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Medieval Monastic Education

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Medieval Monastic Education

Edited byGeorge Ferzoco and Carolyn Muessig

Leicester University PressLondon and New York

Leicester University PressA Continuum imprintThe Tower Building, 11 York Road, London SE1 7NX370 Lexington Avenue, New York, NY 10017-6503

First published 2000

© George Ferzoco, Carolyn Muessig and contributors 2000

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted inany form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recordingor any information storage retrieval system, without permission in writing from thepublishers.

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication DataA catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

ISBN 0-7185-0246-9

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication DataMedieval monastic education/edited by George Ferzoco and Carolyn Muessig.

p. cm.Includes bibliographical references and index.ISBN 0-7185-0246-91. Monastic and religious life-History-Middle Ages, 600-1500. 2. Religious

education—History. I. Ferzoco, George. II. Muessig, Carolyn.

BX2462 .M43 2000268'.82'0902-dc21

00-055654

Typeset by BookEns Ltd, Royston, Herts.Printed and bound in Great Britain by TJ International, Padstow, Cornwall

Contents

Illustrations viiContributors ixPreface xiiiAcknowledgements xiv

1 The changing face of tradition: monastic educationin the Middle AgesGeorge Ferzoco 1

2 Training for the liturgy as a form of monastic educationSusan Boynton 1

3 Besides the book: using the body to mould the mind —Cluny in the tenth and eleventh centuriesIsabelle Cochelin 21

4 A medieval novice's formation: reflection on afifteenth-century manuscript at Downside AbbeyAidan Bellenger 35

5 The scope of learning within the cloisters of theEnglish cathedral priories in the later Middle AgesJoan Greatrex 41

6 University monks in late medieval EnglandJames G. Clark 56

7 Hildegard of Bingen's teaching in her Expositionesevangeliorum and Ordo virtutumBeverly Mayne Kienzle 72

8 Learning and mentoring in the twelfth century:Hildegard of Bingen and Herrad of LandsbergCarolyn Muessig 87

9 Educating HeloiseW. G. East 105

vi Contents

10 The role of images in monastic education: the evidencefrom wall painting in late medieval EnglandMiriam Gill 117

11 Ghostly mentor, teacher of mysteries: Bartholomew,Guthlac and the Apostle's cult in early medieval EnglandGraham Jones 136

12 'Life, learning and wisdom': the forms and functions ofbeguine educationPenelope Galloway 153

13 Franciscan educational perspectives: reworking monastictraditionsBert Roest 168

14 Monastic educational culture revisited: the witness ofZwiefalten and the Hirsau reformConstant J. Mews 182

Abbreviations 198Bibliography 199Index 231

Illustrations

10.1 Crucifixion and Arma Christi from Carthusianmiscellany (c.1460–70) 121

10.2 Tree of the Seven Deadly Sins. Speculum virginum(c.1140) 123

10.3 Tree of the Seven Deadly Sins. Hoxne, Suffolk(c.1390–1410) 124

10.4 Moralized cherub. Chapter House, Westminster Abbey(1380s) 126

10.5 Lower portion of Crucifixion. Former refectory,Charterhouse, Coventry (c.1411–17) 128

10.6 Lower portion, St Anne teaching the Virgin to read.Former refectory, Charterhouse, Coventry (c.1411-17) 130

10.7 Christ appearing to Doubting Thomas. Former Chapelof the Holy Cross, north transept, St Albans Cathedral(c.1428) 132

11.1 Map of St Bartholomew church dedications 14311.2 Map of distribution of churches in honour of

St Bartholomew and Guthlac 14512.1 Table of accounts from the beguinage of St Elizabeth

in Lille 163

Contributors

Dom Aidan Bellenger is a monk of Downside Abbey, where he wasHead Master for five years. He teaches medieval history at Bath SpaCollege. He studied at the University of Cambridge, where he receivedhis PhD in 1978, and at the Angelicum University, Rome. He haswritten five books and numerous articles mainly on the history ofreligious orders and Anglo-French relations. He is a Fellow of theRoyal Historical Society.

Susan Boynton is Assistant Professor of Historical Musicology atColumbia University. Her research interests include liturgical poetry,liturgical drama, monastic customaries, monastic education andwomen in medieval music. Recent publications include an article onthe Orpheus myth in Carolingian music theory: The Sources andSignificance of the Orpheus Myth in "Musica Enchiriadis" and Reginoof Prum's "Epistola de harmonica institutione"', Early Music History18 (1999), 47-74; and articles on liturgical drama, includingTerformative Exegesis in the Fleury "Interfectio Puerorum"', Viator29 (1998), 1-25, and The Liturgical Role of Children in MonasticCustomaries from the Central Middle Ages', Studia Liturgica 28(1998), 194-209.

James G. Clark is British Academy Postdoctoral Fellow and JuniorResearch Fellow in History at Brasenose College, Oxford. His researchinterests are focused on later medieval monastic learning. He has publishedseveral articles on this theme and is currently completing a study ofThomas Walsingham and St Albans Abbey for Oxford University Press.

Isabella Cochelin is Assistant Professor in History and at the Centrefor Medieval Studies, University of Toronto. Her research interestsinclude monastic history and social history, more specifically Cluny,monastic customaries and the life cycle, and among her recentpublications are two articles in Revue Mabillon on novitiate andhierarchy (1998 and 2000).

W. G. East holds degrees from Oxford and Yale, and has taught inCork, Sunderland and York universities. A Catholic priest, hecontinues to teach and publish on various medieval topics. Recent

x Contributors

publications include 'Abelard's Allusive Style', in MittellateinischesJahrbuch (1999) and This Body of Death: Abelard, Heloise and theReligious Life', in Medieval Theology and the Natural Body (York:Boydell and Brewer, 1997).

George Ferzoco is Lecturer in Italian Studies, University of Leicester.His research interests include sermons, hagiography and religiousliterature in Italy, and recent publications include an English translationof Peter of the Morrone's 'Autobiography' in T. Head (ed.) MedievalHagiography (New York: Garland, 2000) and 'An Italian Archbishop'sSermon to the Pope', Medieval Sermon Studies 43 (1999), 67-74.

Penelope Galloway is Lecturer in Medieval History, University ofBristol. Her research interests include beguine communities, medievalwomen's work and urban history. Recent publications include 'NeitherMiraculous nor Astonishing: The Devotional Practice of BeguineCommunities in French Flanders', in J. Dor, L. Johnson and J. Wogan-Browne (eds) New Trends in Feminine Spirituality: The Holy Women ofLiege and Their Impact (Turnhout: Brepols, 1999), 107-27.

Miriam Gill is a PhD candidate at the Courtauld Institute. Her thesisdiscusses late medieval wall painting in England. She has recentlyundertaken a database project on catechismical murals for theUniversity of Leicester. She is interested in the relationship betweenvisual, oral and written culture, with particular regard to didactic wallpaintings, the articulation of sacred space and local saints.

Joan Greatrex was Associate Professor of Medieval History, CarletonUniversity, Ottawa, until her retirement, and was recently Bye Fellow atRobinson College, Cambridge. Her research interests include Englishmonastic history with special reference to the cathedral priories and theirBenedictine chapters, and also to the monks' intellectual pursuits. She isthe author of Biographical Register of the English Cathedral Priories of theProvince of Canterbury, c.1066–1540 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1997).

Graham Jones is an Honorary Fellow at the University of Leicester'sDepartment of English Local History and Stott Fellow in theUniversity of Wales, Centre for Advanced Welsh and Celtic Studies.He was awarded a Leverhulme Fellowship at Leicester, 1997-99, tobegin work on a Trans-national Database and Atlas of Saints' Cults.

Beverly Mayne Kienzle is Professor of the Practice in Latin andRomance Languages at Harvard Divinity School and is the currentPresident of the International Medieval Sermon Studies Society.Recent publications include Cistercians, Heresy and Crusade (1145-1229): Preaching in the Lord's Vineyard (York: Boydell and Brewer,2000) and The Sermon: Typologie des sources du moyen age occidental,fasc. 81-83 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2000).

Contributors xi

Constant J. Mews is Senior Lecturer in the School of HistoricalStudies and Director of the Centre for Studies in Religion andTheology, Monash University, and specializes in the thought andreligious culture of the twelfth century. He is the author of The LostLove Letters of Heloise and Abelard: Perceptions of Dialogue in Twelfth-Century France (New York: St Martin's, 1999), as well as many papersrelating to Hildegard of Bingen.

Carolyn Muessig is Lecturer in Medieval Theology, University ofBristol. Her research interests include the sermons of Jacques de Vitryand James of Voragine, monastic history and medieval women'seducation. Recent publications include The Faces of Women in theSermons of Jacques de Vitry (Toronto: Peregrina, 1999) and MedievalMonastic Preaching (Leiden: Brill, 1998). She is co-editor of the journalMedieval Sermon Studies.

Bert Roest is Fellow of The Netherlands Royal Academy assigned toGroningen University. His research focuses on medieval intellectualhistory and (Franciscan) religious thought. His writings includeReading the Book of History: Intellectual Contexts and EducationalFunctions of Franciscan Historiography (1226-ca. 1350) (Groningen:Regenboog Press, 1996) and A History of Franciscan Education (c.1217-1500) (Leiden: Brill, 2000).

Preface

The contents of this book are based on the international conference,'Medieval Monastic Education and Formation', held at DownsideAbbey from 22 to 25 June 1999. This was the second conferencehosted by the Congregation of St Gregory the Great, Downside Abbey,which addressed monastic life in the Middle Ages. The conference wasattended by scholars from Australia, Canada, Finland, Germany, Italy,The Netherlands, the United Kingdom and the United States. Over thefour-day conference, fourteen speakers and three respondentsinvestigated education and formation in male and female religioushouses from the eighth to the sixteenth centuries. The geographicalareas under examination included England, France, Germany and theLow Countries.

Of the fourteen papers delivered at the conference, this volumecontains twelve with the addition of an article on twelfth-centuryfemale education and a discussion of the main themes raised in thepapers. The proceedings offer further insight into both male andfemale monastic approaches to learning. Moreover, aspects ofmedieval monastic education which have not been explored in greatdetail up until now, such as the use of music and liturgy in education,are addressed. Two papers dealing with beguinal and Franciscaneducation respectively are also included as they at once share in thetradition of monastic learning and shed light on monastic approachesto education.

George Ferzoco, University of LeicesterCarolyn Muessig, University of Bristol

17 April 2000

Acknowledgements

The editors would like to record their gratitude to the Downside Trust,a charitable organization dedicated to the promotion of scholarship inthe field of religious history and thought, which sponsored theMedieval Monastic Education conference, Downside Abbey, 22-25June 1999. In addition to the help and support of the Downside Trust,many thanks are owed to Downside Abbey, the University of BristolResearch Fund, and the Department of Theology and ReligiousStudies, University of Bristol - all assisted in the sponsorship andsupport of this conference. We would like to give warm thanks inparticular to Fr Richard Yeo, Abbot of Downside, Fr Aidan Bellenger,Fr Charles Fitzgerald-Lombard, Fr James Hood, Fr Dunstan O'Keeffeand Fr Daniel Rees. The dedicated participation of all the contributorsto this volume is warmly acknowledged.

The editors wish to dedicate this book toJacques Menard

and to all who teach by word and example

1 The changing face oftradition: monastic educationin the Middle Ages

George Ferzoco

The Rule of Benedict begins with the call: 'Listen carefully, my son, tothe master's instructions, and attend to them with the ear of yourheart' (RB: Prologue). How one should listen and how one shouldinstruct are, however, never clearly laid out in the Rule] and themethods that were developed and employed to fill this lacuna havebeen the subject of several landmark books addressing education inthe Middle Ages. Presently, a handful of these books will be addressedto outline the main trends in this area of study.

Formative studies of medieval education

One of the most influential books in the study of monastic culture andeducation is Jean Leclercq's The Love of Learning and the Desire forGod (1974). Analysing monastic education from Benedict of Nursia(|c.540) to Bernard of Clairvaux (11153), the book underlines thatmonastic houses were places where monks developed their theologicalsensibilities in order to find God. Leclercq's study is a thematic tour deforce, addressing aspects of monastic pedagogy such as poetry, liturgy,classical studies, methods of reading, biblical imagination, humanism,scholasticism, hagiography and liturgy, to name only a few.

While Leclercq's book offers depth and breadth to the under-standing of monastic culture which all students should examine, hetends to synthesize various monastic approaches to education into amonolithic characterization of the learned monk:

To combine a patiently acquired culture with a simplicity wonthrough the power of fervent love, to keep simplicity of soul inthe midst of the diverse attractions of the intellectual life and, inorder to accomplish this, to place oneself and remain firmly onthe place of the conscience, to raise knowledge to its level andnever let it fall below: that is what the cultivated monk succeedsin doing. He is a scholar, he is versed in letters but he is not

2 George Ferzoco

merely a man of science nor a man of letters nor an intellectual,he is a spiritual man. (Leclercq, 1974: 317)

Leclercq's study offers insight into early monasticism by dedicatingchapters to Benedict of Nursia and Gregory the Great (f604).Nevertheless, the central points of his book are related to the twelfthcentury, and in particular to the thought of Bernard of Clairvaux. Onebook which focuses entirely on the early period of monastic educationin the West is Pierre Riche's Education and Culture in the BarbarianWest (1976). This work provides a detailed study of monastic trends oflearning from the sixth to the eighth centuries. Riche traces how theancient education of Rome slowly yielded to the developing centres ofmonastic education throughout Western Europe (Riche, 1976: 365). Inaddition to looking at the thematic evidence of pedagogical tendencies,Riche studies the changing social context in which learning developed.He examines aspects of education that until the publication of his bookhad received little attention, such as: monastic attitudes toward theeducation of children; the role of women as educators in doublemonasteries; the self-perceptions of monastic educators qua educators;and the use of song in education. Many of these subjects raised inEducation and Culture in the Barbarian West have inspired furtherresearch among younger scholars.

What is also significant about Riche's study is the vast geographicalrange he covers. By looking at Africa, Ireland, England, France,Germany, Italy and Spain, as well as a variety of monastic rules,numerous approaches to learning and teaching are highlighted. Unlikethe apparent uniformity which looms large in Leclercq's study, aseeming cacophony of teaching voices are heard: Bede wrote, 'Whileobserving the discipline of the rule and the daily chanting of the officesin the church, my chief pleasure has been to learn, to teach, and towrite' (Riche, 1976: 380-1); Columban believed that study allowedstudents of monasticism to overcome carnal desires (Riche, 1976:325); and Isidore of Seville believed that The monk should refrainfrom reading the books of pagans and heretics' (Riche, 1976: 294).

Recently a number of books have been published in France that dealwith medieval education (e.g. Laurioux and Moulinier, 1998; Verger,1999).1 Both studies offer an excellent introduction to educationaltrends in the central and later Middle Ages. However, in these studiesan analysis of attitudes towards learning and teaching found in thecathedral schools and universities receives greater attention than thatof monastic experiences. The perception of pedagogy is at the heart ofCaroline Walker Bynum's Docere Verbo et Exemplo (1979), which oftendwells on how canons and monks saw themselves as teachers. In thisstudy Bynum seeks to investigate if and how canons regular and monksdistinguished their approaches to edification. Using treatises ofspiritual advice that monks and canons wrote for their brethren, shestudied these two groups' views of speech and conduct.

Written fifteen years after Bynum's book, Stephen Jaeger's TheEnvy of Angels (1994) presents a variety of learning attitudes found in

The changing face of tradition 3

cathedral schools. Sections of the book study the subject of the teacherand identify a progression of attitudes toward learning and teaching inthe eleventh and twelfth centuries. Although Jaeger focuses more oncathedral schools, he does address monastic learning in his chapter onBernard of Clairvaux.2 He sees a continuity between different centresof learning: 'Monasticism gave Europe new ways of studying;humanism gave it new ways of behaving; scholasticism gave it newways of thinking' (Jaeger, 1994: 325-6). This is a move away from thecommon tendency to separate learning techniques sharply amongmonastic and scholastic thinkers.3 Jaeger's development of a scholarlyterminology regarding pedagogy and attitudes toward teaching andlearning is a welcome tool in the study of medieval monastic education.

Behind the activity of learning in monastic milieus are a variety offactors that do not technically fall under the category of learning, but areintegral to an understanding of monastic education. Brian PatrickMcGuire's book Friendship and Community: The Monastic Experience350-1250 (1988) demonstrates how bonds of community were intimatelyconnected to bonds of learning. McGuire defined medieval monasticfriendship as a relationship where one monk was a custos animi, guardianof the soul, for his fellow monk (McGuire, 1988: xv). Such nuances ofmonastic culture must be closely studied in order to grasp the variouslevels of learning and formation which existed in the cloister.

The themes of medieval monastic education

Several of the subjects raised in these books are further developed inthe chapters of this collection. Other issues are introduced andexamined and, in the process, invitations to further research arenumerous indeed.

Susan Boynton and Isabelle Cochelin have contributed studiesdealing with fundamental yet hitherto neglected aspects of thepedagogy practised in the greatest Benedictine congregation of thecentral Middle Ages, Cluny. Boynton shows that through liturgicaleducation children at Cluny learned far more than the liturgy: throughthe time spent in liturgical training, youths became acquainted withthe hierarchy, discipline and ritual patterns of the monastery. Boyntonaccomplishes this by moving away from the traditional focus on musictheory treatises as pedagogical sources towards customaries from thetenth to the twelfth centuries. Cochelin makes similar use ofcustomaries, noting their interest not simply for their explicitinstructions and descriptions but also for their implicit agendas. Inusing these sources as well as hagiographical texts dealing withCluniac saints, Cochelin not only shows the importance of physical andverbal imitation in education across the spectrum of medieval society,but she also adduces convincing evidence to argue that physicaldiscipline was an essential parallel to the intellectual instructionafforded by monastic teachers.

4 George Ferzoco

Aidan Bellenger's analysis of a medieval manuscript is neatly apt forthis collection. Not only is this medulla (or essential grammar book)conserved in the Library of Downside Abbey (site of the conferencethat gave rise to much of the material in this book), but Bellenger alsoprovides us with a direct and detailed study of the contents and contextof this manuscript. The author treats it as a part of the intellectualeducation of medieval English monks in the later Middle Ages. Thesame period and geographical area provide the material for broaderstudies by Joan Greatrex and James Clark. Greatrex examines theeducation provided within English monastic cathedral priories. Shebrings together information from disparate sources in order to providea first look at the pre-priesthood education of monks who were notselected to study at Oxford or Cambridge. Moreover, Greatrex notesthat much further work can be accomplished with the publication ofeditions of medieval library catalogues (especially those of cathedralpriories). Clark continues the 'narrative' provided by these threechapters dealing with the late medieval English context of monasticeducation, in his turn examining the education of monks at Oxford.Stressing how previous studies have centred exclusively uponexceptional scholars, Clark goes on to show that, at Oxford at least,the norm - as revealed by examining the registers of Congregation -could present an educational context that was in several ways not onlydifferent but even pioneering.

A comprehensive history of women's monastic education compar-able to the detailed study of Riche has yet to be written. An innovativepersonage among medieval educators of women was surely Hildegardof Bingen, and the chapters by Beverly Mayne Kienzle and CarolynMuessig provide new insights to this figure and her cultural world; andWilliam East looks at another great twelfth-century educator, Abelard.Kienzle, in examining Hildegard's Expositiones evangeliorum in thelight of the theatrical Ordo virtutum, emphasizes how the teaching andexegesis of the abbess occurred within a homiletic context. With herfocus on the struggle of the soul, the teaching and approach ofHildegard is argued as being unique. This point is convincingly argued,but it is interesting to see in Muessig's contribution that whileHildegard's lessons are tied to her personality and actions, herapproach to selecting the women who would be her students and fellownuns is typical of Benedictine spirituality to that time. Herrad ofLandsberg, a fellow abbess and contemporary of the more celebratedHildegard, is a compiler and mediator of textual tradition. Incontrasting the two educators, Muessig shows the vital diversity ofpedagogical and spiritual approaches to be found in twelfth-centuryGerman convents. The French convent of the Paraclete had as itsabbess another extraordinary figure, Heloise, and East presents her asthe pupil of an extraordinary teacher, Abelard. In concentrating on thefinal letters from Abelard to his beloved, East eloquently demonstratesthe necessity of ignoring previous judgements of these letters as beingunworthy of study. Through these letters and the hymns written by

The changing face of tradition 5

Abelard for Heloise's nuns, one sees how the world of the cloisters wasnot an isolated one, but rather one in which real and instructivedialogue could take place through teaching and learning.

