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How Do Cognitive Dissonance and Addiction Effect Smokers?


Raphael Bernstein

Psychology 109

Larry Rudiger

May 7, 2014

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Abstract

In 1956, Leon Festinger formulated the theory of cognitive dissonance. This theory states

that when our mental cognitions and expectations are challenged by reality, we become

uncomfortable and this arouses conflict. In order to avoid or minimize this cognitive discomfort,

we end up having to either change our original thoughts and opinions to justify our actions. A

disconnect between our actions and beliefs will end up in a change of our beliefs rather than our

actions. This is evident when looking at smokers. Smokers are plagued by this effect and also by

addiction. They will use every dissonance reduction strategy they can to minimize their

discomfort. One example is confirmation bias, in which smokers ignore evidence that displays

risk perceptions associated with smoking. Someone who smokes will not tell you that it is as

harmful as it seems. Smokers do have a desire to quit although they are bound by habits. Relapse

is so common amongst smokers because of habit. Self-esteem also plays a role in the dissonance

reduction of smokers in the way that high self esteem individuals have a harder time quitting due

the way they hold value in their choices, as opposed to low self esteem individuals who can

change their actions just for external reasons. This information holds true to their disbelief and

as a result leads to an inability to quit smoking.

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Cognitive Dissonance: What Motivates Smokers To Keep Smoking?

Festinger’s Theory of Cognitive dissonance is the state of having inconsistent thoughts,

beliefs, or attitudes as relating to behavioral decisions and attitude change. (Aronson 1969)

A significant number of researchers have demonstrated the relationship of the theory to a

wide range of phenomena. The circumstances under which dissonance reduction will take place

and the factors determining the method used to reduce dissonance have been less well defined

and inadequately investigated. Cigarette smokers particularly are a very interesting group when

studying this theory of dissonance and how they use dissonance reduction strategies. Using a

variety of methods and subjects studies were conducted on smokers and non-smokers to test their

perceptions about different elements of their overall self-concept. Smoking is ultimately an

action that must be formulated--it is not something that people instinctively do. It is culturally

inspired through different age groups and has become a global epidemic.

Cognitive Dissonance

When a cigarette smoker is confronted with information that his or her actions are

most definitely harmful to their health, dissonance is created between this cognition and the idea

that of smoking (Aronson 1969). Steps for a person to reduce dissonance could include

termination of smoking, avoidance of information supporting any relationship with cancer or

other negative diseases that can result, and also minimization of the importance of the specific

issue. Festinger found more people smoked the more they refused to accept information, which

would have been dissonant with smoking.

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Cigarette smokers are more interested in information that proves their side to

make their actions in line with their morals and values. For example a person experiencing

cognitive dissonance is most likely to experience confirmation bias in which that person can only

accept information regarding his or her position and will disregard all information that opposes

their viewpoint. In essence, they are choosing which information to hold on to and are blocking

out everything else. The motivational drive behind smoking explains the major determinants of

what makes smokers continue their actions as a result of habit (Aronson 1969).

Dissonance Reduction

A person who smokes cigarettes knows that smoking causes many different diseases but

continues to smoke anyway. According to Festinger (1957), cognitive dissonance arises when a

person holds two cognitions or mental thoughts, which are inconsistent. Therefore, the smoking

person who thinks about diseases that can be caused by cigarette smoking experiences cognitive

dissonance when confronted with this information. The reduction of this dissonance involves

several strategies. Firstly, the smoker could quit smoking, which would be possibly the best

strategy to eliminate their dissonance (Aronson, 1969). Secondly, a person could simply deny the

harmful consequences of smoking by ignoring or demonstrating a weak relationship between

disease and smoking. Furthermore the smoker could emphasize other thoughts such as “Smoking

makes me calm”. Such a cognition could seek to justify smoking.

One strategy to reduce cognitive dissonance is to think less about conflicting information.

Smokers suppress thoughts about negative consequences because of their personal involvement

and the resulting dissonance. Recent research of thought suppression suggests that they result in

a higher activation (Macrae et al., 1994; Monteith, Spicer, & Tooman, 1998). Trying not to think

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about something seems to make such information more accessible. Although, there is evidence

that suggests internally motivated people seem to be able to suppress activated thoughts

(Monteith et al. 1998).

