filipino identity

Filipino Identity in Fiction, 1945-1972Author(s): Mina RocesReviewed work(s):Source: Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 28, No. 2 (May, 1994), pp. 279-315Published by: Cambridge University PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/312888 .Accessed: 07/11/2011 09:44

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Modern Asian Studies 28, 2 (I994), pp. 279-315. Printed in Great Britain. Modern Asian Studies 28, 2 (I994), pp. 279-315. Printed in Great Britain. Modern Asian Studies 28, 2 (I994), pp. 279-315. Printed in Great Britain.

Filipino Identity in Fiction, I945-1972 MINA ROCES

University of Central Queensland, Rockhampton

I. Introduction

The Philippines in the immediate post-war years may be described as a nation in search of an identity. This preoccupation with what one journalist has dubbed 'the question of identity' spurred a sudden interest in the research and discussion of things Filipino: Filipino dance, theater, literature, language, music, art and cultural traditions. After four hundred and fifty years of colonial rule the Filipino intelligentsia began to wonder if indeed the western legacy of colonial rule was the annihilation of the very essence of Filipino culture. Under the aegis of American rule Filipinos were adamant about proving to their colonizers that they had been good pupils in western democratic ideals and were fit to govern themselves. From the I920S to the early 1940s, the Filipino had become a sajonista (pro-American).' The

Japanese colonizers who replaced the Americans in the second world war were appalled not only at the pro-Americanism of the Filipino but at the magnitude of American influence absorbed by Filipino culture. In fact it was the Japanese who promoted the use of Tagalog and the 'revival' and appreciation of Filipino cultural traditions as

part of the policy of 'Asia for the Asians'. Once independence was achieved at last in I946, the focus shifted. The nagging question was no longer 'Are we western enough to govern ourselves?' but its opposite-'Have we become too westernized to the point of losing ourselves?'.

It became important to discover whether in the enthusiastic acceptance of western culture, the Filipino identity was lost forever.2 To a

Nick Joaquin, 'Pop Culture: The American Years, The Filipino as Sajonista (I900s-194os)', in Alfredo Roces (ed.), Filipino Heritage (hereafter FH), vol. Io (Manila, 1978), pp. 2733-44.

2 This was not the first time the question of identity became an issue. In the late nineteenth century the early nationalists of the propaganda period were the first to identify themselves as Filipinos. For a discussion of the early propagandists and

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I. Introduction










I. Introduction








significant degree the Philippines was riding the tide of the times, for the newly independent countries of the third world also began to emphasize their national identities immediately after they acquired their independence. In Southeast Asia, India and Africa the Euro- peans had made their exit: the Dutch were pushed out of Indonesia, the British left Burma and India, and the French left Vietnam in I954. The Philippine paradox was that the Americans left but retained a powerful influence in politics and business, so that for many post-war nationalists Philippine sovereignty still had to be won.3 This presence became a major threat to Filipino self-identity and nationhood. The result was a self-conscious probing into the then puzzling problem of who is the Filipino?

This paper will focus on this preoccupation with the Filipino identity by examining this theme in the fiction writing of the period. It argues that the quest for identity was in reality the Filipino's attempt to come to terms with his colonial past. The intellectuals had come to perceive the Filipino as a 'lost soul'. He was lost because of the historical circumstances of a long colonial rule. There was a consensus that colonial rule had negative effects on Filipino identity formation. Since the loss of identity was perceived to be an offshoot of the colonial heritage, the solution to the identity crisis seemed to emerge from two options-to reject the colonial past as totally harmful to Filipino identity formation and begin anew, or to accept the colonial past as

their approach to the Filipino identity an excellent study is John Schumacher, The Propaganda Movement, 188o--1895 (Manila, 1973). In fact, the intelligentsia of the early post-war years looked back at the activities of these early propagandists for inspira- tion. A bookshop and art gallery (owned by one of the fiction writers discussed in this paper-Francisco Sionil Jose) was called Solidaridad, and his quarterly journal named Solidarity (first published in I966), because it intended to perpetuate the tradition of the newspaper La Solidaridad. See Jose's comments in 'The Writer who Stayed Behind' in Alfredo T. Morales (ed.), From Cabugaw to Rosales: A Filipino's Journey to Justice and Nationhood, F. Sionil Jose and His Fiction (Quezon City, i989), pp. i 19-20. La Solidaridad was the journal used by the nineteenth century ilustrado proto-nationalists in Spain to voice their criticisms of the Spanish colonials and to demand reforms in the colonial political and religious policies. Indios Bravos was a cafe opened in Mabini St, Manila, by a group of artists and writers in the g96os and early i970s. These intellectuals liked to meet regularly at the cafe to discuss issues. Indios Bravos was the name given by Jose Rizal to the group of ilustrado propagandists in Spain. These were the same people who published La Solidaridad. The name 'Indios Bravos' itself advertised their identity-they were 'Indios'. See Schumacher, The Propaganda, pp. 213-I6. 3 The Americans still retained their grip through the presence of military bases, and in the privileges of the parity amendment to the Philippine constitution which allowed Americans equal rights with Filipino citizens in the exploitation of Philippine natural resources.







