset sosiaali- ja terveydenhuollon henkilöstölle,Helsinki:KokoNainenproject,Ihmisoikeusliittory.

www.ihmisoikeusliitto.fi>KokoNainenTiilikainen,Marja,ed.(2007)Female Circumcision in Finland:

The Recommendations of an Expert Group for the Per-sonnel in Social and Health Care,Helsinki:KokoNainenproject,FinnishLeagueforHumanRights.

www.ihmisoikeusliitto.fi>KokoNainenTiilikainen,Marja,Pietiläinen,Sirkka,andJohansson,Janneke

(2006)Tyttöjenjanaistenympärileikkaus,inUllaPaana-nen,SirkkaPietiläinen,EijaRaussi-Lehto,PirjoVäyrynenandAnna-MariÄimälä(eds.)Kätilötyö,Helsinki:Edita.

UNConvention(1989)TheRightsoftheChild.http://www.unicef.org/crc/

JannekeJohanssonSpecialAdviserFinnishLeagueforHumanRights,KokoNainenprojectjanneke.johansson@ihmisoikeusliitto.fiwww.ihmisoikeusliitto.fi>KokoNainen

Female genital cutting is based on the belief that The global work against female genital cutting is based on the assumptions that

a woman is normal as circumcised-religion demands it-a circumcised girl/woman is ready for marriage-a uncircumcised girl will be discriminated -

the tradition is legally prohibited in all its forms -no religion demands it-female genital cutting is a health hazard-

Parents all over the world want the best for their child Female genital cutting is a violation of the rights of the child

The best for the child The best for the child

Figure 1. Starting points for the preventive work.