One could teach and learn in the monastic milieu through a varietyof source materials, and the chapters of Graham Jones and Miriam Gillconcentrate largely on this matter. Jones presents a case study ofGuthlac and his cult, and how one can only come to understand the tiesdrawn between the English hermit and the figure of the apostleBartholomew by entering into very close readings of hagiographicaltexts. Jones shows how the lives of saints were not simply spirituallyuplifting, but also served to inform the mission of a monastery and toreinforce the sense of identity and community that needed to beinstilled in all members. Gill's contribution provides a careful overviewof how the visual arts were used in monastic education. Focusing onwall paintings, Gill not only shows how they were used to educatemonks, but she also demonstrates the role played by monastic art inteaching lay visitors to the monastery.

The influences that traditional monastic pedagogy had on lay people,as well as on other related religious communities, provide a focus forthe final three chapters. Penelope Galloway, in looking at the beguinecommunities of Douai and Lille, shows not only how they wouldprovide an education for themselves, but also how they would teachlocal children as well; this education would be at once practical andintellectual. Bert Roest examines the debt owed by Franciscanpedagogy to its monastic antecedents, and shows that this debt wasespecially profound, owing much to Cistercian and Victorineapproaches to education. Constant Mews, finally, reveals the hithertoignored educational agenda favoured by the Hirsau reform movement.In presenting and analysing the contents and products of theZwiefalten library and scriptorium, Mews shows (as does Roest withthe Franciscans) that there could and did exist a remarkable harmonybetween monastic and scholastic educational concerns. In accomplish-ing this, Mews calls for a revision of Leclercq's rather monolithicseparation of these two broad Christian communities in the MiddleAges.

Given the riches contained in these chapters, I think it would befolly to attempt a comprehensive list of their inspirations for futureresearch. Although such a list would likely be as long as this presentbook, I believe it to be worthwhile to point out just a handful of themore obvious paths opened to us. One has to do with geography.Although these essays are very illuminating with regard to England andthe northern part of Europe, very little is stated explicitly with regardto the Mediterranean basin. A second would deal with how othersources may be used to provide even more detailed and accurateinformation on the themes discussed. For example: if Franciscanpedagogical links can be made to monasticism through scholastics likeBonaventure, then what will we find upon analysing Franciscanwritings for novices, for Poor Clares, for tertiaries, for lay people

6 George Ferzoco

generally? Indeed, how will such approaches compare with worksproduced by other mendicant orders? Regarding points raised in theessays on English monastic education: do the contents of medullae,like the one in the Downside Library, vary? Did monks studying atCambridge have similar approaches and study patterns to those oftheir brethren at Oxford? And concerning women: did abbesses incenturies other than the twelfth have such a pivotal role in education intheir convents?

The chapters in this book furnish us with a greater insight into thediversity of monastic education. Moreover, they point to pathways forfurther research in many fields and directions. Listening to them notonly with the engaged intellect but also with the heart will movescholars toward ever richer areas of study.

Notes

1. Both these books are general introductions to the history of medievaleducation and are aimed at students who are preparing for the 2000 and2001 French agregation examinations in history.

2. Because of the cross-pollination between cathedral and monastic centresof learning in the eleventh century, it is nearly impossible to presentthem as separate entities of learning.

3. See Constant Mews, Chapter 14, for a detailed discussion of this matterand its relationship to the influence of Leclercq's view of medievalmonasticism versus scholasticism. An example of Leclercq's influence inthis regard may be observed in Elder, 1986.

2 Training for the liturgy as aform of monastic education

Susan Boynton

In the early eleventh century, Guido of Arezzo fumed that 'cantors arefoolish above all men' because their lifelong study of singing left notime for other learning. He deplored the fact that singers could notlearn even the shortest antiphon by themselves without the help of ateacher, and consequently spent all their time learning chant. Worse,both secular clergy and monks neglected the Psalms, readings andpious works essential to salvation to devote themselves exclusively tothe art of singing 'with assiduous and most foolish labor'.1 Guido'sinvective echoes Agobard of Lyon's complaint two hundred yearsearlier that singers spent their entire lives, from childhood to old age,learning and practising the chant repertory instead of pursuing usefuland spiritual studies.2 Learning melodies by rote imitation andrepetition, singers were utterly reliant on their teachers; as Reginoof Priim remarked around 900, most musicians knew nothing abouttheir art, but simply performed as they had learned from theirteachers.3 Indeed, although the science of music theory had achievedmajor advances between the Carolingian period and the early eleventhcentury, chant pedagogy did not match this progress before Guido,whose innovative systems of notation and sight-singing enabled singersto learn melodies more quickly.4

What do the sources tell us about the lengthy process of trainingyoung singers to take part in the monastic liturgy during the centralMiddle Ages? Musical education was part of a broader liturgicalformation in which reading, singing and writing were fully integrated.Since music theory treatises rarely make explicit reference to theenvironment in which liturgical instruction went on, studies of earlymusic education based entirely on them tend to be schematic andabstract (Smits van Waesberghe, 1969; Walter, 1996). The treatises donot provide information on the social context, roles and responsi-bilities of teachers, or on the times and places of instruction. Tounderstand these aspects of elementary liturgical education we needtexts not only about music but also about musicians, and particularlyabout boys, since in this period child oblates constituted the primarygroup undergoing elementary liturgical training. The richest sourcesfor studying the process of monastic liturgical training are customaries

8 Susan Boynton

from the tenth to the twelfth centuries, which form the principal basisof this study.5

Monastic customaries indicate that oblates were responsible for agreat variety of liturgical tasks, including intoning Psalms and hymns,reciting litanies, reading lessons, and singing both simple and complexchants. Boys were assigned an ever greater number of chants andreadings over the course of the tenth and eleventh centuries (Boynton,1998). Their responsibilities seem to have peaked in the late eleventhand early twelfth centuries, as reflected in the Cluniac customaries ofBernard and Ulrich, from the 1080s, and the Fruttuaria customary ofaround 1100. The lengthy account of boys' liturgical duties inBernard's customary concludes with an imposing list of tasks:

[They] pronounce the versicles of each psalm at all the canonicalhours, intone the antiphons on ferial days, and intone whatever issung at the morning mass, unless it is a major feast day; at Laudsand Vespers, they sing a responsory and say the versicles; in thesummer at Matins they say the single short lesson; they alwaysread in chapter, never in the refectory.6

Learning these chants and readings, as well as many others, seemsto have occupied every free moment of the day. The training processnecessarily constituted a monk's entire education, at least until hemastered the most essential liturgical material. The first chants to belearned were the Psalms, canticles and hymns. The Murbach Statutesof 816 mention these chants first in a programme of elementarylearning,7 and the same items, in the same order, were apparentlyassigned to beginners in the twelfth century by the Augustinian canonsof St Victor of Paris, whose customary states that 'when a novice sits inthe cloister, he should learn his psalter, and repeat it literally by heart,and afterwards the hymnary'.8 Prescriptions in the customariesassigning liturgical items to the pueri or infantes enable us to deduceexactly which chants and readings were studied after this elementaryprogramme.

The customaries also provide ample information on the places andtimes of liturgical instruction. While the pueri practised reading in thecloister, most singing instruction seems to have taken place in thechapter house, perhaps because it provided convenient acousticisolation.9 Study went on under the supervision of teachers duringintervals between services, usually early in the morning. The earlyCluniac customaries and the Decretal of Lanfranc prescribe that thechildren go to the chapter house to sing with their teachers in theinterval between Matins and Lauds during the winter months. AfterPrime, they return to the chapter house to sing until the sun comes up,then go into the cloister to read aloud.10 In the autumn, however, theystay in the cloister with the other brothers after Prime, first readingand then singing (Dinter, 1980: 177; Hallinger, 1983: 10). Whilereading and singing are usually the only activities mentioned, theFruttuaria customary states that children practise writing in the

Training for the liturgy 9

interval after Matins as well (Spatling and Dinter, 1987: I, 20). Othertexts mention further times of instruction. The Wiirzburg redaction ofthe early Cluniac customs prescribes that between None and Vespers,while the monks sit reading in the cloister, the boys can practise theirchants in a low voice and receive instruction from the cantor if he ispresent.11 In the Liber tramitis the pueri read in the interval afterVespers (Dinter, 1980: 47). A twelfth-century Cluniac customary fromMelk prescribes that the boys read aloud after Prime, Mass and Sext.12

The various kinds of learning taking place at these times ranged on acontinuum from individual practice to group practice with teachers,culminating in a formal lesson or rehearsal with a teacher.

The customaries provide a shifting picture of the officialsresponsible for liturgical training. In the central Middle Ages, a singleperson taught both reading and singing, and often was the librarian aswell, with duties including the correction and annotation of themonastery's liturgical books. Before the eleventh century, however,the organization of these activities was somewhat different. Ninth- andtenth-century customaries describe the cantor and librarian asdifferent officials, or distinguish the cantor from the master of thechildren's choir. A ninth-century customary from Corbie and a tenth-century one from Einsiedeln have separate headings for cantor andlibrarian, and the tenth-century Regularis concordia distinguishesbetween the cantor and the director of the children's choir withoutmentioning a librarian (Fassler, 1985: 37-40). The Fleury customaryfrom around the year 1000 mentions the 'armarius qui et scolaepraeceptor vel librarius'', a librarian who is also the teacher (Davril andDonnat, 1984: 16-17). But it was the succentor, mentioned as anassistant in the description of the precentor's duties, who taughtchant:

For assistance [the precentor] is given a brother of demonstrabletalent who is called the succentor. For the master of the school isthe receiver of the children. In all study of chants and with dailyattention, he carefully orders the cadences of the modes and thedivisions of the Psalms, and is accustomed to drive to the chapterthose who treat the Divine Office negligently.13

Several customaries of the eleventh and early twelfth centuries, aperiod of increasing reliance on liturgical books, combine the offices ofarmarius and cantor.14 In the Liber tramitis, which reflects Cluniaccustoms between about 1027 and 1048, the role of the armarius hasbeen expanded to absorb functions previously attributed to the cantor;he is called 'armarius uel cantor' (as distinguished from the weeklycantor). This official is in charge of the library, liturgy and theeducation of the oblates (Dinter, 1980: 238-9; Fassler, 1985: 44-6).The later Cluniac customaries of Bernard and Ulrich, both writtenaround 1080, indicate that the armarius has taken over the office ofthe cantor. Presumably because of his full schedule, the instruction ofthe children in reading and singing was entrusted to an assistant, and

10 Susan Boynton

the armarius just listened to a final 'dress rehearsal' after hisassistant had prepared the children's chants and readings (Cochelin,1996: 253-4). According to the customaries of Bernard and Ulrich,early each day the armarius went to hear the boys try out theirreadings and chants; if they read or sang negligently or did not learnthe chant well, he would mete out appropriate punishment.15

The Fruttuaria customary from around 1100 offers the most detailedaccount of the teachers' duties. As in the Cluniac customaries, thecantor bears responsibilities previously divided between the librarianand the cantor. He is required to supervise the final 'dress rehearsal'but also to teach a long list of skills: reading, singing, writing, notating,preparing parchment and binding books, and writing the brevis(Spatling and Dinter, 1987: II, 138). The cantor goes into the boys'scola every morning to hear the boy who will read in chapter, to correctthe brevis if necessary, and to listen to the chants of the mass and theepistle. The cantor also goes to the scola every day after None (orbefore None during Lent) to listen to whatever chants or readings theboys will perform the next day at the Office, Mass, at the collation or inthe refectory. On feast days, the boys have to sing all their MatinsPsalms and antiphons for the cantor, as well as the responsories andverses they have to intone. However, as in the late Cluniaccustomaries, the cantor hears the boys only once a day, after hisassistant has already trained them. This assistant cantor, who alwayssings with the boys and teaches them their chants and readings,functions as the boys' own cantor (Spatling and Dinter, 1987: II, 150).He is distinct from the magister puerorum, the teacher who is in chargeof their behaviour but not their liturgical training. The boys' cantor andthe magister puerorum are also present at the daily 'dress rehearsal'with the cantor.

Another important duty of teachers was punishing the boys forunsatisfactory liturgical performance, an integral part of the liturgicaltraining as reflected in the customaries. The Cluniac customary ofBernard prescribes immediate physical punishment for boys who'make any mistake in the psalmody of Matins or at the other hours, orin any chant, or by falling asleep, or by committing anything in anyway'; they are immediately stripped of their tunic and cowl, andwearing only their shirts, are beaten with light wicker rods by the prioror the magister puerorum.16 A subsequent passage from the samecustomary prescribes that if a boy is too sleepy to sing well at Matins,the teacher should give him a large book to hold.17 The second, gentlerprovision is probably derived from a comparable one in the earlierLiber tramitis.18 In the Fruttuaria customary, the punishment formistakes in reading or singing takes place during the cantor's dailysession with the boys, rather than in church immediately after theservice. If a boy has not sung his responsory or read his lessons well atMatins, and was unable to correct the mistake immediately, the cantorrequires him to take off his cowl and recite a reading. Only the cantorhas the authority to discipline the boys for poor liturgical performance;


neither the boys' teacher nor their cantor can discipline the boys, andthe symbolic removal of the cowl is the cantor's prerogative: 'if thecantor arrives when a boy has already been stripped [of his cowl], [theboy] immediately puts it on with the permission of the person whomade him take it off.'19 Although the Cluniac and the Fruttuariacustomaries share the element of humiliation through removal of thecowl, the differences between their prescriptions are significant. Thepurely punitive corporal punishment described by Bernard contrastswith the pedagogical character of the forced recitation in theFruttuaria text, which takes the form of the liturgical training carriedout in the context of the daily lesson with the cantor.

How exactly did children learn to read and sing? In the centralMiddle Ages, they learned chant by listening and then repeating afterthe teacher, the traditional method of instruction specificallymentioned in the Cluniac customary of Ulrich: 'the boys sit in thechapter house, and learn the chant from someone singing it beforethem'.20 Reading seems to have been practised in a variety of differentways, including repetition, reading aloud and silent reading. The Libertramitis explicitly describes children practising reading silently frombooks.21 Moreover, several customaries indicate that children couldpractise reading during the celebration of Mass, which implies that theother times for daily study were not sufficient. Bernard's customarystates that boys are allowed to read silently during Mass if they arepreparing a reading for Matins or for the collation, and novices areallowed to memorize their Psalms at the same time.22 Similarly, in theFruttuaria customary, a boy is allowed to read during Mass if he ispreparing a reading for the refectory or learning the Psalms or hymnsfor the first time; he is excused from singing with the other boys(Spatling and Dinter, 1987: I, 21).

This prescription is a significant indication of the increased use ofbooks for learning the elementary chant repertory of Psalms andhymns. The Fruttuaria customary also refers to the use of booksduring the boys' lesson with their own cantor: 'no one looks at thebook there, except a boy who is so old that he cannot learn otherwise;and if there are two of them, they take a board, put it between them,and place the book on top of it'.23 Apparently younger children wereexpected to learn liturgical texts aurally, while older ones needed thevisual prompt of a book.24 More reliance on books is also reflected inthe Fruttuaria customary's prescriptions for the education of novices.If they were literate, they were given a Psalter and a hymnary whichthey could keep for up to a year and use in church during Mass topractise their lessons silently. Novices were required to recite one ortwo Psalms for their teacher every day, but otherwise seem to havestudied independently.25 This difference between the training of boysand adult novices with regard to books is striking: according to theFruttuaria customary, teachers avoided using books as a primarysupport for children, but depended on them for the education ofnovices.

12 Susan Boynton

Although the greater use of books for novices could be interpretedsimply as a pragmatic measure, it can be seen as the sign of a differentphilosophy of teaching from the one applied to oblates. The Fruttuariacustomary's explicit emphasis on the oral teaching of children withminimal use of books suggests that the traditional method was usedconsciously with the younger students, perhaps to reinforce theirdependence on their teacher. Other customaries, such as theAugustinian one from St Victor in Paris, show that adult novices werenot always left to learn on their own just because they were literate. Inthis text, the distribution of books does not replace close individualsupervision, but rather fits into a programme involving both privatepractice and individual teaching.

In the St Victor customary, teaching by the armarius issupplemented by personal study with chant books. The armariusdistributed Psalters and hymnaries to those still learning the Psalmsand hymns, as well as to brothers studying other chants. A commonstock of chant books was also available for others to prepare forupcoming services.26 The novice had to practise all his chants andreadings in private before trying them out for his teacher.27 After amonth's probation, he continued to study chants and readings undersupervision, either with the same teacher as before or with a new oneassigned to him.28 If the novice made satisfactory progress, the abbot,on the recommendation of the armarius, allowed him to participate inthe conventual offices, with liturgical responsibilities assignedaccording to his capabilities.29 Even after the novice was fully admittedto the community, his teacher continued to follow his progressclosely.30 Close supervision by a teacher was not limited to novices:the armarius also had to prepare the brothers thoroughly for difficultoffices that were rarely performed, and he or someone else appointedby the abbot corrected brothers learning ordinary chants andreadings.31

Prescriptions for the use of books constitute one major area ofevidence for the acquisition of literacy as part of liturgical training; theother is the participation of boys in the preparation of the brevis, anoutline of the liturgical assignments for the following day. Prescrip-tions vary for the oblates' role in the production of the brevis.According to the Fleury customary from around the year 1000, a boyreads the brevis in chapter.32 The Liber tramitis indicates that thegroup compiling the brevis included a child writing the incipits of theresponsories.33 The Fruttuaria customary states that the boy whoreads in chapter must write in the brevis the names of the monks whowill perform responsories or antiphons. The cantor checks andcorrects the boy's work (and sometimes writes the brevis himself, ifnecessary), but the boy carries the primary responsibility for writingthe brevis:

At all times, the boy who reads in chapter writes the entire brevisup to the lesson, if he can, the day before it will be read aloud ...For feasts of three lessons he writes the names of the brothers


one day before and the responsories on the next day. On Saturdaythe boy who is responsible for that week writes half of the brevis,whether there are twelve lessons or three; the person who willread the next day writes the other half. If the boy who reads inchapter does not know how to write the brevis, his teacher does itfor him ... The boy writes the whole brevis on Sunday and onfeasts of twelve lessons, except for the weekly server at mass,and the reader at table and in the kitchen. The cantor writesthose three, but the boy writes all the others in order.34

These three accounts of the brevis may indicate a progression overtime, reflecting an increase in the use of writing in liturgical trainingduring the eleventh century. While a boy reads the brevis written byothers in the earliest of the three texts, he helps others write it in theCluniac customary from about 1040, and in the Fruttuaria customaryhe often writes the entire brevis himself.

The picture of liturgical training in the customaries can becompleted by didactic texts pertinent to singing and reading.35

Medieval music theory treatises provide information on the basicsubjects of chant pedagogy: the Psalm tones, modes and intervals.36

The Psalm tones, a set of recitation formulas for chanting the Psalmsin the divine office, were combined with various cadential formulas forthe termination of verses (differentiae). Performance of the Psalmsalso required knowledge of their accentuation patterns for executingthe terminations. Thus chanting the Psalms entailed learning tones aswell as the texts, and also assimilating rules for applying theappropriate differentia (Dyer, 1989). Since the choice of Psalm toneand differentia depended on the mode of the antiphon chanted beforeand after the Psalm, beginning students had to learn the churchmodes, a system of tonal organization adopted in the Carolingianperiod that provided parameters for the classification and memoriza-tion of chants. This body of knowledge corresponds to the 'cadences ofthe modes and the divisions of the Psalms' taught by the succentor,according to the Fleury customary.37 Modes were distinguished bycharacteristic tonal structures and melodic gestures that weremanifested in chants, in mnemonic formulas and in the organization oftonaries. Expositions of modal theory with reference to specific chants,which constitute a major component of treatises, could serve as examplesfor teaching. Another way to internalize the modal system was tomemorize modal formulas in the form of model melodies set to textscomposed of nonsense syllables of Greek origin or to Latin scripturaltexts.38 These formulas provided convenient paradigms that could helpa student determine the mode of a chant. Tonaries, which are lists ofchants grouped by mode, also had pedagogical and mnemonicfunctions. Intervals were another essential component of chant theory;knowledge of intervals enabled singers to understand the tonalstructure of chant melodies and to apply consonances and dissonancescorrectly in polyphonic singing. Music theory treatises furnish therules that singers were taught to apply in singing polyphony.