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part and parcel of the Filipino identity. Those who saw the colonial past as oppressive to Filipino identity formation sought to purify Fili- pino culture from this influence by rejection of such a past, while those who saw it as an inescapable part of the Filipino identity pleaded for the appreciation of the colonial past because in it lay the roots of the Filipino nation.

The next inevitable question asked was: Who is the true Filipino and where could he be found? Those who exhorted the repudiation of the colonial past believed that the Filipino identity resided with the peasants, the masses or the tribal Filipinos who were the least influenced by the colonial culture. Those who recommended that the Filipino accept his colonial past as part of his 'Filipino-ness' found the true Filipino among those who valued and appreciated his nation's colonial history.

Evidence for these arguments was gleaned from the fiction writing of the period I945-I972. Four authors whose works confronted this issue in their fiction writing were chosen because they had dealt with this issue as a primary theme in their fiction works. Of these authors, three wrote in English (Francisco Sionil Jose, Nick Joaquin, N. V. M. Gonzalez), and one wrote in the vernacular-Tagalog (Amado Hernandez). The sources used included novels, poems, short stories, and one play.

All four authors agreed that the Filipino was a lost soul owing to Philippine colonial history, (although Hernandez points out that the colonial relationship persists in the form of neo-colonialism). Two of the authors (Hernandez and Jose) argued for the rejection of the colonial past and declared that the true Filipino was to be found among the workers and the peasants-the Filipino masses. These authors were also anti-elite, and in the case of Jose anti-ilustrado as well (the ilustrados were the educated mestizo elite of the nineteenth century). The elite were perceived to be evil, greedy and corrupt- the descendants of the former colonials. The literary imagery used to describe them was 'birds of prey', 'dinosaurs' or the 'balete tree' (a parasite). In their opinion the true Filipino was nationalist, socialist and anti-imperialist. On the other hand, author Nick Joaquin, who recommended that the Filipino accept the colonial past as part of his 'Filipino-ness' proposed acceptance of the Spanish heritage as an essential part of his nature and therefore an element that must be preserved.

The debate over the question of identity has not been thoroughly explored in the scholarly literature. This is true not only in the area











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of fiction but also in the other areas-non-fiction (particularly journalism), dance, art, politics, and music. In fiction, although many articles and theses have been written on all the authors discussed in this paper, no one has yet examined in depth the collective works of the authors in the light of their contribution to the debate on Filipino identity, an issue they had addressed consistently in the I945-1972 period.4

Historian Renato Constantino, however, has written extensively on the issue of Filipino identity, actively endorsing one option in his zeal to reinterpret Philippine history. To many readers he articulated the nationalist viewpoint5 that espoused the repudiation of the colonial past. Almost all of his books addressed the topic of Filipino identity and national consciousness since the concept of the Filipino identity was inextricably linked to the larger issue of nationalism.6 He observed that the Filipino still possessed a 'colonial consciousness' brought about largely by what he labelled 'the miseducation of the Filipino'. Americanization was responsible for quenching the newly born Filipino 'counter-consciousness' that appeared in the revolution

4 There is a very brief (3 short pages) discussion on the search for identity as an important theme in Philippine fiction of the years 1945-1972 by Joseph A. Galdon, written as part of his review of the prevailing themes in the critical essays on Philip- pine literature published in Philippine Studies. See Joseph A. Galdon, 'Introduction', in Joseph A. Galdon (ed.), Philippine Fiction: Essays From Philippine Studies 1953-1972 (Quezon City, 1972), pp. xi-xiv. For another essay summarizing the themes in the Philippine novel in English see Joseph A. Galdon, 'Romance and Realism: The Philippine Novel in English', in Joseph A. Galdon (ed.), Essays on the Philippine Novel in English (Quezon City, i979), pp. I-i5.