Addiction

Addiction is classified as the repeated, impulsive use of a substance despite its harmful

effects and known consequences (Kaminsky 2004). Addiction can come as an emotional or

mental dependence. Nicotine is known as the addictive substance in cigarettes. About 70% of

smokers say they want to quit and about half try to quit each year, but only 4% to 7% succeed

(Kaminsky 2004). This is due to the fact that smokers become physically dependent on nicotine

and there is also a psychological correlation associated with this and tends to lead to relapse after

quitting. Smokers may also use smoking as a way to escape from certain problems and

frustrations and this in turn contributes to its addictive nature. (Kaminsky 2004)

Tobacco addiction is a major health problem for adults and adolescents. Between 20 and

60% of adolescents are dependent on nicotine and more than two thirds who attempt to quit

experience withdrawal symptoms (Wang 2004). Yet, efforts to educate children on how to quit

usually ignore training on addiction and exploring the reasons smoking escalates. In a study

conducted on 32 non-smoking boys and girls aged 9-10 years. The children’s perceptions of

smoking habits were assessed. Children who thought addiction happened right after one cigarette

were committed to never smoking at all. Those who thought the addiction happened after several

cigarettes expressed intentions to experiment. Recent findings suggest that children can get

“hooked” just after a few days of smoking particularly when just experimenting (Wang 2004).

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Attempting to Quit

When trying to quit smokers are faced with many problems. There are often physical and

physiological effects that quitting has on an individual. Smokers attended cessation clinics and

were asked why they smoke. When asked if they would like to quit most people indicated that

they would. However in trying to quit they are likely to experience dissonance arousal in a

number of different ways that result in failed attempts, three or move on average (Carmody

1993). The frequency of smoking relapse has lead psychologists to invest time in learning why

smokers who have been able to quit have trouble maintaining self-control. (Brownell, Marlatt,

Lichtenstein, & Wilson, 1986). This study focused on the impact of relapse on smokers’

cognitions by understanding how prior attempts would influence future results at quitting.

The International Tobacco Control Four Country Survey conducted a telephone survey in

a nationally representative sample of adult smokers from Canada, the USA, the UK, and

Australia. Smokers were followed across three waves over two years, during which they were

asked to report on their smoking-related beliefs and their quitting behavior.

Smokers with no history of quitting across the different groups exhibited the highest

levels of realizations for smoking. When smokers quit smoking they reported having few reason

for smoking compared with when they had previously been smoking. Among those who tried to

quit but relapsed there was also a tendency to rationalize their smoking. This rationalization is

innate in humans for risk minimizing beliefs as predicted by social psychological theory. (Fotuhu

et al. 2012)

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Dissonance and Self Esteem

We as humans have the tendency and need to perceive ourselves as intelligent, reasonable

and decent. Therefore, we strive to maintain a positive concept of ourselves even when we

exhibit behavior or an attitude that contradicts our self-image (Aronson, 1969).

The research indicates that self-esteem is correlated with ability to accept information

that suggests they have performed poorly or somehow been ‘negligent’. (Brockner, 1979;

Shrauger & Kelly, 1988). It also suggests the are implications of how these people perceive

constructive criticism and how these dissonance reductions strategies ultimately work less in

individuals with higher esteem because they are less easily dissuaded to take up smoking.

Self-esteem is directly affected by dissonance reduction (Steele 1988). Steele argues that

a dissonance provoking act should make people with low self esteem easily susceptible to change

because of their low likelihood to hold favor to that. In contrast Steele suggests that high

esteemed individuals hold more clout to their actions and thus are less likely to stop those actions

because they think very highly of themselves and their choices and cannot accept the dissonance

arousal.

Risk Perceptions and Cognitive Dissonance

Understanding that one’s behavior is endangering one’s health is certainly likely to

arouse cognitive dissonance, which is why several researchers have suggested that dissonance

reduction may have been responsible for the changes in cognitions evidenced in their studies. In

fact there is a long history in social psychology suggesting that one way smokers reduce the

cognitive dissonance produced by the realization that they are engaging an ‘unwise’ behavior is

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to change knowledge about the subject and essentially re-educate themselves. Today more so

than the past people are aware of the negative effects of smoking and continue to partake.

When asked if they want to quit the majority of smokers concern themselves with their

health as the primary reason (Gibbons 1988). Today, smokers claim to be well aware of the risk

associated with their habits (Fisher 1990). The extensive research that has been done suggests

that risk perception plays a critical element in this process. When smokers recognize that their

chances for developing illnesses such as lung cancer are increased, their sense of awareness is

heightened. (Benthin, Slovic, & Severson, 1993)

These risks and perceptions of health risks have been shown to be negatively related to

adolescents who start smoking (Flay et al. 1994). Among Current smokers, risk perceptions are

positively associated with intention to quit (Eiser, Sutton & Wober, 1978)

One study has examined this issue completely (Gibbons, Mcgovern, Et all. 1991). This

study assessed health risk perceptions of smokers before, during, and after a quit attempt. Results

have indicated that these risk perceptions were higher at the time the smokers started the quit

program, and slightly declined towards the end (Gerrard, Gibbons Benthin, and Hessling (1996).