14 Susan Boynton

While these aspects of music theory can tell us something abouthow children learned the melodies of chants, information on how theylearned the texts is more elusive. Most methods for memorizing thePsalms discussed in medieval texts do not seem designed for oblates.Hugh of St Victor's Chronicon, for instance, describes a system offacilitating the memorization of the Psalter by dividing it into distinctcomponents; after placing the Psalms in numerical order in a mentalgrid, one memorizes the order of the whole Psalter, then the verses ofeach Psalm (Carruthers, 1990: 262-3). While this method presumes aproficient reader, perhaps an adult Augustinian novice, Benedictinechild oblates probably learned the Psalms, office hymns and canticlesas they were acquiring their reading skills, and before any extensivestudy of grammar. Germanic vernacular glosses on these textsillustrate methods used for explaining them to students not yetacquainted with Latin. While the vernacular glosses tend to focus ontranslation,39 the corpus of Latin glosses on the hymns is much morediverse; those copied in liturgical chant manuscripts may offer newevidence for liturgical training. As I argue elsewhere, by analogy withglosses on school texts (such as Prudentius, Sedulius and Virgil) hymnglosses probably preserve approaches to teaching the texts (Boynton,1997; forthcoming). This is all the more probable because, as thecustomaries indicate, liturgical books were used both by the cantor andby his students for study purposes. Even if the extant glossedhymnaries were not themselves employed directly in teaching, theglosses may reflect the ways in which a cantor or his assistants wouldteach hymn texts.

Hymn glosses in eleventh-century manuscripts address severalaspects of the hymns: lexicon, grammar, syntax, metre, style, doctrineand textual criticism. The simpler lexical glosses include synonymsand explanatory glosses supplying the referent of a pronoun or thesubject of a verb. More complex lexical glosses include equivalentsthat offer interpretations of terms rather than synonyms, words andetymologies. Grammatical glosses focus on the case of nouns andsyntactical glosses recast strophes in prose form in order to clarifyword order. Source glosses point out scriptural references. Anumbrella category of glosses most conveniently termed 'encyclopaedic'encompasses a wide variety of subjects, from customs of Romanantiquity to natural science and astronomy. Text-critical glossesevaluate variants and propose emendations. The most sophisticatedglosses discuss the style and authorship of the hymns and elaborate ontheological points in the hymn text; the latter category also includesstatements of liturgical theology. All these gloss types appear incombination in only a few manuscripts; most of the manuscripts withhymn glosses contain primarily interlinear lexical and grammaticalglosses.40

The wide range of glosses in hymnaries seems to reflect differentlevels of study. The simpler glosses may shed light on methods ofteaching beginners, while more complex glosses illustrate the


reception of hymns in the context of more advanced grammaticalstudies attested from late antiquity through the later Middle Ages.That hymns were used to teach metre is shown by their appearance asexamples in treatises on metrics from Augustine to Alberic of MonteCassino. Artes lectoriae from the eleventh and twelfth centuries(grammatical treatises intended to teach readers the pronunciation ofliturgical texts) discuss office hymns as well as other chants. Thetextual emendations and commentary in these treatises could fulfilseveral different functions, such as preventing incorrect performanceof the texts, explaining their theological content and helping librariansemend the texts. The pedagogical function of hymns is also suggestedby their transmission in florilegia and by the presence of hymncommentaries in late medieval grammatical manuscripts.41 Theologicalglosses on the hymns, along with citations of hymns in theologicaltexts, suggest that they served to teach doctrine as well. With theirpoetic language, rich theological content, formulaic melodies andmemorable rhythms, hymns demonstrate the didactic potential ofchant. Glosses on the hymns attest to the use of hymns not just inliturgical training but in several levels of grammatical education,exemplifying the multifaceted formation offered by the monasticliturgy.

Additional information on liturgical training can be gleaned fromschool texts, particularly scholastic colloquies that teach the lexiconand organization of the liturgy by depicting scenes from monastic life.The colloquies of ̂ Elfric Bata, written around the year 1000, representan exceptionally rich source of information on monastic education inAnglo-Saxon England, presented in a frame so vivid that a recentcommentary has called them 'monastic childhood come alive' (Gwaraand Porter, 1997: 2). Since they were designed to teach Anglo-Saxonstudents the vocabulary and syntax needed to communicate in Latin ona daily basis, the colloquies portray every aspect of life in a monastery.A great many are conversations between students and teachers, inwhich the liturgy is treated as a subject of monastic education (Gwaraand Porter, 1997: 10-11). Several aspects of liturgical training arementioned, including chants and readings to be learned, assignmentsof specific items to the boys and study between the offices. In onedialogue, the boys ask permission to go out and play before Vespersbecause they have already learned their assignments, lessons,responsories and antiphons; here, liturgical items are grouped withother assignments (acceptos), which are presumably set texts to bememorized and later recited for the master.42 AZlfric Bata's colloquiesalso present liturgical terminology in conversations taking placeoutside the context of formal study. Monks in one dialogue discussgoing to Compline, citing versicles they will perform.43 In another,negotiation between a boy scribe (addressed as tu, scriptor bone etpulcher puer) and a potential client provides the opportunity to learnthe terms for several different kinds of liturgical books, which would beuseful vocabulary for students learning to take part in the liturgy.44 The

16 Susan Boynton

customaries indicate that boys were responsible for holding orcarrying books in a variety of liturgical contexts (Davril and Donnat,1984: 53; Spatling and Dinter, 1987: I, 30, 147-8, 153; II: 143).

Two further colloquies reinforce the knowledge of liturgicalorganization that boys would have learned both by participating inoffices and by preparing the brevis. The first of the two texts refers tothe distribution of Matins lessons and responsories in an order writtenon the tabula (a liturgical listing written on a slate that is comparableto the brevis). A boy who has missed Matins is asked which lesson orresponsory he should have sung; he responds with the numbering ofthe items assigned to him on the tabula. The boy's response impliesthat a classmate who attempted to substitute for him mixed up theplace of his assignments in the order on the tabula, which the boystates was otherwise correctly observed (Gwara and Porter, 1997:110). In learning this dialogue, a student not only acquired the Latinvocabulary for discussing the order of lessons and responsories in theNight Office, but also internalized the system of assignments with itsattendant responsibilities. The second text, a dialogue between theboys and their teacher, makes more extensive and detailed referenceto the liturgy. The boys report that 'we read and sang all day, and wewrote something before Prime and after Prime till Terce',45 an accountthat corresponds to the study of reading, singing and writing betweenoffices as described in customaries. The boys mention further detailscorroborated by the customaries (the versicles they sing before theirmeal and while entering the church), as well as various aspects ofliturgical ceremonial (the names of the weekly officials who worevestments at Mass). This colloquy gives students' vocabulary fordescribing liturgical actions.46 By carrying out monastic formationthrough the medium of linguistic education, ^Elfric Bata's colloquiescombined the acquisition of Latin with initiation into the organizationof the liturgy.

As the primary form of elementary monastic education, liturgicaltraining initiated children into both ritual and monastic discipline,including the hierarchical organization of the monastery. Theredactors of the Cluniac customaries took pains to specify the orderin which readings and chants should be performed, teaching the puerithe structures of seniority in the community. The Liber tramitis, forinstance, prescribes that children should read lessons according to thehierarchies of age and seniority: younger ones reading before olderones and recent arrivals reading before those who had entered thecommunity earlier. The writing of the brevis also initiated oblates intothe hierarchy that found daily expression in the assignment of chantsand readings according to status (Cochelin, 1996: 257-8). Thus theliturgy was in many ways a school within the monastery, and itsincessant rhythm made liturgical training a constant preoccupation -the central focus of monastic education and formation.


Notes

1. Temporibus nostris super omnes homines fatui sunt cantores. In omni enimarte valde plura sunt quae nostro sensu cognoscimus, quam ea quae amagistro didicimus ... Miserabiles autem cantores cantorumque discipuli,etiamsi per centum annos cottidie cantent, numquam per se sine magistrounam vel saltern parvulam cantabunt antiphonam, tantum tempus incantando perdentes, in quanto et divinam et secularem scripturampotuissent plene cognoscere. Et quod super omnia mala magis estpericulosum, multi religiosi ordinis clerici et monachi psalmos et sacraslectiones et nocturnas cum puritate vigilias, et reliqua pietatis opera, perquae ad sempiternam gloriam provocamur et ducimur, neglegunt, dumcantandi scientiam, quam consequi numquam possunt, labore assiduo etstultissimo persequuntur (Guido of Arezzo, 1999a: 406-10).

2. Et adulescentulis atque omnibus generaliter, quibus cantandi officiuminiunctum est, magna occasio stultae et noxiae occupationis aufertur. Exquibus quam plurimi ab ineunte pueritia usque ad senectutis canitiemomnes dies uitae suae imparando et confirmando cantu expendunt, et totumtempus utilium et spiritalium studiorum, legendi uidelicet et diuina eloquiaperscrutandi, in istiusmodi occupatione consumunt (Van Acker, 1981:350).

3. Solum hoc confitebitur, quod hec ita facial, sicut a magistro accepit et didicit(Bernhard, 1989: 70-1). See also Boynton, 1999.

4. See Smits van Waesberghe, 1951; 1953; Rosa Barezzani, 1995. For a newedition and translation with commentary of the Epistola ad Michahelem,which presents Guide's new system for learning a melody, see Guido ofArezzo, 1999b.

5. After completing my own analysis of references to child oblates in thecustomaries, I found that many of the passages cited below are alsostudied in Lahaye-Geusen, 1991: 241-57.

6. Ad horas omnes regulares singulos psalmorum versiculos pronuntiare, inprivatibus diebus antiphonam imponere, et quidquid cantatur ad missammatutinalem, nisi sit aliquod magnum anniversarium; ad matutinas etvesperas responsorium decantare, versus dicere; in aestate ad nocturnosillam minimam et unicam lectionem dicere; in capitulo legere semper, inrefectorio nunquam (Herrgott, 1726: 208).

7. Ut scolastici, postquam psalmi, cantica et hymni memoriae commendatafuerint, regula, post regulae textum liber comitis, interim uero historiamdiuinae auctoritatis et expositores eius necnon et conlationes patrum et uitaseorum legendo magistris eorum audientibus percurrant; Actuum praelimi-narium synodi primae aquisgranensis commentationes sive StatutaMurbacensia (CCM 1, 1963: 442).

8. Quando autem in claustro nouitius sedet, debetfirmare psalterium suum, etcordetenus ad uerbum reddere, et postea hymnarium (Jocque and Milis,1984: 107).

9. While some customaries refer to boys practising in the scola, this termdoes not necessarily indicate an established physical space in themonastic buildings; in the customaries, scola can mean the boys in agroup or a place where they study. See Tilliette, 1992: 65-7.

10. Knowles, 1967: 8: Infantes in capitulo cum luminaribus diligenter amagistris custodiantur canentes quod necessarium erit aut si nimisprofunda nocte surrexerint pausent iacentes ad sedilia sua\ Hallinger,1983: 18, 287.

18 Susan Boynton

11. Conuentus autem sedeat in claustro uacans lectioni. Si cui cantare opus est,uocem ita supprimat ne alios inquietet. Armarius interim si opus est puerislectiones et quae docere necesse fuerit insinuet (Hallinger, 1983: 283).

12. Sedeant in claustro ad legendum vel cantandum et pueri in scolis suislegant aperta voce quousque custos sonet signum ... Post missam eant pueriad prandium, fratres vero sedeant ad lectionem in claustro. Pueri veroexeuntes de refectorio legant iterum clara voce. Cum tempus fuerit, soneturSexta. Post Sextam iterum sedeant in claustro et pueri legant aperte(Hallinger, 1983: 394).

13. Huic frater probabilis ingenii solatio datur qui succentor nuncupatur. Namscole magister est acceptor infantum. In omni studio cantilenarum etcottidiana cura tonorum diffinitiones et psalmorum distinctiones providusdisponit et divinum officium negligenter tractantes propellare in capitulosolet (Davril and Donnat, 1984: 15).

14. See Fassler, 1985: 43, note 61. Tilliette, 1992: 70, notes that themagister was a supervisor, while the teacher was either the cantor or thelibrarian.

15. Omni die diluculo postquam pueri tres psalmos, ut mos est, perlegerint,continuo venit ad eos, ut illi, qui lecturus est in capitulo auscultet lectionem.Ea etiam vice si ipsi pueri aliquid offendunt cantando vel legendo negligenter,vel si minus diligenter cantum addiscunt, dignam ab eo disciplinamexperiuntur (Herrgott, 1726: 163). The corresponding passage in thecustomary of Ulrich is almost identical (Ulrich of Zell: col. 749).

16. Ad nocturnos autem, imo ad omnes horas, si quid ipsi pueri offendunt inpsalmodia, vel in alio cantu, vel dormitando, vel aliquid tale ullo modocommittendo, minime differtur; absque mora frocco et cuculla exutiiudicantur, et in sola camisia caeduntur (nisi laid sint in ecclesia, aquibus videri possint) et hoc fit vel a priore, vel a praefato eorum magistro,virgis vimineis levibus, et teretibus ad hoc provisis (Herrgott, 1726: 201).

17. Si quis eorum oppressus somnolentia ad nocturnos non bene cantaverit,magister dat ei in manus unum codicem grandiusculum, donee experge fiat(Herrgott, 1726: 204).

18. Si puer grauatur sopore ad opus dei, non quidem pro hoc omni hora estuapulandus, sed cum uiderit eum magister saepe somno grauari, detunumquemlibet libellum in sua brachia sustendandum, quousque de ipsapigritia eum excitet (Dinter, 1980: 223).

19. Qui bene lectionem ad Matutinas non legit et responsorium non cantauit etibi emendare non potuit, tune non obliuiscitur; similiter qui ad collationemet in refectorio, non obliuiscitur, etfacit eum ante se legere exutum cuculla.Quamdiu ibi stat magister puerorum nee ille, qui eis cantat, ullamdisciplinam pueris faciunt, et si iam puer exutus est cantor uenit, statim seinduit cum licentia illius, qui eum exuere fecit (Spatling and Dinter, 1987:II, 138).

20. Pueri sedent in capitulo, et per aliquem praecinentem cantum addiscunt(Ulrich of Zell: col. 687). The other common method of rote learning wasto repeat the chant after hearing it played on a monochord; Guido ofArezzo characterizes this approach as suitable for beginners (Guido ofArezzo, 1999b: 458-60).

21. Exientes autem paruum fiat interuallum, uidelicet usquedum coadunenturpueri cum magistris in scola et codices aperuerint et quantulumcumquesubter silentium leguerint (Dinter, 1980: 47).

22. Solis pueris conceditur in choro legere ad missam, cum in crastino debentesse duodecim lectiones, aut cum praevident aliquam lectionem collationis,


vel huiusmodi; aut si aliquis eorum est novitius, potent psalmos suosfirmare ad utramque missam, dum tacet conventus (Herrgott, 1726: 204).

23. Nullus ibi aspicit in librum, nisi tarn magnus puer sit, qui aliter discerenon possit, et si duo sunt, apprehendunt tabulam et inter se ponunt etlibrum desuper mittunt (Spatling and Dinter, 1987: II, 150-1).

24. The importance of the visual aid furnished by manuscripts apparentlyincreased in the twelfth century. Hugh of St Victor remarked that boyshad more trouble memorizing a text when they did not always use thesame copy of it, because a specific image was an essential part of thememorization process. See Carruthers, 1990: 263.

25. Si est litteratus apprehensa confessione psalterium et ymnarius ei inmanum mittitur et usque ad unum annum, si ei necesse est, dimittitur. Inecclesia ad missas in manu tenere et legere conceditur et cottidie unumpsalmum aut duos magistro suo reddere (Spatling and Dinter, 1987: II,265).

26. Fratribus, quibus iniunctum est, cantum suum cotidie firmare et reddere,debet armarius singulis libros, in quibus cantant, specialiter assignare ...Similiter his, qui psalmos et hymnos suos firmare habent, psalteria ethymnarios, prout opus fuerit, distribuat ... Debet autem armarius unumantiphonarium uel duos et alios libros de cantu et psalteria et hymnarios incommuni prop onere, in quibus ceteri fratres possint, quod prouidendum est,prouidere (Jocque and Milis, 1984: 146).

27. Sed et legere, et cantare, et psallere alia et demissa uoce, prout temporadeposcunt, eum ibidem faciat et omnia, quae in publico acturus fuerit, priusin secreto praetemptet et assuescat (Jocque and Milis, 1984: 107).

28. Deinceps postquam ad conuentum uenerit, debet abbas, si prior magister eiuacare non potest, aliquem prouidere alium, qui eum assidue doceat et cuiille cotidie lectionem suam reddat, qui etiam eum instruere debet et docereea, quae eum specialiter in chow cantare uel legere oportet, id estantiphonas et responsoria, lectiones, uersiculos et cetera talia, et quando etquomodo cantare uel legere debeat ostendere (Jocque and Milis, 1984: 109-10).

29. Deinde abbas, aduocato armario, iubet ut in breui ponatur ad legendum etad cantandum, secundum scientiam suam et possibilitatem, ad lectiones etad responsoria et antiphonas ad horas (Jocque and Milis, 1984: 110).

30. Postquam nouitius plene ad conuentum admissus fuerit, magister eius nontamen curam eius omnino postponere debet, sed saepius cum eo loqui sicut etprius (Jocque and Milis, 1984: 111).

31. Quotiens hystoriae aliquae, siue de sanctis, siue de tempore, quae grauessunt et inusitatae, in ecclesia cantari debent, tempestiue debet armariusfratres in capitulo praemonere, ut ea, quae cantanda sunt, diligenterpraeuideant ... Fratribus, quibus iniunctum est cantum suum firmare,debet armarius uel aliqui de senioribus, quibus abbas in capitulo iusserit,assistere, qui et eos, si errauerint, corrigant et lectiones eorum, quandoreddere uoluerint, audiant (Jocque and Milis, 1984: 146-7).

32. Qua soluta brevem pronunctiat puer divini officii (Davril and Donnat,1984: 49).

33. Die sabbatorum debent esse quattuor qui breuem faciant quorum infans quiscribat capita responsoriorum ... In duodecim lectiones sint tres: armarius,cantor, infans (Dinter, 1980: 238-9).

34. Nam omni tempore ipsum breuem puer, qui in capitulo legit, uno dieantequam pronuncietur totum scribit usque ad lectionem, si potest ...Intribus lectionibus scribit nomina fratrum uno die ante et responsoria in

20 Susan Boynton

crastinum. Sabbato autem puer, qui ebdomadam tenet, medietatem scribitsiue duodecim lectiones sint siue tres, qui autem in crastinum legit, aliammedietatem. Puer, qui in capitulo legit, si nescit facere breuem, magistersuus, qui eum docet, facit pro eo uel cui ipse cantor precipit... Scribit puertotum breuem in dominica et in duodecim lectionibus excepto ebdomadariomisse et mense lectoris et coquine. Ista tria cantor scribit, cetera omnia puerscribit ita per ordinem (Spatling and Dinter, 1987: II, 139).

35. Thorough coverage of this subject is not possible here because of spacelimitations; the following discussion aims to present briefly the mostessential concepts that were central to the instruction of beginners.