5 Renato Constantino's works are required readings for Philippine history courses in universities and colleges in the Philippines. His book, The Philippines, A Past Revisited, is a textbook used at the University of the Philippines (UP). His interpreta- tion of history was challenged by American historian Glenn May who lamented the fact that this 'distorted' view of history was propagated at the UP and his works cited as gospel truth by the students. This challenge provoked a retort from some UP history professors. It must be pointed out, however, that Glenn May did not separate the view of Constantino the historian, and Constantino, the nationalist. Although Constantino's interpretations may be faulted, his reputation among many Filipinos is still that of a nationalist. For an insight into the debate see Glenn May, 'A Past Revisited: A Past Distorted', Diliman Review, 31, 2 (March-April 1983). This article was reprinted in his book A Past Recovered (Quezon City, 1987), pp. 3-24. For replies to May's article see, Silverino V. Epistola, 'The Empire Strikes Back', Diliman Review 31, 4 (July-August, I983), and Alex Magno, 'Historical Fact and Historical Meaning', Diliman Review, 31, 3 (May-June, i983). 6 See Renato Constantino, Neocolonial Identity and Counter-Consciousness (New York, 1978), Renato Constantino, The Philippines: The Continuing Past (Quezon City, 1979), Renato Constantino, Dissent and Counter-Consciousness (Quezon City, I970), Renato Constantino, The Nationalist Alternative (Quezon City, 1979), and Renato Constantino, The Making of a Filipino (Quezon City, I969).











against Spain. Miseducation was caused by an American educational policy that utilized English as the medium of instruction, and which deliberately distorted the history of the American occupation with Americans presented not as conquerors, but as friends who took up the white man's burden of educating the Filipinos.

Education became miseducation because it began to deFilipinize the youth, taught them to regard American culture as superior to any other, and American society as the model par excellence for Philippine society ...

. . the question of identity became more blurred as colonizer and colon- ized were pictured as being welded in a common undertaking-that of pre- paring the nation so that it would be deserving of independence.7

Invoking Marxist dialectics he argued that a conflict existed between 'colonial consciousness' and 'counter-consciousness' and only when 'counter-consciousness' triumphed over 'colonial consciousness' (Constantino vaguely defined 'counter-consciousness' as the force that would liberate Filipino 'colonial consciousness') would the true Filipino identity emerge. For Constantino the colonial period had not ended, instead it reincarnated into a neo-colonial present, remaining a palpable threat to Filipino identity and nationhood. For this reason it was absolutely critical to repudiate this influence. The true Filipino in Constantino's view was a staunch anti-imperialist, anti-colonialist, intensely nationalistic and preferably Marxist.

In politics, the view that the colonial past/neo-colonial present was detrimental to Filipino identity formation was voiced by senators Claro M. Recto, Lorenzo Taiada, and Jose P. Laurel. With the exception of Lorenzo Tafiada, the politicians involved were anti- American initially for political reasons -they were Japanese collabor- ators and this fact denied them American endorsement at the polls. Recto became the mentor of the first post-war anti-American nationalists. His primary concern (like Constantino) was to point out the Filipino's misperception of the Philippine-American relationship. He criticized the Filipino's blatant pro-Americanism which made him oblivious to the reality of his continuous dependency on America. In an essay aptly entitled 'Our Lingering Colonial Complex' Recto summarized the current Philippine-American relationship:

But an intensive and pervasive cultural colonization no less than an enlightened policy of gradually increasing autonomy, dissolved whatever hatreds and resentments were distilled in the Filipino-American war, and,













7 Constantino, Neocolonial Identity, pp. 66 and 69. 7 Constantino, Neocolonial Identity, pp. 66 and 69. 7 Constantino, Neocolonial Identity, pp. 66 and 69.

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by the time of the enactment of the Jones Law, promising independence upon the establishment of a stable government, an era of goodwill was firmly opened, one which even the cabinet crisis under Governor General Wood could only momentarily disturb. A system of temporary trade preferences, under which our principal industries were developed, cemented the relationship with the hard necessities of economic survival, for it was belatedly realized that the same system of so-called free trade had made us completely dependent on the American market. The vicissitudes and triumphs of the common struggle against the Japanese Empire completed the extraordinary structure, and it was not at all strange or unexpected that, when our independence was finally proclaimed, it was not so much an act of separation, as one of 'more perfect union.'8

Recto believed that this 'more perfect union' with America was stifling Filipino attempts at exercising true independence. To protect his own national interest and affirm his nation's sovereignty, the Filip- ino must sever the colonial/dependent relationship with America. In the context of the debate on Filipino identity, Recto's position would be for the rejection of the American influences of the past and the present, a perspective that brought Recto in the camp of those intellectuals who opted for the repudiation of the colonial past. Apart from this, no other insights can be gleaned on the issue of Filipino identity in the writings of these early post-war nationalists, since the issue of Filipino identity was tangential to their over-all crusade against neo-colonialism.