They also found that adolescents who increased their health risk over time, for example smoking,

drinking, and exhibiting reckless driving reported a noticeable increase in perceived health risk

but a significant decline in how much concern about health was likely to directly impact their

smoking behavior. This means they realized that their risky behavior was not a good enough

reason for them to stop.

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Relapse

Smokers experience a number of side effects after trying to quit. Users report hands

shaking, anxious feelings, heart pounding, tight muscles, trouble concentration, and irritability.

These uncomfortable feelings all are a result of the withdrawal from the nicotine. The relapse

rate for smokers who try to quit is discouragingly high. About 90 percent begin smoking again at

some point down the road (Sutton 1989).

Withdrawal is a period when the body has to adjust to the physical lack of nicotine that it

has become addicted to. The more a person smokes, the higher their tolerance becomes. This

makes the body feel normal under this amount of the drug and requires it for daily functioning.

Once the supply is cut off, the body suffers short-term physical repercussions. Once this period is

over, cravings will become more psychological than physical. Every time a cue for smoking is

presented the ex-smoker will remember the instant gratification that used to be triggered and as a

result this urge will present itself, time and time again (Sutton 1989).

Discussion

The number of studies concerning the smoker’s dilemma is numerous. For instance,

Tagliacozzo (1981) investigated tendencies of smokers to avoid dissonant information about

their smoking behaviors. She presented a quiz with smoking related health information with

instructions to circle the information items, which were in the participant’s opinion important for

smokers to know. The results indicated that smokers compared to non-smokers had a greater

tendency to avoid exposure to dissonance information but no differences between your

experience of smoking emerged.

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Self-affirmation theory focuses on the central role of the self-concept in the cognitive

dissonance process. According to Steele (1988), dissonance arises in situations where self-

integrity of a person is threatened. People want to maintain positive self-concept and these

inconsistencies threaten the overall integrity of the self.

Previous research on cognitive dissonance as well as research on similar things such as

warning labels used surveys as exclusive methods to assess cognitive dissonance. But ratings and

self-reports have associated problems. For example social desirability might bias the data

because people are most inclined to do something in an environment with a lot of people.

Nowadays smoking is ‘branded’ behavior and as a consequence self-reports may be prone to

distortions produced by impression management.

If smokers were in a state of cognitive dissonance between the cognition that smoking is

a health hazard and the knowledge that they are smokers it would be expected that attempts

would be made to reduce the inconsistency between cognitions (Festinger, 1957). Although

smokers do not reduce dissonance by avoiding information on smoking health (Brock 1965),

some evidence exists that smokers are less likely to believe in a causal relationship (Lawton &

Goldman, 1961).

Some of the existing research presents a few questions, which undermines the

principals of smokers and why they smoke. In determining where to go from here I think it is

important first to assess the various reasons that people choose to smoke and then distinguish

between proper methods to combat these reasons and thus solve the problem from the bottom up.

There are approaches to helping people quit smoking that is just ineffective. Smoking cessation

programs and clinics only work to the extent that people are willing and able to overcome their

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addiction. Most people are stuck in their short-term gratification systems and cannot value long-

term health over a quick puff of a cigarette.

Conclusion

Smokers are motivated to rationalize their behavior through the endorsement of more

positive beliefs about smoking, such as how it makes them feel. These beliefs change

systematically as the smoker becomes more experienced.

Even though smoking has tremendous health consequences, and is one of the

leading causes of preventable death (Word Health Organization, 2003). People continue to

smoke. Therefore, governments attempt to discourage smoking in different ways. Warning labels

printed on cigarette packages is a popular mean that has been introduced worldwide. These

warning labels provide information about the health-damaging consequences through text

statements and in some countries the text information is presented with pictures that should

likely arise dissonance. These warning labels are to inform people about the negative

consequences of smoking (Strahan et al., 2002).

A major finding of significance was the repeated confirmation of a close relationship

between smokers announced intentions to quit and their endorsements of dissonance reducing

ideas. Smokers who announced an intention to quit endorsed fewer rationalizations (Brehm &

Cohen).

Many individuals struggle to cope with their smoking addiction and it is a very

consuming habit, which devours health and money. People continue to smoke despite the

negative health consequences and warning labels that the government has mandated.

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