36. For a convenient summary of the aspects of early music theory relevantto chant, see Hiley, 1993: 442-77.

37. See above, note 13.38. Edited in Bailey, 1974.39. On Anglo-Saxon hymn and Psalm glosses, see Gasquet, 1908; on Anglo-

Saxon hymn glosses, see Milfull, 1996; on Old High German hymnglosses, see Sievers, 1874; on Irish hymn glosses, see Bernard andAtkinson, 1897.

40. For the typology of the glosses, see Boynton, 1997: 107-72; 2001.41. For a survey of evidence (besides hymn glosses) for the pedagogical

function of the hymns, see Boynton, 1997: 184-91, 203-18.42. Mihi uidetur, quod uespertina horn prope sit modo. Sic et nobis. Sed non est

uespera tamen adhuc. Domne magister, licet nobis ludere paulisper, quiamodo scimus bene nostros acceptos et nostras lectiones et responsoria nostraet antiphonas nostras? (Gwara and Porter, 1997: 94)

43. Pergamus ad completorium. Faciamus 'adiutorium nostrum in nomineDomini, qui fecit celum et terram' et iterum 'sit nomen Domini benedictumex hoc nunc et usque in seculum' (Gwara and Porter, 1997: 106).

44. Scribe mihi prius unum psalterium aut hymnarium aut unum epistolariumuel unum tropiarium seu unum missale librum aut unum bonumitinerarium siue capitularium unam bene digestam et ordinatam (Gwaraand Porter, 1997: 134).

45. Nos legimus, et cantauimus tota die, et scripsimus aliquid ante primam etpost primam usque ad tertiam (Gwara and Porter, 1997: 88-90).

46. Since linguistic formation was the main purpose of the colloquies, it isinteresting to note that a term for the hours of the office, sinaxes, isglossed with the Anglo-Saxon gloss 'ure tida' in the manuscript edited byGwara and Porter (Oxford, St John's College, 154, fol. 164r). This isanother example of liturgical training through the study of Latin (Gwaraand Porter, 1997: 90).

3 Besides the book: using thebody to mould the mind —Cluny in the tenth andeleventh centuries

Isabelle Cochelin

To you your father should be as a god;One that composed your beauties, yea, and oneTo whom you are but as a form in waxBy him imprinted, and within his powerTo leave the figure or disfigure it.

Shakespeare, A Midsummer Night's Dream, I, i, 47-51

The theory of late twentieth-century education focuses almostexclusively on the development of the mind but in practice schoolteachers complain bitterly that they do little more than police thebehaviour of their students. It would be fascinating to investigate whatthis dilemma tells us about our ideals and limitations in constructingthe society of tomorrow, but before doing so it is worthwhile toobserve earlier modes of education. Studies show that book or skilllearning was rarely the only goal in former times; the overlappingtopics of religion, ethics and manners were also fundamental toeducation (e.g. Ozment, 1983: 136ff). In this context, control of thebody occupied a conspicuous place (e.g. Foucault, 1975: 137ff). As RoyPorter wrote recently in a collection of articles assembled by PeterBurke in New Perspectives on Historical Writing:

A history of education which exclusively concentrates on theachievement of skills such as reading and writing will miss one ofthe prime functions of the ragged, charity or elementary school inthe past: instilling physical obedience, or education as a processof breaking children in. (Porter, 1992: 219)

The Cluniacs, the subject of this chapter, did not believe that theyneeded to 'break in' the child to make him fit the monastic life;however, they certainly did not pay attention only to his mind. Forthem, the puer was essentially an empty vessel which needed both tobe moulded physically, and filled up spiritually and intellectually inorder to mature into a perfect monk. The purpose of this chapter is tostress the great principles guiding this training,1 and particularly theimportant role of the body. In other words, I will not dwell on the

22 Isabelle Cochelin

specific content of Cluniac education (books read, techniques learned,etc.), nor its goals (primarily memorization of the liturgy anddisciplina), but consider rather its method through an analysis of theperception and treatment of the members of the schola. At the heart ofthis topic lies an intriguing paradox: Cluniacs viewed themselves as theterrestrial mirrors of the celestial angels.2 Yet flesh played a centralrole in their training.

No other monastery of the central Middle Ages has left so manytexts on the daily life of the monks as Cluny. From the two and halfcenturies between the foundation of the abbey in 910 and the death ofits last great abbot, Peter the Venerable, in 1156, twenty-two vitae andfive customaries remain.3 Previous studies have already proved theusefulness of the vitae for the understanding of early medievaleducation (e.g. Merdrignac, 1986; Heinzelmann, 1990: 105-38). Thecustomaries are less well known and their value in this regard mayrequire some explication. The two oldest Cluniac customaries, theconsuetudines antiquiores (Hallinger, 1983), written at the beginning ofthe eleventh century, are like ordinaries in the sense that they offer adetailed portrait of the liturgical year. However, the later three - theLiber tramitis (Dinter, 1980), written in various steps around 1040,and the works of Ulrich of Zell4 and Bernard of Cluny (Herrgott, 1726),composed around 1080 - offer details about all practical aspects of thelife of a Cluniac monk. Except for Bernard's customary, which waswritten as a reference manual for the novices of Cluny, these extensivetexts were written for non-Cluniac monasteries desirous of imitatingthe Cluniac way of life. In Cluny itself, before the Ordo cluniacensis(Herrgott, 1726), most customs were transmitted orally (Herrgott,1726: 134; logna-Prat, 1992b: 30-1). The customaries cannot there-fore be compared to monastic rules and downplayed as mereprescriptive sources, offering an ideal construction unrelated ortenuously related to reality (Donnat, 1992: 14-15; logna-Prat, 1992b:26-8). Nor are they simply realistic descriptions of daily life ineleventh-century Cluny. Rather, they offer a selective snapshot of thecustoms followed by the Cluniacs. But the very process of selection ismeaningful. Indeed, the various authors of the customaries strove tooutline everything they considered worthy of admiration in Cluny'sactivities. In this context, what they chose to incorporate about thetraining of the monks, as well as what they decided not to elaborateupon, is meaningful.

In Cluny, two types of newcomers required education to becomemonks: child oblates given to the monastery by their parents, and adultconverts. Only the children are considered in this chapter. Theyconstituted, in terms of numbers, the more prominent group of thetwo, at least until the second half of the eleventh century (Cochelin,1998: 35-6). Various nouns are used in the vitae and customaries todesignate them: pueri, infantes and schola are the most common. Thisdiversity of terms should not conceal the fact that this group was veryclearly defined: the schola united all the children before they reached

Cluny in the tenth and eleventh centuries 23

puberty, i.e. usually before the age of fifteen.5 After this point in theirphysical development they were considered youths, iuuenes, and takenout of the schola; they then had to make their profession, and join theranks of the adult monks. In other words, the closing of the first andmost important stage of monastic education, the one dispensed in theschola, was signalled by a bodily change, the appearance of puberty,and not by some specific step in mental maturation.

The adult monks' perception of their younger brothers should firstbe discussed. Indeed, the manner in which the educators looked attheir pupils is inseparable from the pedagogical techniques theydevised to transform these pupils into full-fledged monks. As a whole,the Cluniac discourse on pueritia is derogatory, even if occasionallycompassionate. This does not mean that the Cluniacs did not like theiroblates,6 but rather that they did not look at them as we gaze at littleones today. This divergence is obviously meaningful to our topic.71 willnot discuss all the manifold characteristics of this discourse onchildhood, but rather will concentrate on the themes which areimportant to understanding the training of the oblates: the perceptionof the child's inferiority, his innocence/ignorance and finally hisdocility/levity.

Through the customaries we learn that their fellow brothersexaggerated the childishness of the oblates and their inferior status.For instance, in the sign language used by the monks, an oblate wassymbolized by bringing the little finger to the mouth as if to suck it.8

The little finger was probably preferred to the thumb because itevoked the adjective paruus - small, inferior (Herrgott, 1726: 172Therefore, the gesture for the oblate both exaggerated his young age -the majority of the oblates were between the ages of seven andfourteen, and would have long ceased to suck their thumbs - andunderlined his position of inferiority.

This inferior position is best observed in the hierarchical structureof the Cluniac community. This structure is of fundamental importancegiven that, again and again throughout the day, the monks positionedthemselves hierarchically: in church, in the refectory, in the chapter, inprocession. In this configuration, the pueri were assigned the bottomplaces, below all the adult brothers. One might comment that in thepast this perception of the child as an inferior was scarcely unusual;but the inferiority of the child is far from obvious in a spiritual context.Besides Christ's comments regarding the eminent place reserved tothe little ones in Paradise (Matthew 19:13-15; Mark 10:13-16; Luke18:15-16), Benedict had specifically required in his rule that age notbe considered as an organizing factor, but rather seniority and,occasionally, spiritual progress: in other words, a ten-year-old oblatewho entered the convent at the age of five should theoretically beabove a recently converted fifty-year-old man.9 But the Cluniacsdisregarded this rule, as illustrated for instance in the numerousdescriptions of processions given in the customaries (e.g. Dinter,1980: 23, 41, 52, 69, 78, 89, 104, 108, 115, 151, 242, 270, 275, 284).


Cluniacs neglected equally Benedict's regulation demanding that aiunior (in seniority) calls a prior 'nonnus' while being called 'frater'(RB 63:12). In the Burgundian monastery, monks called each other'Domnus'', 'frater' was only used to name an oblate (Herrgott, 1726:177; Ulrich of Zell, 1853: col. 709C). As these examples show, Cluniacsperceived all children as spiritually inferior to adults, regardless oftheir individual development. This implies that no form of interchangewas envisaged between the educators and the educated. Rather, theeducators were reaching down to the educated to lift them up to theirown superior status.

While the customaries focus mostly on the daily activities, the vitaegive us the opportunity to explore more deeply the Cluniac perceptionof childhood and, henceforth, their approach to education. Comparedto other hagiographic collections (Burrow, 1986: 105-6; Merdrignac,1986: 94-7; Giannarelli, 1991: 44-5; Cochelin, 1992: 137; Jong, 1996:135ff), the Cluniac corpus seems less tolerant towards the first age ofthe life cycle. Given that three of these collections date from the earlyMiddle Ages, this discrepancy cannot be explained only by the fact thatCluniac sources are mostly pre-twelfth-century; that is, they precedethe emergence of a more positive image of childhood. Through theCluniac vitae, we learn that monks looked down upon childhoodbecause they saw no special quality in this age, unlike the other ages ofthe life cycle. Old saints were occasionally lauded for their youthfulvitality;10 far more frequently, saints in their childhood or youth wereacclaimed for behaving as old men; however, no young or old saint, norany other individual portrayed in the vitae, was ever praised for havingshown a quality specific to children. Indeed some saints were glorifiedfor having presented no feature of childhood whatsoever while in thisage.11 Even so, some positive characteristics were occasionallymentioned in the descriptions of children. These can usually beconnected with faults also linked with the first age. Two of theseantithetic pairs are important to an understanding of Cluniaceducation: the child's innocence/ignorance and his docility/levity.

One positive attribute was occasionally linked to the first age -innocence. The association between innocence and childhood was notinherited from Roman antiquity and was probably a contribution ofChristianity. However, the Fathers of the Church made distinctionsbetween childish innocence and adult innocence because the first wasbased on the child's ignorance (Clark, 1994: 20-7).12 A similardiscourse can be found in the Cluniac vitae: innocence is not presentedas a characteristic specific to childhood13 and, when linked with thisage, has much to do with children's lack of (impure) knowledge (PeterDamian, 1853: col. 927B; Jotsald, 1880: col. 917A; Huygens, 1980a:40). Connecting the childhood traits of innocence and ignoranceindicates that the Cluniacs perceived the oblate as an entity devoid ofany knowledge, an empty vessel.

If innocence was the most frequent positive attribute connected tochildhood, the lack of grauitas was the most frequent fault the Cluniac


hagiographers associated with it. Children were accused of leuitas orlasciuia - this last fault being usually different from the lasciuiaoccasionally assigned to youth.14 This accusation is inseparable fromthe recurrent criticisms made regarding the child's manner of speech,activities and bodily behaviour. Hagiographers complain about his'pueriles ineptiae et lenocinia uerborum', 'nugales ineptiae', 'infantilesiocositates et ineptiae', 'aniles fabulae et uerborum obscenitates', 'lususobsceni et actus1 or 'insolentia puerilis et motus incomposites'.l5 WhenPeter the Venerable noticed in the first half of the twelfth century thatthe coming of age was generally not accompanied by a change inbehaviour, he decided to delay the final phase of profession until theage of twenty. He summarized the Cluniac discourse on childhood'sfaults to justify his new statute:

The cause for this ruling was the too rapid admission of children.Before they might possess any form of rational intelligence, theyare vested with the clothes of the sacred religion and mixed withothers, perturbing everybody with their inept puerilities.(Constable, 1975: 70-1)

To convince his brethren of the necessity of his statute, Peter usedcommonplace accusations against children, even though they were notreally appropriate for individuals aged fifteen and more. The child wastherefore perceived as someone who ceaselessly changed his mind andmood, whose speech and gestures were devoid of meaning. Thisconviction goes hand in hand with the belief that he was a malleableindividual adorned by an impressionable memory.16 In other words, thefault of levity (in its traditional sense of inconstancy and fickleness)can be linked with a positive characteristic of childhood - docility. Thismeant that the child was perceived as both incapable of reason, butalso extremely flexible, a soft material that could be easily moulded.

Overall the Cluniac hagiographers paid little attention to children,saints or not, but the little they said helps give meaning to the longsections of the customaries explaining oblates' activities and relation-ships with adults. The first intriguing characteristic of Cluniac educationwas the passive role assigned to the child, both in the handling of hisbody and his mind. This treatment of the oblate is of course inseparablefrom the perception of childhood which I have just discussed. For theCluniacs, the child was devoid of reason and imbued with few or noqualities; everything had therefore to come from outside. This passivitywas not limited to education. Outside or inside the cloister, the Cluniacsinvariably depicted the child as someone acted upon, never acting, i.e. aperson without agency. The best illustration of this phenomenon can befound in the vitae. Even the saints, 'super-humans' who should havebeen able to transcend any human limitations, were always portrayed asquiescent children whose destiny was decided between their parentsand God. The sole exceptions were Maieul, who had been an orphan,and some twelfth-century saints (Hugh of Semur and most of the newrecruits depicted in Peter the Venerable's De miraculis (Bouthillier:


1988)). This passivity assigned to the Cluniac saints in the tenth- andeleventh-century vitae is singular when compared to the independencemanifested by the child saints in the hagiographic sources of the firstcenturies (Boulhol, 1990), and the later Middle Ages (Weinstein andBell, 1982: 45-6). The reading of the customaries tells us that thishagiographic depiction of the child as a subdued individual reflectedCluny's mode of functioning: the oblate shared all aspects of the life ofthe monks inside the cloister, but was never an initiator, only animitator. For instance, contrary to what scholars have thought in thepast (e.g. Deroux, 1927: 14-15; Jong, 1996: 136), children did not takean active part in the chapters. They sat in them, but had to keep quiet;discussions of the abbey's administration, even denunciations of thebrothers' faults, were the prerogative of the adult monks (Herrgott,1726: 167; Cochelin, 1996: 232-6).

With respect to education, the passivity of the child is best observedin the acquisition of knowledge. Most of the hagiographers describethe process by using the verb imbuere, meaning to impregnate, to soakin, to imbue.17 The finest description of this process can be found inthe Life of Odo of Cluny rewritten by the monk Nalgod in the 1120s.Typical of this author (and the vitae of the twelfth century generally)are a keener attention paid to education and hints of tendernessregarding childhood that are absent from the earlier writings, includingthe tenth-century text he used as his model. In the story, Odo had justbeen weaned when he was sent to a far-away priest to be educated.

The priest instructed the child he had received with kindness andsmoothness, as his very fragile age required. He imbued hisuntaught infancy with the rudiments of the letters. He was doublycareful with the child to inculcate in him the [right] path by hishonest discourse and to pour the rivers of science into his tenderbut tenacious memory. (Nalgod, 1680: col. 87A)

The verbs used in this excerpt, 'instituere', 'jubere', 'inculcare','transfundere', all express the conviction that education consisted inpouring knowledge into a passive receptacle. A caricatured image ofthis process might be that children were bodies into which the monkspoured spirit. I will go even further, perhaps too far, by evokingGenesis 2:7 as an interesting parallel: 'And the Lord God formed manof the slime of the earth: and breathed into his face the breath of life,and man became a living soul.'18 In both cases, the process ofspiritualization, symbolized by raising someone or something from theearth closer to the Divine, has been made possible by having spirit orknowledge insufflated into it. More pragmatically, one notes thatCluniacs perceived children's memorization primarily as a passivephenomenon. This raises the question (which cannot be answered inthis short chapter) whether the calculative ability of medieval memorydescribed by Carruthers was developed during a monk's later lifestages, or was a result of different methods of education in cathedralschools and universities (Carruthers, 1990: 19; Jaeger, 1994: 22).


Another illustration of the monks' conviction that an oblate's mindwas too immature to participate in education, and that other meanswere needed to educate him, is found in the modes of punishmentdesigned for him. Benedict was convinced that children were unable tounderstand excommunication or any other form of psychologicalpunishment; he therefore recommended that they be punishedphysically:

Every age and level of understanding should receive appropriatetreatment. Therefore, as often as boys and young, or those whocannot understand the seriousness of the penalty of excommu-nication, are guilty of misdeeds, they should be subjected tosevere fasts or checked with sharp strokes so that they may behealed. (RB: 30; cf. also RB: 45)

The Cluniacs followed Benedict on this matter: fasts (e.g. Dinter, 1980:217, 219) and far more often whippings (e.g. Herrgott, 1726: 163, 202;Ulrich of Zell, 1853: col. 744B) were used to correct oblates. However,one innovation may be attributed to them: children falling asleepduring Nocturns were normally whipped (Herrgott, 1726: 201; Ulrichof Zell, 1853: col. 742-3; Dinter, 1980: 223), but if the problem wasrecurrent, they were given a book to hold instead (Herrgott, 1726: 204;Dinter, 1980: 223). Whipping was extremely common in former timesand the question to ask is not why, but how often. Anselm ofCanterbury's complaints about excessive beating (Southern, 1979: 20-1, 37-8) have no Cluniac equivalent, either because the Cluniacsshowed moderation and did not need such an exhortation, or becausethey did not care as much. Nevertheless, the book used duringNocturns might be an indication that they tried to resolve one of themost pressing problems facing oblates - sleeping during the nightlyhours of the Divine Office - through other means than repeatedwhipping. In any case, fasts, whippings and holding books are perfectcases of 'using the body to mould the mind': corporal punishmentswere applied to the flesh to impress the mind and to modify it. Hereagain, the position of the child in the educative process was completelypassive: he was holding books, receiving blows, suffering fasts.

Inseparable from this first characteristic of Cluniac education is asecond one: to ensure that the oblate was never doing anything on hisown and to teach him proper behaviour in all circumstances, anunceasing surveillance was maintained. Here again, the body of thechild was given a crucial importance. This surveillance was not onlyrelated to the child's training. Cluniacs also kept a close watch on theoblates to prevent any contact between them and the adults. Theyfeared that the adults, especially the adolescents, might becomephysically attracted to the children.19 Moreover, one can guess that intheir attempt to duplicate on earth the angelic life, they wanted toavoid childish disruptions in the cloister. No teasing putti fitted theirvision of Paradise. Whatever the prevailing causes (fear of paedophilia,quest for perfection, education), the formative years of the Cluniac


oblate were marked by extremely strict supervision. No free timeoutside the cloister was ever allowed to the children (at least,according to the customaries). In this respect, the Cluniacs seem tohave been harsher than other monastic communities.20 Whatever hewas doing, wherever he was going, with whomever he was talking, thechild was always supervised by an adult monk, usually his master.21

This somewhat oppressive regime is more particular to latercustomaries, those of the 1080s. The increasing elaboration of thecustomaries throughout the eleventh century probably testifies to thegrowing desire of the Cluniacs to bring perfection to the tiniest detailsof their daily life, including the activities of their oblates. For theoblates, this meant less and less freedom of movement. For instance,the Liber tramitis mentioned times when the oblates were allowed tospeak freely to each other inside the schola\ these intervals were lessnumerous than the ones allotted to the adults, but did exist (Dinter,1980: 220). However, in the Ordo cluniacensis an oblate had to askpermission of the master to speak to another child; and, once themaster had agreed, the message had to be delivered in front of all theschola (Herrgott, 1726: 204). Another illustration of this increasingvigilance is given by the transformation of the function of thechildren's masters. If, in the older vitae and customaries, the mastersin charge of the children had an educative role to fulfil (in thetraditional sense of teaching singing, reading and writing), this role isno longer mentioned by the late eleventh century. By then, teachinghad been allotted to the second of the armarius, with the armariussupervising the work done. The masters seem to have been restrictedto the single duty of surveillance.