As evidenced by the link between the identity issue and the nationalist politicians, the debate on identity was not merely confined to the esoteric level. In the field of politics and economics there were distinct material gains to be made by linking the identity issue with nationalist aspirations. In the term of President Carlos Garcia (1959) the 'Filipino First' policy was launched. The slogan 'Filipino First' in its essence meant a policy to ensure that Filipinos were given control of their own trade, capital and business resources over foreigners.9 For the elite business group, Filipinization implied the turnover of once foreign-owned industries into the hands of Filipinos. At the managerial level it opened the doors for Filipinos to acquire the top positions in the management of huge international and national

8 Claro M. Recto, 'Our Lingering Colonial Complex', in Renato Constantino (ed.), Recto Reader, Excerpts from the Speeches of Claro M. Recto (Manila, I965), p. 9. For more information on Recto's thoughts see this volume. For a glimpse of the thoughts of Recto's protege and successor Iorcenzo Tafiada, see Lorenzo Tafiada, Nationalism. A Summons to Greatness (Quz(on C(ity, i()i9).

' Fernando Castro, Nationalism Iilipiino First (Manila, I959), p. 9.












FILIPINO IDENTITY IN FICTION, I945-72 FILIPINO IDENTITY IN FICTION, I945-72 FILIPINO IDENTITY IN FICTION, I945-72

corporations (non-family owned corporations); positions which hitherto had been reserved only for American or foreign expatriates. The call for Filipinization also permeated media and the church hier- archy. The American editors and newspaper/magazine owners made their graceful exit in late 1950s leaving Filippino publishers and editors to take their places, while on September I4, 1957 six Filipino members of the religious orders sent Pope Pius XII a petition pointing out the grievance that management of the religious institutions (Catholic universities, seminaries and Catholic schools) were mono- polized by non-Filipinos.'0

In Philippine art, artists grappled with the question: 'What is Phil- ippine art?' and 'What is a Filipino painting?'l In the I950S particularly, artists pondered these questions in response to the works of the grand master Fernando Amorsolo who was famous for his paintings of rural Philippines. The vexing issue of whether it was the medium or the content that determined the 'Filipino-ness' of the art work was constantly discussed. In his interviews with the Filipino artists of the time, art critic Cid Reyes consistently posed these two questions to all his interviewees.12

Although these intellectuals were disturbed about the identity issue enough to write about it, no one had produced a synthesis of the various aspects of the debate. In retrospect, these propositions advoc- ated by the above intellectuals, Constantino included, represent individual attempts to find solutions to the identity crisis. They may all be considered primary sources for a deeper study on the identity issue in Philippine culture, history and politics. The arguments advanced

10 Although there is some literature on the Filipino First policy there is practically

nothing on how Filipino entrepreneurs, publishers and religious took over the top positions previously filled by foreigners. These data were taken from a chapter of a

biography of one Filipino business manager who had made it to a top position in this period and succeeded in becoming a top technocrat in the martial law period. See NickJoaquin,Jaime Ongpin the Enigma. A Profile of the Filipino as Manager (Manila, I990), ch. 11, pp. 130-42.

" See Cid Reyes, Conversations on Philippine Art (Manila, I989). This book is a collection of interviews with artists conducted by art critic Cid Reyes. The interviews were largely carried out in the 1970s although a couple were done right before the

publication date. See also Emmanuel Torres, 'Nationalism in Filipino Art '"Hot" and "Cool"', in Alice M. L. Coseteng (ed.), Philippine Modern Art and its Critics (Manila, 1972). The article was originally published in Esso Silangan XIV, 4 (June 1969). For a pictorial essay which argues that the Filipino identity is an issue in art from the post-war years to the I96os see Rodrigo D. Perez III, 'Identity Motifs in

Philippine Painting', The FilipinasJournal of Science and Culture, vol. I (Manila, r98I), pp. 103-I I.