The third and last important characteristic of the Cluniac training isthe role played by imitation: the child repeated the behaviour andsayings of the elders in order to perform the rituals correctly and tomemorize them progressively. Before it becomes a mental activity,imitation is a physical one. The whole body or the mouth duplicatescertain gestures or sounds. The previous citation from the Life of Odoof Cluny by Nalgod mentioned the two main goals of the Cluniactraining: teaching the child the 'rivers of science' and 'the right path'.In other words, oblates should be imbued with intellectual knowledgeand disciplina. Imitation played a fundamental role in the attainment ofboth objectives. Susan Boynton (Chapter 2) explains how theacquisition of reading, writing and singing skills by children wasmostly based on imitation. I would like to use the rest of this essay todiscuss the other goal of Cluniac training, learning the disciplina, andshow how imitation was here also essential.

Besides the liturgy, the discipline of the monastery is the mostimportant topic of the customaries. When William, the abbot of Hirsau,asked Ulrich of Zell to redact the customs of Cluny for him, heexplained that he did not know another ecclesia which was similar inlife and regular discipline (Ulrich of Zell, 1853: col. 644A). In answerto William's demand, Ulrich wrote a first book devoted to liturgy and a


second entitled De disciplina regulari. Disciplina signifies primarily thecorrect ensemble of gestures needed to perform each non-liturgicalactivity (Illmer, 1971: 31). Ulrich was hesitant to comply with William'srequest to expose for him the Cluniac discipline, because he had notbeen an oblate at Cluny (Ulrich of Zell, 1853: col. 644A).22 This meansthat oblates were especially well trained in this respect. How did theylearn the thousands of customs detailed in Ulrich's and Bernard'stexts? It was not through books or special lectures. The customariesoccasionally describe the children reading or singing in the schola, butnever learning about the disciplina regularis. Rather, they acquired itby participating in every activity of the monastic community: in thedormitory, the refectory, the choir, the cloister, the mill, the fields -the oblates are always mentioned beside the adult monks. In all thesevarious locations, they reproduced the gestures of their elders.23 Togive one proof a contrario, I mentioned earlier that the children had noright to speak in the chapter; however, they were still attending them.Moreover, they had the opportunity to learn how to behave rightly inthis context through their own private chapter, in which they had toaccuse each other of their faults (Herrgott, 1726: 207; Ulrich of Zell,1853: col. 744B-C; Hallinger, 1983: 12). In other words, childrenlearned the disciplina by mimicking the gestures of their elders. Theyalso learned in this way the most important monastic duty, thecelebration of the opus Dei. Some explanations of these differentactivities were given by the adults, as Susan Boynton's study of theliturgical glosses has shown for the liturgy (Boynton, 1997: 192ff);however, the oblate was probably acquiring understanding of most ofhis functions inside the monastery like any apprentice, that is throughtime and experience. The flesh was therefore used as an avenue toreach and form the inner self.

Most of what I have said in this chapter could also relate to certainboarding schools prior to the 1960s (Deroux, 1927: 38, 48; Bouille,1988: 126ff, 158ff). However, it is possible to emphasize some ofCluny's characteristics, besides the obvious religious factor. The greatimportance given to imitation, that is learning outside of books and theclassroom by repeating the gestures of the elders, is more typical tooccupations demanding a great degree of physical knowledge. Aparallel can then be drawn with the two other orders of eleventh-century society, laboratores and bellatores, whose training primarilyrequired the acquisition of physical knowledge. The Cluniacs wereprobably much more similar to them than they wished to be. Two otherelements that must be taken into account in order to understand thespecificity of Cluniac education are the ideals of virginity and stabilitas.The surveillance of the oblates was increased since they wereperceived as potential objects of desire, i.e. threats to perfection, aswell as virginal individuals to be treasured and preserved. In terms ofpassivity, unlike the medieval clerics (or any boarding school student)the oblates did not have the opportunity to leave the religious lifewhen reaching adulthood. This should be taken into account when


contrasting monastic education with the one offered in the cathedralschools. Finally, the factor of time must also be considered. By the lateeleventh century, when Ulrich and Bernard wrote their customaries,the Cluniac quest to construct a perfect community producing perfectmonks had given an increasing importance to customs. Under theseconditions, surveillance over the oblates was increased, as was theirconfinement to a passive role. However, already by the end of theeleventh century, distinct voices were being heard. First, increasingcriticisms against the overwhelming monastic customs were made, forinstance by the Cistercians. Second, far more adult converts wereentering the convent, and their superior mental capacities werequickly recognized (e.g. Herrgott, 1726: 210; Ulrich of Zell, 1853: col.747-8; Constable, 1975: 97). Third, possibly because these lateconverts brought with them a different (lay) perception of childhood,and/or possibly because the religious sentiment was changing andincreased attention was being paid to the more fragile elements ofsociety, the presentation of the first age was slowly becoming lessnegative. This new perception of childhood would probably have hadan impact on monastic education in the long term if oblation of boyshad not progressively declined from around the same period.

Before this change took place, however, Cluniac training gave to thebody a striking importance: first, because according to the custom-aries, most of what young and old recruits had to learn concernedliturgy and the disciplina, both relying heavily on the performance ofthe correct bodily gestures; and second, because child training wasbased on three principles - passivity, surveillance and imitation -which all focused at least partly on the child's body. This confirms thestatement made recently by various scholars that medieval discourseon the body was ambivalent, as the flesh was simultaneously despisedand perceived as one possible locus of the sacred (e.g. Schmitt, 1990:18; Bynum, 1992: 182; Jaeger, 1994). In Cluny, a context particularlyinteresting as it concerns a male monastic community prior to thetwelfth century (implicitly used as a counter-example by Schmitt,Bynum and Jaeger), the bodily movements of the monks were strictlysupervised by fear of inappropriate behaviour, and yet organized in aperfect choreography envied by other abbeys. The Cluniac paradisewas certainly not a world of pure spirits. In their resplendentmonastery, adorned lavishly with gold, silver and marble, Cluniacsbusied themselves to please God's sight through their speeches andperfected bodies.


Notes

1. I will be using the terms 'monastic education' and 'monastic training'interchangeably to designate the learning process involved in becoming aCluniac. Monastic education was part and parcel of the apprenticeship ofthe monastic life (Leclercq, 1957). Therefore, in this context, it would beartificial to separate education from training, and it is more appropriateto discuss them as a whole, at least occasionally.

2. Cf. for instance Ulrich of Zell's Cluniac customary ('alter paradisus';Ulrich of Zell, 1853: col. 731) and Peter Damian's letter to Hugh ofSemur, the sixth abbot of Cluny (1049-1109), PL 144 (1853): col. 374-8and Marrier and Duchesne, 1915c: col. 447-8. Cf. also logna-Prat, 1988332-40, and more generally Milis, 1992.

3. Cf. Donnat, 1992; logna-Prat, 1992a; 1992b; 1998: 67-70. Thecustomaries describe Cluny and can be directly tied with the Burgundianabbey, but this is not the case with all twenty-two vitae. My list isinclusive rather than exclusive, as I have considered all the vitae writtenby or for the ecclesia cluniacensis between 910 and 1156.

4. For bibliographical information see Ulrich of Zell, 1853, in theBibliography at the end of this volume.

5. RB: 70:4; Herrgott, 1726: 201; Ulrich of Zell, 1853: col. 742B. In asociety in which age was rarely known, the first growth of beard wassometimes the sign chosen to decide when a young man should beincorporated into the group of the adults (cf. Ulrich of Zell, 1853: c747-8; William of Hirsau, 1881: col. 934D; Bartlett, 1994: 43-4);however Bernard does not repeat Ulrich's words on this matter(Herrgott, 1726: 210) and the Liber tramitis only speaks of the tempusconsecrationis (Dinter, 1980: 228). Gratian mentions puberty, whichusually marks the end of pueritia and entrance into adulthood (Friedberg,1879-81: c.20, q. I, col. 843-54; also cf. Metz, 1976: 13).

6. Three of the vitae of Hugh of Semur (|H09) tell the story of an oblatekilled in the choir by a fallen rock, of which two mention the grief of thebrethren: Hildebert of Lavardin, 1881: col. 877A; Cowdrey, 1978: 77;Huygens, 1980a: 53-4; 1980b: 65-6 (who repeats the story withoutevoking the monks' sadness). A touching anecdote describes Odilo(|1049) calling the oblates of Saint-Denis to come admire an enormousfish which had just been taken in the Seine (Jotsald, 1880: col. 922B)Peter Damian did not keep this story in his new version of Odilo's Life,dated 1063. This is the only lively tale of the oblates given in all theCluniac vitae. Another amusing scene concerning children outside thecloister is found in the first vita of Odo of Cluny (|942). John of Salerno,his disciple and hagiographer, recounts that Odo enjoyed asking childrenhe met along the roads to sing to amuse his travelling companions (Johnof Salerno, 1881: col. 63B).

Examples of criticisms of childhood are more common. The mostextreme case is found in Odo's vita of Gerald of Aurillac: 'Nam in primaaetate, ut saepe videmus, incitamentis corruptae naturae, solent parvuliirasci, et invidere, et velle ulcisci, vel alia hujusmodi attentare' (Odo ofCluny, 1881: col. 644C). It is significant that the abbreviator of the VitaGeraldi, who wrote not long after, changed the words (i.e. he did notrepeat mechanically the sentence of his predecessor), but he kept theaccusations (Anonymous, 1890: 394). However, he removed the mostnegative comment, the reference to the corrupt nature of children. Odo


is the only Cluniac author to mention this concept, which was morecurrent in the Protestant literature of the Reformation (Ozment, 1983:138-9, 161ff).

7. For the last forty years, ever since Philippe Aries published his history ofchildhood (English translation, 1962), the bibliography on the topic hasincreased conspicuously. Following in his footsteps, many scholars haveadopted an extreme position, depicting medieval childhood in excessivelysombre or optimistic colours. Overall, the most reliable studies havebeen those based on a well-delineated corpus of sources, such as DesclaisBerkvam, 1981 or Hanawalt, 1993. For an overview of the topic: Shahar,1990 (on monasteries: 191ff). On the life in the monastery, besides thestudies already cited in this article: Jong, 1996 and the numerous articlesby Riche, the latest being Riche and Alexandre-Bidon, 1997: 13-14.

8. Herrgott, 1726: 170-3; Ulrich of Zell, 1853: col. 704A. On the monasticsign languages: Jarecki, 1981; Umiker-Sebeok and Sebeok, 1987.

9. RB: 63:1; but it is already clear in the Rule that the strict application ofthe principle of seniority was problematic regarding children: Benedictfelt obliged both to justify his decision (RB: 63:5-8) and to limit its use tothe oratory and the refectory (RB: 63:18-19). The inferior status ofoblates is not specific to the Cluniacs (e.g. Mittermuller, 1880: 576; Jong,1996: 145-6).

10. Cf. for instance the passages in Mai'eul's hagiographic corpus where his'iuuenilis uigor',' iuuenilis feruor' and 'fortitudo adolescentium' are laudedin his old age (Nalgod, 1680: 666C-D; Marrier and Duchesne, 1915b: col.1764E; logna-Prat, 1988: 280-1; also Marrier and Duchesne, 1915a: col.1784B-C). These adjectives do not refer to pueritia, but to the followingage in the life cycle, iuuentus.

11. Cf. William of Volpiano (|1031): lNam et habitudo tenerrime etatis itadissimilis uidebatur ceterorum ut nimium admirabilis haberetur' (Bulst,1989: 258, 260). The most classical form of negation of childhood isfound in the topos of the puer-senex, present in three Cluniac vitae. Forinstance, see Nalgod's description of Maieul (|994) in the 1120s: 'Videresin virgine puero lascivam pueritiae levitatem censoriae gravitatis acrimoniacondemnari: videres insolentiam puerilem et motus incompositos aetatisillius matura morum canitie castigari' (Nalgod, 1680: 657E). Cf. also theabbreviated vita of Odo (|942) written in the tenth and eleventhcenturies (Fini, 1968-70a: 211) and Jotsald's vita of Odilo (|1049)(Jotsald, 1880: col. 899B). Sometimes, no reference is made to old age,but the child is praised for his maturity (in Maieul's Vita breuior: Marrierand Duchesne, 1915b: col. 1765A-B) or the fact that he transcended hischildhood by acting as an adult (cf. the vita of Babolein, founder of LesFosses, written between 1058 and 1067, some four hundred years afterhis death; Chifflet, 1681: 358).

12. Cf. for instance, Jerome (1884): 'Non praecipitur apostolis, ut aetatemhabeant parvulorum, sed ut innocentiam, et quod illi per annos possident,hi possideant per industriam: ut malitia, non sapientia parvuli sinf(Commentarium in Evangelium Matthaei ad Eusebium Libri quattuor PL.26: col. 133A). Similar remarks are to be found in Ambrose, Augustineand Gregory among others (cf. for instance Leclercq, 1975: 172;Lamirande, 1983: 110; see also Weinstein and Bell, 1982: 28-30; Jong,1996: 132-4).

13. The vita of Hugh of Semur (tH09) written by Gilo c.1120-2 offers thebest illustration of this: 'In pupillaribus annis constitutus, non ut ilia etas


assolet lasciuiae frena laxauit nee inerti luxu emollitus nugales ineptiassectatus est; sed, secundum quod scriptum est, innocenter habitabat domi'(Cowdrey, 1978: 49). For examples of adults praised for their innocenceor simplicity, cf. Peter Damian, 1853: col. 928A, 943C; Jotsald, 1880: col.916A-B; Huygens, 1980a: 47, 51. The only portrait of an innocent adultwhich seems to evoke children's qualities dates from the middle of thetwelfth century: Bouthillier, 1988: 24-5.

14. Cluniac authors used different names for this fault, but all referred to thesame lack of grauitas: puellaris mollitia (Odo of Cluny, 1881: col. 674B);leuitas aetatulae illius (Marrier and Duchesne, 1915a: col. 1783B);lasciva leuitas (Nalgod, 1680: 657E); lasciuia (Jotsald, 1880: col. 917A;Cowdrey, 1978: 49; Huygens, 1980a: 40); aetas lasciua (Ulrich of Zell,1853: col. 636B). On the antiquity of this criticism made againstchildhood see Giannarelli, 1991: 35-6.

15. Nalgod, 1680: 657D-E; Hildebert of Lavardin, 1881: col. 381B; Marrierand Duchesne, 1915a: col. 1783B; logna-Prat, 1988b: 183. Cf. alsoLeclercq, 1972: 283.

16. Cf. Maieul being called a 'docilis puer' and the reference made to his'mens tenerrima' in the Vita altera written in the 1120s (Marrier andDuchesne, 1915a: col. 1783B).

17. Chifflet, 1681: 358; Odilo of Cluny, 1880: col. 947-8; Vita beatae Idae,1880: col. 438D; John of Salerno, 1881: col. 46D; Nalgod, 1881: col. 87A;Bourel de la Ronciere, 1892: 5; Fini, 1968-70a; 1968-70b: 211. In theVita Maioli altera, the orphan Maieul imbues himself with knowledge('ultra aetatem literas combibebat...') (Marrier and Duchesne, 1915a: col.1783A-B).

None of Hugh's vitae, all dating from the twelfth century, presenteducation in this manner. The other twelfth-century Cluniac hagiog-rapher, Nalgod, does use 'imbuere', but he also employs the verb'informare' (Nalgod, 1680: 657D). It is quite possible that this change invocabulary illustrates the emergence of a new perception of education, tobe linked with the contemporary flourishing of the cathedral schools.

Ulrich also uses 'imbuere' to describe the training of novices (Ulrich ofZell, 1853: col. 700C). However, he employs 'instruere' in the samesentence and the next ones, proof that the training of adults wasperceived as a different intellectual process (e.g. Ulrich of Zell, 1853:col. 701A, col. 702B, 712D).

18. Vulgate. On the World Wide Web, see:http://www.cybercomm.net/ ~ dcon/OT/genesis.html

19. Neither the vitae nor the customaries address this problem directly(except for John of Salerno, 1881: col. 51C and Bouthillier, 1988: 46-7regarding events taking place outside of Cluny; Huygens, 1980c: 106 forCluny). However, the repetitive interdictions against physical contactbetween adult monks and children, and the prescriptions that noindividual could ever be left alone with an oblate, leave no doubt: theCluniacs did everything they could to prevent such sexual temptations intheir cloister (cf. Lahaye-Geusen, 1991: 426-32; Cochelin, 1996: 271-81). More generally, it was necessary to preserve the innocence/ignorance of the oblates vis-a-vis the impurities of the world as much aspossible (Jong, 1996: 143ff).

20. Cf. e.g. Mittermuller, 1880: 418-19 (even though surveillance over oblateswas also very strict in his monastery: Jong, 1996: 147-8) and Shahar, 1990:195.

http://www.cybercomm.net/~dcon/OT/genesis.html


21. The Cluniacs were proud of this situation. Ulrich ended his chapter onthe children saying that they were so well kept under surveillance dayand night that no prince could have been better nurtured: 'Et ut tandemde ipsis pueris concludam, saepenumero videns quo studio die noctuquecustodiantur, dixi in corde meo difficile fieri posse ut ullus regis filiusmajore diligentia nutriatur in palatio quam puer quilibet minimus inCluniaco' (Herrgott, 1726: 210; Ulrich of Zell, 1853: col. 747C-D).

22. However, cf. also Ulrich's furore before the oblates' claim to know betterthan the conuersi what should be the life and disciplina inside themonastery (Ulrich of Zell, 1853: col. 636A).

23. On the fact that this method of education was the appropriate one for the'simpliores' of the community: RB: 2:12. Cf. also Illmer, 1971 (whosummarizes this mode of training by the formulation 'Lernen durchNachleben'); Jong, 1996: 149.

4 A medieval novice'sformation: reflection on afifteenth-century manuscriptat Downside Abbey

Aidan Bellenger

Dom Cuthbert Butler, Abbot of Downside, published his BenedictineMonachism: Studies in Benedictine Life and Rule in 1919. It was anunabashed apologia for a monastic ideal which looked to the greattradition of communitarian Benedictinism exemplified in medievalEngland. Butler was writing a polemical work aimed at his EnglishBenedictine brethren, many of whom were settled in far-flung parishesand were only in the first generation of a fully developed Benedictinecommunity life. The young, for Butler, had to be educated along theright lines. 'In every monastery, after the Work of God/ he writes, 'themost important work is the training and formation of the young monks'(Butler, 1919: 371). He continues:

The training of the young monks should be aimed at preparingand fitting them for this permanent living in the round of dutieswhereof Benedictine community life is made up. It is not enoughmerely to impress forcibly this idea, this principle upon them.They must receive the spiritual and intellectual and socialformation that will make it natural and easy for them to pass theirlives in the monastery contentedly, happily, and fruitfully, and willminimize the chances of their afterwards finding it unsatisfying,and so tiring of it and desiring change. So their intellectual tastesand capabilities should be sympathetically encouraged andcarefully developed, and they should be prepared to take partand find their satisfaction in some sphere of the life of the house.Too much care cannot be bestowed on the education of the youngmonks, for on them depends the future of the abbey. (Butler,1919: 372)

The Rule of St Benedict remained always at the centre of CuthbertButler's educational ideal and in 1912 he attached a Medulla DoctrinaeS. Benedicti to his Latin 'critico-practica' edition of the Rule for the use

36 Aidan Bellenger

and convenience of novices (Butler, 1912: 149-69). It is presentedover some twenty pages in a dialogue form and provides a catecheticaltool for the early stages of monastic formation. The medulla (thekernel) of any way of life or method of formation is always difficult toconvey but Butler's medulla, Rule-based, provides an interestingcontrast to fifteenth-century manuscripts of another probably monasticmedulla, of uncertain origin: Downside Abbey, Library Ms 26540,1

described by Dom Aelred Watkin in The Downside Review (Watkin,1939).