12 See Reyes, Conversations on Philippine Art.





















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by this paper present a coherent synthesis of the individual viewpoints. By using the works of different fiction writers embracing all facets of the identity debate, it encapsulates succinctly the theses brought forward by the intelligentsia in their quixotic endeavours to find the Filipino soul. Finally, the paper interprets the search for identity as the Filipino's attempt to deal with his colonial past; a perspective that emerges from a close study of the fiction writing of the post-war republican era. Such a viewpoint may be used as a starting point from which to analyze the debate on the Filipino identity in the wider cultural and political milieu of the times. In this sense this paper hopes to provoke similar studies in the other fields outside the parameters of literature.

II. Four Fiction Writers and the Question of Identity In literature the pre-war writers were more troubled by the question 'Is my English good enough?' than the problem of whether their writing was 'Filipino enough'. This anxiety was a reflection of the pre-war drive to show the Americans that the Filipinos had become westernized and ready for independence along western democratic lines. Interviews with the first generation of Filipino writers in English revealed that they were obsessed with mastering the English language using American literary models. These apprentices were nonetheless encouraged and practically all their short stories were published in the various magazines that mushroomed in the decades before the second world war.'3 After the war the second generation of Filipino writers in English had already mastered the language, and were now preoccupied with the question of Filipino identity. Eventually (in the later period beyond the scope of this paper), they would begin to

13 For a compilation of interviews with the first generation of Filipino writers in English see Doreen G. Fernandez, and Edilberto N. Alegre (eds), The Writer and his Milieu. An Oral History of First Generation Writers in English (Manila, 1984). A second volume compiles the interviews with the second generation of writers in English; that is, the generation discussed in this paper. See Doreen G. Fernandez and Edilberto N. Alegre (eds), Writers and their Milieu, An Oral History of Second Generation Writers in English (Manila, I987). Unfortunately while the first volume captures successfully the life and times of the writers, the second volume is disappointing. The interviews are separate pieces and the 'milieu' never materializes. (In the first volume the authors speak of both their lives and of their contemporaries.) At the same time key authors are not included in the volume and replaced by journalists. Established authors such as Francisco Sionil Jose, Alejandro Roces and Gilda Cordero-Fernando are conspicuously absent.








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question whether the English language could express the particular nuances peculiar to the Filipino culture-and whether the Tagalog language would be a better vehicle for writing Philippine literature.

To illustrate the various viewpoints in the debate on identity, four authors and their explicit writings on Filipino identity are presented and analyzed. In all cases brief biographical data are given of the author followed by a summary of his work interspersed with a dis- course on his view on Filipino identity. One of the authors, Amado V. Herandez wrote in the vernacular-Tagalog, and I have translated the appropriate quotations into English.

Amado V. Hernandez

Amado Vera Hernandez was born in Tondo, Manila, on September I3, 1903. He received a very modest education-a high school dip- loma with some training in typing and stenography at the Gregg Business School. He also started but did not complete a correspond- ence course called 'Practical English and Mental Efficiency'. He became a reporter for the morning daily Watawat (Flag) eventually becoming a columnist for Pagkakaisa (Unity), and finally rising to editor of Mabuhay. All were Tagalog newspapers. Prior to the outbreak of the second world war he had already published some poems and short stories in two Tagalog anthologies: Clodualdo del Mundo's Parolang Ginto (Golden Lantern) and Alejandro Abadilla's Talaang Bughaw (Blue Star). He was also vice-president of one of the first Filipino writers' societies called Aklatang Bayan (Library of the Country). He won the Commonwealth Award for Literature in I938- 40. In 1932 he married Atang de la Rama, the 'queen of Tagalog song' and the famous star of the zarzuela.'4

In 1945 Hernandez entered politics and although he continued to write fiction, his political career took him center stage. He became president of the Philippine Newspaper Guild in I945 and was appointed Councilor of Manila. This was followed by election to Councilor of Tondo (I947) and president of the Congress of Labor Organizations (CLO) also in I947. The CLO was under guidance of the Communist Party of the Philippines which Hernandez joined after his election to the presidency of the CLO. In May I948 he left for

14 Ninotchka Rosca, 'Ka Amado: Labor's Guiding Light', in Alfredo Roces (ed.), FH, vol. o1, p. 255I.



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the United States and Europe to gather material on the international working class movement.