In 1865 Albert Way had discussed various versions of the Medullagrammaticae in his edition of the Promptorium parvulorum for theCamden Society, identifying some of the manuscripts then known,seventeen in total (Way, 1865: 1-liv). Apart from those mentioned byWay and others at Shrewsbury School, and Stonyhurst College notedby Ker,2 there is the Downside manuscript discussed in this paper andanother in the University of Bristol Library.3 Aelred Watkin's articleswere his first important contribution to the study of medieval history.Watkin, like the probable Dominican compiler of the PromptoriumParvulorum, Geoffrey of Lynn, had strong East Anglian and Dominicanconnections. Born at Edgbaston in 1918, he spent most of hischildhood at Sheringham in Norfolk and was educated at theDominican school at Laxton in Northamptonshire. He was clothed asa novice at Downside at the age of nineteen in 1937, and his work onthe medulla was done during this period of formation as a novice andjunior before he went to Cambridge to read history. The Downsidecommunity at that time was much engaged in a controversy over thenature of the monastic life and formation, in which Dom DavidKnowles was the principal protagonist (Sillem, 1991: 27-46). Watkin,by the time of his arrival in Cambridge in 1943, had published his WellsCathedral Miscellany. Afterwards he edited (in three volumes) TheGreat Cartulary Glastonbury (1946-58) and the Registrum Archdiaco-natus Norwyci (1948). Later, he became Head Master of DownsideSchool, parish priest (and mayor) of Beccles in Suffolk and titularAbbot of Glastonbury. He died in 1997.4 These biographical details arementioned here to place the Watkin articles in context. He was himselfundergoing monastic formation while he compiled his contribution tomedulla scholarship. He possessed a vivid and acute intelligence and ifhe were here today he would have provided a good living example ofwhat he would have seen as a medieval monastic formation, albeit intwenty-first-century Downside.

The book came to Downside from the recusant Langdale family ofHolme-on-Spalding-Moor in Yorkshire through Dom Odo Landale, aDownside monk, in whose effects it was found at the time of his deathin 1934. Measuring 285mm by 210mm it retains its original binding ofwhite leather covering oak boards. It has 259 leaves. The medulla iswritten on heavily watermarked paper with the exception of threemedieval parchment end leaves and a modern flyleaf.5 The text isdivided into seven principal sections. The first (fols. 1-52) is a work in

A medieval novice's formation 37

three chapters, the first missing and the second on figures of HolyWrit. The third chapter consists of a collection of phrases in the Bibleand the Divine Office which were, in the compiler's view, difficult tounderstand. The continuing use of the manuscript is shown in theediting, correcting and supplementing in various hands - 'presumably',Watkin says, 'succeeding generations of novice masters' (Watkin,1939: 478) or indeed student religious. Many worked-over studentbooks exist. In the Worcester Cathedral Library, for example, there arefour surviving notebooks that belonged to Worcester monk students atOxford which had found their way back to the monastic library wherethey could be of use to other students.6 In the Downside manuscriptthere are various northern English glosses and on fol. 16 Lincoln isgiven as a place (Ker, 1977: 443).

The second section (fols. 55-100v), following two blank sheets, ismade up of 115 hymns. The first half of the explanation gives themeaning, the second half is a prayer composed from the matter ofthe verse (Watkin, 1939: 479).' Ninety-seven of the hymns are in theprinted Sarum Expositio hymnorum of 1496 and eleven, not there, arein the printed Expositio hymnorum of 1488. The others, with theexception of number 98, are York hymns (Ker, 1977: 443). Ker,following Watkin, points out the similarities with another manuscript:Cambridge, Peterhouse, 215 (James, 1899: 257-61). The next, thethird section, is a treatise De accentu (fols. 101-13), which explains theaccentuation and pronunciation of the Latin words, important in aperiod before choir books were accented. There are thirty-eightcolumns of rules, followed by thirteen columns of rules of pronuncia-tion arranged in alphabetical order and in rhyme. The fourth section,Nomina propria (fols. 114-15) consists of a list of 150 Latin Christiannames, with one to five English equivalents for each. Watkinreproduces these names in full (Watkin, 1939: 480-3). The fifthsection (fols. 115v-19v) is a list of adverbs and adjectives, the Latinbeing written above its English equivalents. There are seventy adverbsand 128 English equivalents (Ker, 1977: 443). The sixth section is inthe form of a Nomina numeralia, Roman and Arabic, from one to threemillion, on which the compiler concludes, Etcetera usque millesiesmillia etcetera usque ad infinitum, and then explains, Sciendum est quodomnis figura coniuncta cum aliis figuris (Ker, 1977: 444).

The seventh and final section of the book is a substantial Latindictionary, the core of the medulla (fols. 122-252). Many of the moredifficult Latin words have been given English equivalents. Watkin tookthe average of Latin words in each column to be thirty-six and theaverage of English words to be ten and calculated them as nearlynineteen thousand Latin words and over five thousand English in thedictionary (Watkin, 1939: 485). It suggests, in its many LatinizedGreek words, a wide classical sympathy, and in its description of faunaa typical medieval confusion between the actual and the mythical.There are few words of specifically Benedictine character although theEnglish for Dompnus is given as 'Danne'; 'Don', or 'Danne' being the

38 Aidan Bellenger

medieval equivalents to 'Dom' (Watkin, 1939: 487). It is possible thatthe Downside medulla might come from a monastic almonry schoolwhere the putative monks (and others) were educated before theirnovitiate. Yet, within the text there is a clear monastic educationalagenda - the whole of the early part of the compilation and a large partof the dictionary are aimed at a proper understanding of the opus Dei,the centre of the monk's life. Within the context of true peace will befound: Pax est in cella nichil exterius nisi bella / Si pacem queris tunerarius egrederis (Watkin, 1939: 488). The Downside medulla, as I havenoted already, came to the Abbey via Dom Odo Langdale, but it isdifficult to locate its original provenance. Watkin's analysis of thehymns, forming the greater part of the second section of his study,leads to his conclusion that it comes

from a Benedictine monastery of ancient foundation ... situatednear enough to York for that Use to have impressed itself uponthe old Benedictine tradition yet was far enough away to haveconsiderable influx from the southern tradition as exemplified inSarum. (Watkin, 1940: 204)

As noted above, the place name Lincoln is given as an example; thissuggests a monastery situated between Lincoln and York and Watkinsuggests Bardney as the most likely place for the medulla'scomposition (Watkin, 1940: 206). More study of dialects and regionalvariation might make its origin clear. Whether Bardney is its specificcontext or not, what else can the medulla tell us about late medievalmonastic education?

In the first instance it shows the wide vocabulary and influences whichimpinged on claustral education. The world was being brought into thecloister perhaps by the growing number of those attending the schools ofthe university. The wide learning shown by such as Dom Robert Joseph ofEvesham in his letter book on the eve of the Reformation exhibited that arusticus could also be a cosmopolitan (Marrett-Crosby, 1997: 147). Thelibrary catalogue of Prior Henry of Estry (1285-1331) of Christ Church,Canterbury, listed 698 volumes which included three thousand separateitems (Thompson, 1939: 373). A century and a half later Prior WilliamSellyng (1472-94) glazed the south cloister at Christ Church, Canterbury,building there 'some new framed connivances which we call carrels' inwhich space was found, among other things, for the Greek books heintroduced into the library (Thompson, 1939: 376).

If books allowed the world into the cloister, the monks of thefifteenth century were proceeding with great alacrity to theuniversities. This was part of a process of centralization andclericalization with profound consequences for the nature of thesyllabus of monastic education. In 1336 Pope Benedict XII had issuedhis bull Summi magistri, which required each monastery to provideteaching within its walls of the 'primitive sciences' of grammar, logicand philosophy - the territory of the medulla (Coates, 1997: 79). TheDownside medulla reflects a broadening education, a novitiate and a

A medieval novice's formation 39

continuing formation which was more about training 'clerks' thanmonks. The one-year novitiate planned for Benedict's 'ideal' monasteryof lay people was, by the later Middle Ages, woefully inadequate for apriest-monk who often had a heavy administrative burden and highpublic profile. The need for easily accessible works of reference in theform of a medulla must have been felt in many communities.

If clericalization was an important development in the later MiddleAges, monasteries remained closely knit communities where learningto live together remained the heart of formation. A shared vocabularycould build up a common life. Many monasteries had their customaryin which the life of the community would be closely detailed. Thecustomary of St Augustine, Canterbury, includes a specific section onInformicio noviciorum (Thompson, 1902; 1904). Training in communitylife always included diverting minutiae, the result of communityexperience. Individuals are asked not to crack nuts but to open themwith a knife. If the community as a whole is having nuts then, let everybrother crack them as he may please, and never mind the reader'(Thompson, 1904: XV).7 Table manners, deportment, custody of theeyes, church ceremonial, public reading, familiarity (with muchlearning by rote) all formed part of 'the learning experience'.

I began with Cuthbert Butler and his medulla. I will finish with TheDownside Customary. It supplements the medulla with the details ofmonastic life and protocol - not only the ritual of the choir, but also thedetails of the refectory ceremonial, medieval in feel, with its signs for asilent meal including one for toast (not I suggest a medieval delicacy):'the palm of the hand is held about six inches flat above the table'(Downside Customary, 1935: 79). Continuities as well as developmentsare always part of monastic education. The ideal remains. 'The higherthe ideals the more clearly they are grasped the fuller will be the actualrealization' (Butler, 1919: 34). Monastic education in its aspirationsand structure was aimed at helping genuine seekers of God.

In the monastic tradition inherited by the late medieval monks,meditatio and lectio as part of education and continuing formation wereclosely linked to the study of texts, especially the Scriptures, whichwere seen as a highway to prayer, through words to the Word(Leclercq, 1974: 13-30). Grammar and dictionaries had their place onthe path to perfection. The progress through lectio, meditatio, oratio tocontemplatio involved elevating the whole person - body, mind, heartand will - to God. At root, holiness through wholeness was the idealsought in medieval monastic education (RB 1980: 446-7).

Notes

1. See Watkin, 1940: passim] Ker, 1977: 442-4.2. Ker and Piper, 1992: 305-6 (Shrewsbury), perhaps fourteenth century,

and 388-9 (Stonyhurst), fifteenth century.3. Ker, 1977: 213-14, for University of Bristol, DM 14. This manuscript

also dates from the fifteenth century.

40 Aidan Bellenger

4. See obituary notice of Dom Aelred Watkin in Society of Antiquities ofLondon Annual Report 1998 (London, 1999), 73-5.

5. See Ker, 1977, for manuscript details.6. See Greatrex, 1997b: 59. The earliest includes treatises on logic and

works of Aristotle annotated by John de Aston who was at Oxford in the1290s; two others are early fourteenth-century manuscripts containingnotes on logic in the hand of John Broghton who died in 1448 beforecompleting his degree. In that same year John Lawerne, anotherWorcester monk, recorded his inception in his personal notebook, inwhich is found a miscellaneous compilation of theological lectures,disputations, sermons and letters.

7. The journal Pax, edited by the monks of Caldey, has two articles by'L.M.', used by Watkin, which translate and use the Customary (Pax 7(1915): 392-402; Pax 8 (1916): 28-40).

5 The scope of learning withinthe cloisters of the Englishcathedral priories in the laterMiddle Ages

Joan Greatrex

... certis temporibus occupari debent fratres in labore manuum,certis iterum horis in lectione divina. (RB: 48:1)

Introduction

The only school to which St Benedict referred was the 'school of theLord's service' (RB: Prologue, 45), a phrase which encapsulated the life-long undertaking of a prospective monk. In other words, the monasterywas itself a school where the monk passed his days in learning to serveGod and his brethren by way of obedience and humility (RB: 5, 7).Learning is the key word, learning in its widest sense, implyingconstant growth in the knowledge and love of God realized in andthrough all the daily occupations no matter how menial. With the morelimited sense of a prescribed course of learning Benedict was notconcerned; but it is noteworthy that in the daily horarium he set asidesignificant periods for study and meditation upon the sacred texts ofScripture and the Fathers (RB: 73: 3-5). The time provided for whatBenedict described as lectio divina amounted to a minimum of threehours in the summer and slightly fewer in winter when the hours ofdaylight were less.1 Lectio divina, it should be stressed, was prayerfulrather than academic reading and implied 'a total immersion of oneselfin the Word of God and its exposition by the ... Fathers' (RB 1980: 86).Instruction in other subjects such as grammar, rhetoric and musicalchant was subservient to the aim of ensuring that those who werereceived into the community achieved a standard of proficiency thatenabled them to use with understanding the primary texts of the faith,i.e. the Scriptures and the Psalms on which the daily offices werebased.

Moreover, it was the psalmist who impressed upon the monk thatthe beginning of wisdom was to be found in the fear of the Lord:initium sapientiae timor Domini - fear, with the meaning here ofreverence, worship, adoration (Ps. 110:10). At the same time the

42 Joan Greatrex

psalmist's constant prayer was for understanding in order to know thedivine law, to be obedient to its precepts, in short, to live (Ps. 118:34,144). From the earliest times, therefore, the monk was occupied insearching the Scriptures and in acquiring the skills necessary forunderstanding and interpreting them. This presupposes the presenceof monastic teachers and students, and the provision of books in theearliest communities.

For a Benedictine there has always been an intimate connectionbetween fidelity to his vocation and constant intellectual exercise todeepen his understanding and appreciation of the divine mysteries. Letus bear in mind also that the underlying aim was not tied to anypractical goal of service to the world outside the monastery as was thecase, for example, with the orders of friars whose educationalprogramme often included university study to an advanced level. Inthis chapter I intend to confine my attention to those black monks ofthe nine English monastic cathedral chapters (from c.1300 on) whowere not singled out as university potential and who consequentlyspent their lives for the most part within the confines of the cloister.Of these, I would suggest, a respectable number continued in the yearsafter their ordination to pursue some form of study, very possiblyintermittently and largely unsupervised. A few of this group taught,preached and wrote for the edification and pleasure of their brethrenand others, but only a handful were acclaimed for originality of thoughtor felicity of style and expression. Benedictine pre-eminence in thefield of learning had already given way to the friars by the mid-fourteenth century. As Knowles observed, the larger black monkhouses, preoccupied with the administration of their extensive andscattered estates and subject to conflicting pressures within churchand state, had already begun to take on the functions of religiouscorporations to the increasing detriment of community life (Knowles,1966: 299). Nonetheless, individual monks in the cathedral monas-teries continued to maintain the Benedictine intellectual tradition byfrequenting their monastic libraries, by borrowing books, by purchas-ing them with their pocket money, and by annotating and copyingtreatises for their own use.

On first sight the evidence at our disposal is disappointingly meagre,but sufficient material exists to postulate the continuity of what wemay call the intellectual tradition up until the Dissolution.2 It is ahazardous undertaking to attempt to flush out and reconstruct theactivities and interests of the ordinary monks whose lives were on thewhole so uneventful that they receive scant mention in the records.The results may elicit more questions than answers; nevertheless,these should prove to be useful pointers for future research.

It will be advisable to begin with a brief investigation into the courseof instruction given to novices and junior monks before theirordination to the priesthood, an event which generally took placewithin approximately five years after admission; however, variations inthe length of this initial period extended from three to seven or eight

English cathedral priories in the later Middle Ages 43

years depending on circumstances (Greatrex, 1999). We will thenmove on to the more difficult task of piecing together evidence fromthe cathedral priories to throw light on cloister monks who continuedto pursue their intellectual interests through further studies. Ourapproach will, of necessity, be primarily via the written texts ratherthan via their readers and writers whose names are only occasionallyknown. In so doing we must bear constantly in mind that we are usuallyunaware to what extent volumes were plucked from the shelves andconsulted; with perhaps a few exceptions the inclusion of eleventh-,twelfth- and thirteenth-century writings in late fifteenth- or earlysixteenth-century book catalogues provides no clue to their continuingpopularity nor to their neglect. The exceptions are to be found in thebooks that were borrowed, annotated, indexed, taken to university andto dependent priories, and returned to the cloister library from thecells of deceased monks. The fact that other copies of most of theworks removed from the cathedral priory book presses for the use ofthe university contingent were available in the cloister indicates thatclaustrales also felt the need to improve their style and expression inthe spoken and the written word, and to consult many of the texts,commentaries and works of reference that were the basic tools ofmonk scholars. As an initial test of the merit of this method ofapproach it will be applied in three areas: grammatical works, biblicaland theological studies, and historical writings. Finally, we will turnour attention to a few individual monks whose interests and activitiesare known through the books they acquired and used. I will concludeby suggesting, with some degree of confidence, the hope that thesewill not prove to have been the rare exceptions.

Instruction of novices

The prerequisite for admission to the cathedral monasteries includedletters of reference and recommendation providing details of thecandidate's scholastic attainments. From letters preserved in cathedralpriory and episcopal registers it is clear that the selection process wasno mere formality. In refusing a pupil who had been proposed by histutor, it was noted by the prior and chapter at Christ Church,Canterbury, that he did not meet the required standard and advisedthat he should continue to study 'terminos grammaticales et usum etartem cantandi et legendi' (Sheppard, 1887-89: I, no. 131). This waswritten in the 1320s, the same decade in which one clericus wasrefused entry to Worcester Cathedral priory because he was judged tobe 'in litteratura et aliis, ut est moris, minus sufficientem1, while anotherwas accepted because he demonstrated at his interview that his masterat Glastonbury abbey school had given him an adequate grounding insciencia et moribus.3

The course of instruction for the Benedictine novice during hisprobationary year varied from one monastery to another in accordance

44 Joan Greatrex

with the customs and regulations of the particular house. However, thegeneral outlines were similar and probably changed very little duringthe three centuries before the Dissolution. In addition to the novicemaster, one or more monk masters gave instruction and secularmasters were sometimes appointed. A Benedictine chapter visitationof 1384 at Durham reported the lack of an 'instructor claustralis ...adinstruendum monachos in primitivis scienciis, videlicet gramatica, logicaet philosophia'.4 In 1437 at Winchester a schoolmaster from outsidewas appointed to instruct the young monks in grammar and singing,and in 1501 at Worcester a schoolmaster was appointed as instructorto teach lfratres nostros et scholasticos domus nostre Elemosinarie [in]grammatice vel arte dialectic^ .5 Since some of the Canterbury, Ely andWorcester lectors known by name in the fourteenth century wereamong the most competent scholars in their communities, withdoctorates in theology, the younger brethren would surely havebenefited from the university training of their seniors.6

The question at once arises: Can we delve more deeply into whatthey were taught?7

The monastic formation called for impressive feats of memorizationthat included the Rule, the Psalter and other parts of the divine office(Carruthers, 1990, 1992). In addition, practical training in liturgicalchant must have been a frequent, if not a daily, part of the timetable inthe novitiate under the direction of the precentor, who also gave orarranged for organ lessons for some of the musically gifted.8 Athirteenth-century Christ Church customary refers to the morning andafternoon study periods but makes no mention of the times whenlectures were given or of their content.9 According to a former monk ofDurham reminiscing some fifty years after the Dissolution, all theelderly monks spent the afternoons studying, each in his own carrel onthe north side of the cloister. 'Air may be an exaggeration due to thedimming of his memory but the regular pursuit of learning by someneed not be doubted (Fowler, 1903: 83, 87). Beyond these facts we areon less firm ground when we try to reconstruct the programme ofstudies that occupied the novice for most of his waking hours outsideof choir.