When in 1950 the entire political bureau of the Communist Party of the Philippines was taken by the military, Hernandez was among those imprisoned. It was in prison where he resumed his literary projects. In the six years he was in prison he wrote Bayang Malaya (Free Country), Isang Dipang Langit (An Armful of Sky, which was a collection of poems), short stories, and portions of the novel Mga Ibong Mandaragit (Birds of Prey). On June 20, 1956 he was given temporary freedom under bail and was finally acquitted on May i, I964. He wrote a column in the Tagalog daily Taliba and became editor of Makabansa and Ang Masa. He also taught at the Ateneo de Manila and the University of the Philippines. His popularity among the masses was such that a radio station planned a soap opera series entitled Isang Dipang Langit.'5 Although he died of a heart attack in I970, he was posthumously declared a National Artist for Literature on June 12, 1973.16

Amado Hernandez' two most famous works, Isang Dipang Langit and Mga Ibong Mandaragit, both addressed the issue of Filipino national consciousness since in his view the Filipino identity is inextricably tied to nationalist sentiment. His work reflected his Marxist orientation. His general image of Philippine society was one that needed liberation and social reform. The elite were oppressors and exploiters of the masses who were sincere, hardworking, loyal and devoid of corruption. Thus from this perspective, it was not surprising that Hernandez singled out the poor as the only possible source for heroes dedicated to the political and social reform of Philippine society.

Isang Dipang Langit is a collection of poems written while he was in prison. Most of the poems describe the frustrations of prison life but a number of them glorify the peasants and the laborers. One of Her- nandez' poems entitled Ang Panday (The Blacksmith) describes a blacksmith at work making tools. But once a revolt flares up he makes a sword that would carry out vengeance for the oppression of a people. The blacksmith here is a man who can make both a plough and a sword. The plough is instrumental in feeding the people, and the sword in liberating the country. Therefore the humble blacksmith

15 Ibid., p. 2552. 16 Cirilo F. Bautista, 'Two Poets, Two Rebels: Villa and Hernandez', in The Filip- inas Journal of Science and Culture, vol. 4 (Manila, 1982), p. 66.













holds in his work-stained hands life, liberation and his nation's selfhood.17

Hernandez' most famous novel Mga Ibong Mandaragit develops this theme comprehensively. The characters of the novel are divided into two camps: those that fall under the category of mga ibong mandaragit (birds of prey), and their victims-the workers and peasants.18 The novel is preoccupied with describing both sets of characters who remain separate in the real world.

The title Mga Ibong Mandaragit (Birds of Prey) was taken from a well-known editorial published in the El Renacimiento on October 30, I908. The editorial entitled Aves de Rapina (Birds of Prey) denounced the practices of American government officials and businessmen, call- ing them birds of prey; that is, exploiters of both the Philippine natural resources and the Filipino people. Hernandez reproduced this entire essay (in Tagalog) in the novel under the auspices of Kampilan (cutlass), the newspaper published by the leading characters of the story. Magat, the editor of Kampilan annotated the I908 editorial with his own comments. It is here, right in the middle of the novel where Hernandez divulged the meaning of the title Mga Ibong Mandaragit:

Gone are the wicked creatures who used the disguise of the Eagle, the Vulture, the Owl and the Bat, but their descendants remain, and their descendants are their agents and business partners. They may be found not only in the mountains, but in the plains, forests, lakes, seas, towns, cities, in the huge buildings, in the highest of offices in the important occupations, and their sharp beaks, teeth and nails are being used as before to lap lives and suck the blood of their victims.'9

The original birds of prey were the Americans-the colonial power. The colonizers had already departed in 1945. But they left behind their descendants, the Filipino elite 'in the highest of offices in the important occupations'. These birds of prey exploited their victims, the rest of the Filipino people. The rich, because they were the descendants of the American colonizers, could not possibly possess the true Filipino identity. On the other hand, the poor who had the substance of this identity must free themselves from elite oppression. How were they to triumph over the birds of prey?

17 Amado V. Hernandez, Isang Dipang Langit (Manila, I96I), p. 30, or E. San Juan's translation of the poems published under the title Rice Grains: Selected Poems (New York, I966), p. 39. See also Ninotchka Rosca, 'Ka Amado', pp. 255I-2. 18 Soledad S. Reyes, Nobelang Tagalog 90o5-1975, Tradisyon at Modernismo (Quezon City, 1982), p. 127. 19 Amado V. Hernandez, Mga Ibong Mandaragit (Quezon City, I969), pp. I80-I.

holds in his work-stained hands life, liberation and his nation's selfhood.17

Hernandez' most famous novel Mga Ibong Mandaragit develops this theme comprehensively. The characters of the novel are divided into two camps: those that fall under the category of mga ibong mandaragit (birds of prey), and their victims-the workers and peasants.18 The novel is preoccupied with describing both sets of characters who remain separate in the real world.

filipino identity

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