Grammar

There can be no doubt, however, as to the importance attached togrammar which, with rhetoric and dialectic, comprised the medievalarts trivium. Nevertheless, in attempting to assess the evidence thatcan be gathered through an examination of the monastic bookcollections we encounter problems of terminology. While medievalteachers and writers throughout the later Middle Ages remained inagreement that the categories of discourse were also threefold, namelythe ars grammatica, the ars dictaminis and the ars predicandi, theywere neither united nor consistent in their opinions on what should be


included in the study of grammar and what distinguished it fromrhetoric and dialectic. During the course of the late twelfth and thethirteenth centuries their content and function shifted to accommodatethe new ideas and methods that were being developed in the cathedralschools and nascent universities. New commentaries based on the oldclassical texts of grammar appeared, together with new teachingmethods. Grammar that had previously been focused on constructionsin order to ensure correctness in speech and writing now broadenedits scope to consider not merely the words and phrases themselves butalso their meanings. After Abelard, dialectic and rhetoric wereincreasingly advanced as the skills required to convince and convertwith the aid of logical argument; and the method of this new'speculative' grammar was soon taken over as an instrument that couldbe usefully applied to theology (Chenu, 1936; Bursill-Hall, 1971).Doubts and objections were raised on the part of the monks whoforesaw, for example, the danger in exposing the Scriptures, with theirclumsy if not barbaric Latin, to the age-old rules of the classicalgrammarians (Donatus and Priscian) now being refashioned in atheoretical and speculative mode.

Book collections in the cloister reflected these new developments ingrammar and other fields of study, the old texts standing alongside thenew, if we may judge by a Durham inventory of books dated 1395. Inthe section headed libri grammatical, for example, we find two copiesof Priscianus maior. We also find unspecified works of Peter Elias,whose Summa was an updating of Priscian. There were also copies ofPapias (early to mid-eleventh century), and of Huguccio of Pisa(fl210), the Corrogationes of Alexander Nequam (f!217), theCatholicon of John of Genoa (|1286) and William Brito's Expositionesvocabulorum Bibliae (late thirteenth century); several of thesecontained glossaries of biblical terms and other useful referencematerial as well as grammatical commentaries (Botfield, 1840: 49).The Durham novices' book cupboard in this same year also hadPriscianus minor, Huguccio, Papias and Brito, and a Liber elencorum,cum aliis libris logicalibus.10

No similar lists have been found of the reading material prescribedfor novices in the other monastic cathedral libraries, but some of theworks named in the lists above survive from the Norwich, Durham andWorcester collections, and others are recorded in medieval inven-tories.11 The Rochester library held Donatus, Priscian, Aelfric ofEynsham and Peter Elias, while Hamo de Hethe, monk and bishop ofRochester, bequeathed to his brethren a copy of Papias.12 Rochester,like Canterbury, Durham, Norwich and Worcester, possessed anumber of Bede's treatises including those on grammar, orthographyand metre; Durham, Canterbury and Worcester also possessed theLiber derivationum of the twelfth-century Gloucester monk, OsbernPinnock.13

Coventry monks, both junior and senior, consulted one or more ofthe treatises now bound in a hefty volume of some 225 folios which

46 Joan Greatrex

appears to be the work of a single, pleasingly legible hand of thefifteenth century.14 It contains the writings of two fourteenth-centuryEnglish grammar masters: the first by John of Cornwall, whoseSpeculum grammatical^, based on Donatus, was innovative in its use ofEnglish rather than French in the teaching of Latin;15 the secondtreatise is the Memoriale iuniorum or De quatuor partibus grammaticaeof Thomas Hanney. Other items found in this volume are a lengthypoem on Latin grammar, the Ars minor of Donatus, a short section ofform letters as examples of the ars dictaminis together with the rulesof letter-writing procedure and extracts from Bede's treatise on metre.The fifteenth-century date of its compilation suggests that its contentswere still being regarded as useful reference material. A remarkablysimilar collection occurs in two Worcester manuscripts: BL, RoyalISB.iv and Worcester Cathedral F.61, which also contains writings byanother late thirteenth-century English grammar master, Richard deHambury.16 A few anonymous notes such as those in BL, Royal ISB.iv,may be from the hand of a Worcester monk instructor preparing hisown lectures.

In addition to this survey of grammatical works in the monasticcathedral libraries we can actually examine a notebook and a textbelonging to one late fifteenth-century Canterbury monk. We arefortunate in the preservation of these two manuscripts, both of whichbelonged at one time to William Ingram I. One of them, still to be foundin situ, he may have compiled when he was a boy in the Christ Churchalmonry school since it antedates by five years his reception of themonastic tonsure. Now bound in two volumes, the first has elaboratedesigns and decorations in colour on folios Iv and 2r, a treatise onlogic preceded by its tabula and extracts from Bede's De metrica', thesecond volume has mnemonic computistical verses for the months ofthe year and their feasts and other useful items. The secondmanuscript, now BL, Ms Harley 1587, was in Ingram's hands whilehe was a novice in the early 1480s having been passed on to him by hissenior, Reginald Goldston; it includes some basic rules of Latingrammar, a De modo Latini loquendi and a Latin-English glossary.17

There are a number of problems that, for the present at least,forestall any attempt to ascertain further details on instruction ingrammar in the novitiate. Apart from Osbern Pinnock in the mid-twelfth century and Ranulph Higden of Chester in the mid-fourteenth,there are no known grammatical texts written by English Benedictinesand few copies of their works seem to have circulated.18 Nevertheless,it is clear that at Worcester and Coventry the monks were keptinformed, probably by their brethren at Oxford, which was the maincentre of grammar schools and masters in the later Middle Ages; themonk students would have been conveniently placed to procure copiesof grammatical treatises for their monastery libraries.

While specified sections of Priscian and the later glossators andcommentators may have been assigned as required reading for novicesand juniors, there is also some evidence of their use by senior monks


at Canterbury. An inventory of missing books in the 1330s records thatBrito's Prologos super Biblie had been borrowed by Thomas UndyrdownI (t!347) and the Eastry catalogue lists two volumes that had belongedto Thomas de Stureye II (|1298); these suggest a continuing interestin grammar and associated works of reference.19 John Lawerne, monkof Worcester, took a copy of Priscian with him to Oxford in the mid-fifteenth century and copies of Papias, Huguccio and the Catholiconwere sent for repair in 1508 at Canterbury.20

Theology

One volume, whose miscellaneous contents are itemized in theDurham novices' book list, may be conveniently described ascomprising biblical and theological writings. Among these are a tabulaor index to the Rule of Benedict; several treatises by Bernard ofClairvaux and one of Bede that may be classed as both spiritual andtheological; an expositio on the Lord's Prayer; the De professionemonachorum, probably the one by the contemporary Durham monk,Uthred de Boldon (|1397); the treatise Abbas vel prior, which is anabridgement of William of Pagula's Speculum religiosorum and Isidoreof Seville's Synonyma (Botfield, 1840: 82). In the 1490s the Durhamchancellor/librarian placed another composite volume in the novices'book cupboard; it consisted of a shortened version of Adam of Dore'sAdaptationes veteris testamenti ad novum; Jerome's Vulgate; twoversions of the Interpretaciones hebraicorum nominum; and AlexanderNequam's treatise on the books of the Bible.21

Using these as models of the sort of material that was considereduseful for novices we may look for similar manuscripts in othercathedral libraries that might have been compiled for instructionalpurposes. The Eastry catalogue provides one such example in amanuscript containing several anonymous libelli on the virtues; atreatise by Bernard of Clairvaux; expositiones on the Creed and theLord's Prayer; and an unspecified commentary on the Rule. Another inthe same catalogue has similar contents, with the addition of Hugh ofSt Victor's De institucione noviciorum and Questiones de theologia.22 Athird miscellany, an extant fourteenth-century Canterbury manuscript,contains the Philosophia monachorum; an expositio of the Lord'sPrayer; Bernard of Cassino's commentary on the Rule; a devotionaltreatise; and other items.23 Among candidates at Norwich for thissuggested category of novices' prescribed or recommended readingmaterial there are two manuscripts. One contains a Liber erudicionisreligiosorum] Bernard of Cassino on the Rule; an abridged Confessionesof Augustine; and a devotional tract.24 The other includes a copy of theRule; a treatise on monastic profession; Flores, or extracts, fromBernard of Clairvaux with a subject index; a Summa theologiemagistralis; and Richard of St Victor's De contemplacione. Much ofthis last volume is well worn and annotated.25 A Rochester manuscript

48 Joan Greatrex

assigned the descriptive title by Ker 'miscellanea theologica etgrammatica' and written by twelfth- and thirteenth-century handspossibly had a similar origin. It contains short extracts from the NewTestament glossed; notes or distinctiones on theological topics; anexplanation of Greek and Hebrew names; and the Partitiones XII ofPriscian.26

The miscellanea theologica selected for the novices at Durham in thefourteenth century would not find a place on a recommended readinglist for students of theology today; they would more likely be classifiedas spiritualia for they were intended as stimuli to faith and devotionrather than as intellectual exercises. Moreover, since there was noseparation of biblical studies from theological studies, any writtenwork in which the Christian truths were taught and Christian doctrineexplained was regarded as theology. Although the writings recom-mended to all young monks to give them a grounding in theology wouldhave been the Scriptures themselves, the Durham book list includesonly one copy of the Gospels and that is in French (Botfield, 1840: 81).This seems a surprising omission unless we may infer that viva vocereadings occupied a prominent place in the novices' daily routine. Ifso, as seems most likely, we may then conjecture that these readingswould have been accompanied by the monastic instructor's explanationof the text with the aid of the patristic commentaries that formed asignificant component of all monastic book collections. The writings ofJerome, Gregory, Augustine and Bede, among others, would thus havegradually become familiar so that the diligent young monk would soonhave learned to consult them for himself.

To help him in his studies he would have made use of the numerousglosses on the books of the Bible and some of the wide range of findingaids in the form of biblical concordances and subject indexes whichproliferated in the thirteenth century.27 Alphabetical compendia ofencyclopedic proportions appeared, affording easy access to theScriptures and to the patristic auctoritates, with explanations of thewords found in the text and of names and places. The Durham noviceswere provided with a tabula to the Rule and another to their copy ofHuguccio, whose Liber derivationes was one of the early productions ofthis type.28 Among these new productions were the collections ofdistinctiones described as 'the most highly evolved form of the spiritualdictionary' (Smalley, 1984: 246). Canterbury, Durham, Norwich andWorcester each acquired one of the most popular of these, compiled byMaurice (the Englishman), and most of the cathedral priories had anumber of others, some by unnamed writers.29

Although scholastic authors were added to the cathedral priory bookcollections in the thirteenth century, the Victorines, especially Hugh,and the Cistercians, especially Bernard, continued to occupyprominent places in the cloister and, as we have seen, their workswere among those approved for novices.30 This preference for thewritings of authors who were themselves claustrales reflects theenduring adherence of the monks to what Jean Leclercq identified as


monastic theology, which he described as 'a prolongation of patristictheology' (Leclercq, 1961a: 189). He distinguished it as a wisdom to bereceived and not a science to be subjected to the cut and driedinvestigations that held sway among scholastics. As examples ofBenedictine monastic theologians, Leclercq pointed to two twelfth-century examples: Eadmer monk of Christ Church in the early years ofthe century, and Senatus prior of Worcester in the final decade. Bothproduced theological treatises that were faithful to the monastictradition. They stopped short of submitting the mysteries of faith toreason but they respected and made use of dialectic which lay at theheart of the scholastic method (Leclercq, 1961a: 210-11, 192-3).

The main difference in approach for Leclercq lies in the fact thatmonastic theology has its source in experience whereas the scholasticapproach is entirely impersonal and scientific. 'In the cloister,theology is studied in relation to monastic experience ... the pursuitof truth and the quest for perfection must go hand in hand.' This couldnot be achieved without reflection on the meaning of the Scriptureswhich, in turn, required the use of dialectic without succumbing to itsabuse in scholastic disputation (Leclercq, 1961a: 198-203). There was,then, a certain moderation in learning coupled with an ambivalencetowards the advisability of university studies for monks even after theEnglish Benedictine provincial chapter's decision in 1277 to found ahouse of studies at Oxford.31

To what extent the internal life of the claustral community wasaffected by this move to join the mainstream of education and therebycome under the pervasive influence of scholastic studies is as yetimpossible to assess. It is a fact, however, that only a handful ofBenedictine university-trained scholars made any mark among theintellectual elite of their day. To judge by their continuing acquisitions,the libraries of the cathedral priories kept in close touch with thetheological and homiletic output of the friars; presumably some monksskimmed through or even digested it but they seem to have beencontent to remain silent in the background. This cannot be entirely dueto a lack of scholarly competence because a respectable number wentup to university and many returned with degrees.

Uthred of Boldon was one of these; receiving his doctorate intheology in 1357 he spent much of his later years at Durham and itsdependent priory at Finchale.32 He spoke for the majority of his lessvisible brethren when he voiced his uneasiness about the 'excessiveintellectualism' at Oxford; and, although he employed scholasticprocedures in writing his two treatises on the monastic life, hisunderlying theme was the primacy of spiritual values for the monk.33

Ranulph Higden, a monk of Chester, had expressed the samesentiment a few years earlier in his treatise on the art of preachingwhen he warned the reader against the use of scholastic methodologyin preparing sermons (Jennings, 1991: 5). The Dominican scholar T.-M. Charland considered that by the early fourteenth century theuniversity sermon modelled on scholastic lines had entirely replaced

50 Joan Greatrex

the earlier practice modelled on patristic homilies (Charland, 1936:224-6). Were Uthred and Ranulph exceptions in speaking out against afait accompli or presque accompli? One answer to this question may liein the fourteenth- and fifteenth-century Benedictine sermon manu-scripts of which an impressive number remain at Worcester.34

However, no conclusion can be drawn before all of them have beentranscribed and individually examined for the sources cited and forother recognizable influences on their style and content.

Leclercq has provided us with a test which might fruitfully beapplied to the result. It consists in examining the texts (in this case thesermon texts) in order to search for what he calls 'le vocabulaire de lacontemplation' which cannot have been faithfully handed down 'sansque fussent egalement preservees les realties qu'il exprimaif (Leclercq,1961b: 109). Thus the intellectual and the spiritual converge if thetradition of monastic theology has been preserved.35 Such resultsmight well enable us to come closer to an understanding of themonastic perspective and self-perception in this period.

History

The importance of history to the monks lies in the fact that for them itwas nothing less than the history of salvation, which began withcreation and will only have its end in the new Jerusalem. The cathedralpriories' extant manuscripts display a broad selection ranging fromuniversal histories to chronicles recording events in the history of asingle monastery. Peter Comestor's Historia scholastica and RanulphHigden's Polychronicon (Lumby and Lumby, 1865-86) were among themost popular in the former category. Peter came to be known asMaster of the Histories, having produced a summary of biblical historyfrom creation to Acts.36 It became a classic; there were at least tencopies at Canterbury, four at Durham, three or four at Rochester, six atWorcester and one each at Coventry and Norwich.37 The Polychroniconalso began with creation but carried on until Ranulph's own time in themid-fourteenth century; the copies owned by Canterbury, Bath andNorwich have survived along with those from many other monasteries.38

Many of the cathedral priories had their own monk historians whocarefully recorded the principal events of their house but oftendigressed to cover wider topics relating to affairs of nationalimportance in church and state.39 The lives of patron saints were alsocopied and composed with the intent of preserving and promotingtheir words and deeds. Novices and senior monks had a wide selectionof saints' lives from which to choose, many of them in the popularcollection known as the Legenda aurea of James of Voragine (|1298) ofwhich copies remain from Canterbury, Winchester, Worcester andDurham.40 The impressive historical output of the St Albans and Burymonks that endured well into the later fifteenth century has no parallelamong the cathedral priories, but there are a few indications that in


this period modest attempts were made to record past andcontemporary events, in the main by monks who had received theirentire education in the cloister. Thomas Rudborne at Winchester isone of these. Of his several volumes, one relates the history of Englandfrom Brutus to Henry VI with frequent reference to events inWinchester. His writings bear the imprint of wide reading in hisreferences to the classics and his use of passages borrowed fromearlier chronicles. The result is interesting and entertaining but in noway original apart from his particular selection of sources and methodof compilation.41 We may presume that he found most of the books heconsulted in St Swithun's Library. The fact that he appears as anisolated figure hardly suggests that his interests were shared by morethan a few in his community; yet it is possible that he involved some ofthe younger monks to assist him in his research.

The concerns of two almost contemporary Christ Church monkswere more limited. Like Rudborne both of them were products of acloister education and both set out to put on record the local eventsoccurring in their time, William Glastynbury's account runningintermittently from c.1419 to 1448 and John Stone's from 1415 to1471.42 Parts of these short accounts, which centred on the daily livesof the monastic community, read like the jottings in a diary. They leadone to speculate that among the eighty to ninety members of thecommunity of their day there would have been other claustrales poringover books and making notes that, unfortunately, no one thought worthkeeping for posterity.

William Glastynbury's chronicle was written in his paper notebook,which also contains a miscellany of other material. There is, forexample, a detailed description of the 'theological windows' in thechoir of the cathedral that must at least be partly based on his ownobservations and reflection. There are quotations from the Bible, achronological list of Christ Church manors and churches, copies ofletters and daily accounts of his receipts and expenses during histenure of obedientiary office. Quotations from the Pauline epistles andfrom Augustine reveal his concern to come to grips with the problemsof grace and free will, and he noted as worthy of remembrance thedictum that the fear of the Lord leads to true wisdom.43

Some studious monks

While it is unfortunate that our knowledge of other studious cathedralmonks is more scanty we do know how a few Worcester volumes wereacquired. A codex of the Distinctiones Mauricii, for example, waspurchased through contributions of eleven Worcester monks in thelater thirteenth century, and the four volumes of the Postille ofNicholas de Lyra containing his commentary on the whole of the Oldand New Testaments were acquired by Prior John Grene in 1386 'adcommunem utilitatem claustralium'.u We are also informed by a note

52 Joan Greatrex

in a copy of Smaragdus's Diadema monachorum that Thomas Wulstan,monk of Worcester, had in 1529 read it right through.45

At Canterbury William Chartham (|1448) compiled a Speculumparvulorum; by 1520 it had been passed on to John Salisbury III whowas then in charge of the martyrdom. It was intended for boys as thetitle indicates, and for younger monks, as Chartham states hisintention to share with them his own enjoyment of the tales he hadread in his youth. He therefore copied a collection of these stories asexempla, chosen from the Vitae patrum, Gregory, Bede and the GestaRomanorum 'ad dei laudem et, ut speratur, ad multorum parvulorumdelectationem et utilitatem'.46 Two further examples of inconspicuousChrist Church monks labouring to complete their literary undertakingsin the early sixteenth century add weight to the evidence of thecontinuity of intellectual interests within the cloister. Laurence Wade'stranslation of the Life of Thomas Becket into English verse andRichard Stone's Vitae sanctorum bear little mark of originality, buttheir manuscripts have fortunately escaped destruction.47

Conclusion

These few illustrations are tiny chinks of light faintly visible through thekeyhole of the monastic library door; they are suggestive but as yet notadequately substantiated apart from a few other examples. Once themedieval library catalogues and the forthcoming manuscript catalogues(for the cathedral priories) have been completed, we will benefit from afuller knowledge of the contents of both the lost and extant manuscripts;we will then be on firmer ground. By then we may also have the namesand details of more monks, especially those of Bath and Coventry wheremany still remain unknown along with most of their books.

The sons of Benedict have always included a broad spectrum ofpersons and temperaments. Among these each succeeding generationhas produced an unknown number whose inclinations were literary andreflective. For them their vocation was expressed by their constantdesire to rediscover 'the perennial synthesis between culture andspirituality' within the monastic tradition (Leclercq, 1986; O'Keeffe,1995: 278). Can we find more of them in the monasteries of latemedieval England?48

Notes

1. Timothy Fry suggests that, aside from the liturgical readings, about fourhours a day were given to lectio 'which included reading, private prayerand meditatio, the memorization, repetition and ''rumination" of biblicaltexts' (RB 1980: 95).

2. By intellectual tradition I mean the 'intellectual interpretation of faith',which for the monk was 'inseparable from spiritual life and religiousexperience' (Leclercq, 1960: 104).


3. Worcester Cathedral, Liber albus (Reg. A.5), fols. 113v, 134r.4. At Durham there were seven magistri noviciorum and ten novices in

1344-45 according to the hostiller (BCD, Hostiller's account for thatyear). The visitation is printed in Pantin, 1931-37: III, 83.

5. Greatrex, 1978, no. 236 and no. 510 for the appointment of a grammarmaster in 1493. See also Winchester Cathedral, Common Seal RegisterIII, fol. 83v for a grammar master appointed to instruct both the juniormonks and the boys in the almonry school in 1538. The Worcesterreference is in Worcester Cathedral, Reg. A.6 (2), fol. 17r.

6. I refer to monks such as Martin de Clyve, Hugh of St Ives and John Aleynat Canterbury; Roger de Norwich I at Ely; Richard de Bromwych, Ranulphde Calthrop and John de St Germans at Worcester; and the unnamedmagister theologie at Norwich whose camera was repaired at theinfirmarer's expense in 1429-30 (NRO DCN 1/10/17). For the careersof all these monks see Greatrex, 1997a.

7. At Worcester there is evidence that graduate monks gave public lecturesin the chapter house which other monks attended; see Greatrex, 1991b:217. See also Piper, 1997: 84-5.

8. Robert Colville, later prior of Ely, was given organ lessons between1465-66 and 1473-74; see Greatrex, 1997a: 399. At Durham in 1417 theprecentor taught the juvenes in organis (Fowler, 1898-1901: II, 287).

9. Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, 441, a Christ Church manuscriptwritten in the thirteenth century; it contains Instructio noviciorumsecundum consuetudinem ecclesie Cantuariensis, 359-92, especially 380-1. See also Pantin, 1985: 69-70.

10. Botfield, 1840: 81, and see below.11. For medieval catalogue listings see Sharpe et al., 1996: B58.21,

Catholicon and B57.5a, B57.6, Brito (Norwich); the Canterburycatalogues are in James (1903), where copies of all these works arefound. Among extant manuscripts there is a Norwich volume containingPriscian in CUL, Ii.4.34; Papias and Huguccio survive in Worcester,WCL, F.20 and F.22, and Brito in F.13 and F.61. Ms C.IV.29 at Durhamhas Note super Priscianum and B.I.31 is a copy of the Catholicon.

12. Sharpe et al., 1996: B79.178 (Donatus), B79.175 (Priscian, 3 copies),B79.162 (Aelfric), B79.198 (Helias), B82.12 (Papias).

13. For Bede, Sharpe et al., 1996: B79.176 (Rochester); James (1903) nos398, 847 (Canterbury); Durham Cathedral B.II.35, BL, Ms Harley 4688,Botfield, 1840: 20, 64-5 (Durham); Sharpe et al., 1996: B62.25 (Norwich);CUL, Kk.3.18, BL, Royal 4B.xiii, Sharpe et al. (1996) B118.Ha(Worcester). The Pinnock manuscripts are in Botfield, 1840: 49(Durham); James, 1903: no. 531 (Canterbury); WCL, Q.37 (Worcester).

14. The manuscript is now Oxford, Bodl., Auct. F.3.9.15. Br Bonaventure characterized the manuscript generally as a book 'for

younger monks and almonry boys' (Br Bonaventure, 1961: 3), but hedescribed John of Cornwall's treatise as 'for advanced students' (BrBonaventure, 1961: 6).

16. Hunt, 1964, where Hambury's Worcester origins and work are discussedat 167-72. Professor Rodney Thomson suggests that WCL, F.61 wasintended for beginners as were two other Worcester manuscripts F.123and F.147 (personal communication).

17. For the careers of William Ingram I and Reginald Goldston see Greatrex,1997a, in the Canterbury section. The Canterbury manuscript is inCanterbury Cathedral Library identified as Lit. Mss E7 and E8.

54 Joan Greatrex

18. For Osbern see Hunt, 1980. Higden's writings extend to all threesubjects of study under discussion in this paper: a Pedagogium artisgrammaticae, a Distinctiones theologicae and the Polychronicon discussedbelow.

19. For Thomas Undyrdown I and Thomas de Stureye II see Greatrex,1997a.

20. Sharpe et al., 1996: Bl 16.25, and for Lawerne's career see Greatrex,1997a, in the Worcester section. The Canterbury volumes are in James,1903: 158, nos 157, 160 and 156.

21. This is now CUL, Kk.5.10.22. These are items 1576 and 1579 in James, 1903.23. Now Cambridge, Corpus Christi College Ms 137.24. Now CUL, Kk.2.21.25. Now CUL, Kk.3.26.26. Ker, 1964b: 162; this is now BL, Royal 5A.iv. Another Rochester volume,

which is also numbered among the Royal manuscripts (12C.i), has similarcontents.

27. See R.H. and M.A. Rouse, 1974; Christ Church, Canterbury had a copy ofone of the three editions, now Cambridge, St John's College 51, and sodid Durham, DCD, A.I.2, and Norwich, Sharpe et al, 1996: B64.7, under'Yarmouth'. The Norwich copy has survived as BL, Royal 4E.v. AtWorcester, WCL, F.I75 contains one section only which, presumably,was once complete.

28. Botfield, 1840: 81, 82. Thomas de Horstead, precentor of Rochester inthe 1330s, was responsible for the tabula to his monastery's copy ofGregory's Moralia, now BL, Royal 6D.vii, fols. 268-96; he acquired thisand other volumes for the library including a Concordancie bibliae, BL,Royal 4E.v, one of the St Jacques productions; see Greatrex, 1997a: 613.

29. Smalley, 1984: 246. James, 1903: no. 1614 (Canterbury); Botfield, 1840:53 (Durham); Sharpe et al., 1996: B64.6 (Norwich cell at Yarmouth, 15thc.); WCL, Q.42 (Worcester).

30. They ranked next to Augustine and Gregory in popularity judging by theEastry catalogue, James, 1903: 13-142, and the Durham Catalogi veteres(Botfield, 1840).

31. Pantin, 1931-37: I, 75. Note also that the same statutes ruled that some ofthe claustrales were to be occupied lin studendo, libros scribendo, corrigenda,illuminando', etc.; this was repeated in 1343 (ibid.: I, 74 and II, 51).

32. Emden, 1957-59: I, 212-13, gives a summary of his career and writings.33. These treatises are discussed by Pantin, 1948. Apart from Uthred there

are very few surviving Benedictine writings in theology in the twocenturies before the Dissolution.

34. E.g. Worcester, WCL, F.10 (Benedictine sermons), F.114, F.126, Q.9,Q.18 (Benedictine collations), Q.56 (Carmelite), Q.63, Q.65; except forF.10 and Q.18 the exact number of sermons contained in thesemanuscripts that were preached by Benedictines has not yet beenascertained.

35. The sermon collections of the Durham monk, Robert Ripon (fafter1419), and of the monk bishops of Rochester, Thomas Brinton (|1389)and John Shepey (|1352), should also be examined; for the manuscriptsand printed editions see Sharpe, 1997.

36. See Daly, 1957, which discusses his career and writings. The Historiascholastica is printed in PL 198, 1053-1722. Higden's history has beenedited in the Rolls Series; see also Taylor, 1966, and the critical


appraisal of Higden's historical achievement in Gransden, 1974/1982: II,43-57.

37. James, 1903, lists nine in the Eastry catalogue, and thus all of these hadbeen acquired before 1331: nos 637, 722, 975, 1060, 1084 (nowCambridge, Trinity College 342), 1171, 1181, 1208, 1219. The Catalogiveteres (Botfield, 1840) at Durham has an uncertain number of copies,and among those extant are BCD, B.I.33 and 34, B.II.36 and B.III.20.Rochester's copies included one given by Bishop Hamo de Hethe, Sharpeet al., (1996) B82.6; there are possibly two more now in the BL, Royal2C.i and Harley 23 which may be an abbreviated version. Sharpe et al.,1996: B79.105 may have been one of these. The Worcester copies arestill in situ: WCL, F.I, F.33, F.37, F.71, F.133, Q.2. The Norwich andCoventry copies are both found in medieval catalogues, see Sharpe et al.,1996: B23.24, B62.16 (at St Leonard's cell). The Coventry copy was thework of the monk scribe, John de Bruges c.1240, see Greatrex, 1997a.

38. BL, Arundel 86 (Bath); CUL, Ii.3.1, Oxford, BodL, Rawlinson B.191(Canterbury); BL, Add Ms 15759, BL, Ms Harley 3634, BNF, Lat. 4922(Norwich).

39. Matthew Paris of St Albans (| after 1259) may be regarded as the mostnotable example. See also Piper, 1998.

40. CUL, Ff.5.31 (Canterbury); CUL, Mm.3.14, BCD, B.IV 39A, Oxford,BodL, Ms Laud misc. 489, and York, York Minster Library, xix.C.5,printed book (Burham); CUL, Gg.2.18 and Cambridge, Trinity College338 (Winchester); WCL, F.45, F.115 (Worcester); the Norwich cell atYarmouth also possessed a copy in the fifteenth century; see Sharpe etal., 1996: B64.8.

41. His career is summarized in Greatrex, 1997a, and his writing is evaluatedin Gransden, 1974/1982: II, 394-8.

42. These have both been printed: Woodruff, 1925, an incomplete transcript,some in translation; Searle, 1902.

43. Oxford, Corpus Christi College 256, fols. 2v, lOr, 17r.44. The names of the monks are listed on the back flyleaf of the Distinctiones,

Q.42; in the third volume of Lyra's commentary, F.27, the note of thedate of acquisition by Prior Grene is recorded.

45. The inscription and note occur on the front flyleaf of BL, Royal SB.xiii.46. London, Lambeth Palace Library, 78, quotation on fol. Ir.47. Wade's manuscript is on fols. l-56v of Cambridge, Corpus Christi

College, 298; it has been printed by Horstmann, 1880. Stone's Vitae is inLondon, Lambeth Palace Library, 159 where on fol. 176r occurs thephrase scriptum per followed by his name; thus he may have been merelythe scribe but if so his exemplar is unknown.

48. I am greatly indebted to Br Tessa Webber, Bame Catherine WybourneOSB and Br Carolyn Muessig who read earlier drafts of this paper andshared with me their wisdom and expertise.

6 University monks in latemedieval England

James G. Clark

The Benedictines' contact with the universities has attractedconsiderable attention in recent years: institutional histories of themonastic colleges have been followed by studies of the impact of monkgraduates upon individual communities (Pantin, 1947-85; Greatrex,1991a; Wansborough and Marrett-Crosby, 1997). However, as aneducational enterprise, the experience of the Benedictines at Oxfordand Cambridge has been largely neglected. The intellectual activitiesof the monk-scholars, the form and substance of their studies, and thefull extent of their scholarly interests remain open to question.

This neglect stems at least in part from an over-concentration on thework of a handful of exceptional monk-scholars, such as Uthred ofBoldon (c. 1320-97) and Adam Easton (c. 1340-97). On the one handthere has been a tendency to treat them as representative of universitymonks as a whole. David Knowles called Uthred 'the representativemonk-scholar of his age' and 'the century's typical figure', regardinghim as the blueprint for the 'moine universitaire' (Knowles, 1948-59:II, 48, 58). On the other hand those less willing to emphasize therepresentative quality of these men have nonetheless tended to treatUthred and Easton, as well as Simon Langham (Westminster monk andarchbishop of Canterbury, |1376) and Thomas Brinton (monk andbishop of Rochester, |1389), as the exceptions who only serve toprove the rule that the intellectual achievements of the majority ofmonk-scholars were not of any great significance (Pantin, 1955: 165-85). Except in this handful of cases, it has been argued that the'creative stimulus dwindled to the verge of extinction' leaving 'nooriginal minds at work within the cloister' (Greatrex, 1991a: 555).

There are obvious problems with these views. The careers of men suchas Uthred and Easton, who spent more than two decades of continuousstudy at Oxford and attracted international renown, were far from typical.For this same reason it is misleading to generalize a concept of a lmoineuniversitaire' on the basis of their highly unusual experiences andachievements. It is of course understandable that the abundant evidencethat surrounds these figures has attracted historians. Probably, theteaching and learning of the university monks are less well recorded thanany other aspect of late medieval monastic experience. Proportionately,

University monks in late medieval England 57

the losses of books and manuscripts from Canterbury, Durham andGloucester Colleges at the Dissolution were far greater than fromprovincial monastic libraries (Ker, 1964: 145-6; Ker and Watson, 1987:53-4). Nonetheless, there is a comparatively rich body of evidence thatcan offer important insights into the experience of the wider body ofmonk-scholars. In the first place, the universities' own records have notbeen fully exploited. Oxford's registers of Congregation, which recorddetails of every student's progress from inception to graduation, arealmost complete for the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Nor has anyonehas yet examined in detail the surviving books which can be identified asbelonging to or written by monk-scholars themselves. These notebooks,commonplace books and personal anthologies, which in many cases arefilled with marginal comments, can provide revealing glimpses into thestudies and individual interests of the monks who passed through theuniversities.

The following discussion focuses on the teaching and learning ofmonks at Oxford in the later fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, forwhich there is greater evidence than for Cambridge. The picture thatemerges challenges many of the common assumptions about monasticlearning in the later Middle Ages. It can be shown that monk-scholarsfollowed a much broader range of studies both before and during theirdegree work than has often been assumed; in some respects they evenled the academic community in the cultivation of new intellectualtrends.

To understand the intellectual activities of the great majority ofmonk-scholars, it is first important to consider the context in whichthey were taught and in which they studied. Framing their intellectualactivities were three complementary bodies of legislation whichunderpinned the Benedictines' contact with the universities: thestatutes of the General and Provincial Chapters, successively revisedbetween 1277 and 1444; Benedict XIFs 1336 canons Summi magistri',and the statutes of the monastic colleges themselves.1 Not only didthese govern the daily activity of the monk-scholars, they also soughtto regulate the form and content of their studies. The capitular andpapal statutes prescribed a programme of training in 'the primitivesciences', a vague formulation roughly equivalent to the university artscourse, followed by higher study in theology and canon law.2 Thecolleges themselves went further, restricting the period of training inarts, and in the case of Durham College preventing their membersfrom pursuing any studies in law (Raine, 1839: 140). This legislationalso placed severe restrictions on monk-scholars' integration in thewider university community. Students were subject to a pared-downversion of the liturgical horarium. Teaching was to be done in thecollege, no student was to receive tuition from a secular master, andinvolvement in public scholastic exercises was limited by obligations tokeep within the precinct, which made periods of regency virtuallyimpossible (Pantin, 1947-85: III, 172-83).

Other factors also governed their studies. Oxford monks came from

58 James G. Clark

a wide variety of backgrounds and, to a significant extent, what theystudied was determined by what they had already learned in thecloister. In some houses, those chosen to attend the university hadalready been educated at a provincial grammar school before theirprofession. St Albans, for example, tended to select monk-scholarsfrom amongst the socially better-connected juniors, perhaps as ameans of ensuring they had already reached a certain level ofproficiency in grammar, logic and philosophy.3 However, elsewhere itseems likely that the only preparatory training they had received wasas novices and juniors in the monastery itself. In some cases they maynot have completed even this basic course of instruction as it was notuncommon for monks to be sent to Oxford within two or three years oftheir profession. The number of elementary grammar texts and otherworks usually associated with the instruction of novices and juniors inthe book inventories from Canterbury and Durham Colleges indicatesthat some of the monks spent their first months at Oxford completingthe training which otherwise would have been done in the cloister.4

Moreover, many Oxford monks only spent a small proportion oftheir time in residence at the university. In the later fourteenth andfifteenth centuries, secular scholars might expect to spend betweenfifteen and twenty years in continuous study. But the majority ofmonk-scholars remained in their colleges for only a fraction of thistime. Large wealthy houses such as Christ Church, Canterbury and StAlbans might allow their scholars to remain at Oxford for more than adecade. However, those from smaller poorer houses were obliged tosettle for shorter interrupted stays at the university and longer periodsstudying in their own cloister. For example, Thomas Caly, a Durhammonk, studied for his bachelor degree for more than twelve years from£.1445, but at least a quarter of this time was spent in the cloister.Thomas Ratylsdon, a Bury monk, spent two full years studyingtheology in the cloister before arriving at Gloucester College at theend of the 1440s. Exceptionally, Richard Graveney, a monk from ChristChurch, Canterbury, had studied canon law for six years in the cloisterbefore he went to Oxford in 1432 (Pantin and Mitchell, 1972: 82, 163,314).

Moving between the cloister and colleges meant the monk-scholarswere often out of sequence with the academic year, beginning theirstudies in the second, third or fourth term, and unable to incept, oroppose and respond for their degrees at the conventional time.Perhaps as a consequence of this, many monks preferred to study atthe university during its vacations. For instance, John England, aWestminster monk, spent five vacations but only four years studyingfor his bachelor degree. Having studied theology in the cloister for twoyears, William Farley, a monk from Gloucester, continued his degreework at Gloucester College during the next nine long vacations, untilc.1450. John Warder, a St Albans monk, appears to have been at Oxfordonly during the vacations, offering 'five long and many shortervacations' when he incepted in theology in the 1440s (Pantin and


Mitchell, 1972: 165, 220, 313). It is possible that the vacations werealso attractive to the monks for other reasons. Extending from Octoberto June, the university year coincided with what in liturgical termsmust have been the busiest period in a monastery of any size andstatus. Consequently it seems that abbots and priors preferred torelease their most able monks only during the summer months.

Periods of study divided between Oxford and the home community,and the uneasy interaction with the university and its own cycle,clearly affected the form and content of the monk-scholars' studies. Itseverely restricted their access to university teaching, much more sothan the capitular, papal and college regulations. In a learningenvironment where academic progress was measured in terms of thetime spent following the reading of particular authors and texts, thismust have directly affected the ways in which the monks could preparefor their degrees. Some insight into these difficulties is offered in thecase of John Hatfield, a St Albans monk, who incepted in theology inc.1430. Hatfield told the university officers that he had spent no fewerthan eight vacations studying philosophy at Gloucester College, but hehad still not heard the ordinaries, the prescribed lectures for hisdegree (Mitchell, 1998: 194). Like Hatfield, monk-scholars weredependent on the resources of their own colleges and cloisters, and towhat must have been largely independent, self-regulating patterns ofstudy.

The comparatively meagre provisions for teaching in the monasticcolleges reinforced the independent character of monastic studies atOxford. Very little evidence of the internal life of the colleges survives,but it seems clear that for more than a century after their foundation,they struggled to provide consistently either a wide range of books orteaching for their members. In this context the inventories of bookswhich are preserved from Canterbury and Durham Colleges should betreated with some caution. More than a dozen survive from CanterburyCollege, and about half that number from Durham, but the earliestCanterbury inventory dates from the second half of the fifteenthcentury and only one of the Durham documents record books actuallyin situ at the college, the remainder being records of the transfer ofbooks from the mother-house.5 For the first century or so of theirexistence, neither college had a library building, and probably only thebeginnings of a common book collection. Individual students wereobliged to borrow books on an ad hoc basis from the home library, or topurchase or even copy their own.6 From the early fifteenth century,both colleges' book collections were expanded; before 1450, however,they were still lacking multiple copies of many of the standardacademic textbooks, particularly those prescribed for the arts course.The colleges' holdings in academic theology were greater, althougholder commentary traditions were better represented than the work ofmore recent or contemporary authors. The Canterbury College monksappear to have been using some of the oldest books from the mother-house, including one alleged to have belonged to Thomas Becket

60 James G. Clark

himself (Pantin, 1947-85: I, 6). Gloucester College, the largest of themonastic colleges, did not acquire a library until the end of the 1440sand it seems unlikely that the common book collection there was eververy large.7

It also seems unlikely that the monastic colleges were able toprovide anything approaching the level of organized teaching availablein the secular university. The diverse educational backgrounds of themonks and their varied patterns of attendance worked against theprovision of group teaching. With no more than four monks inresidence at any one time, the conditions at Canterbury College didnot lend themselves to classes, lectures or disputations. There wassupposed to be an established master teaching at Gloucester College,although correspondence between the capitular presidents, the priorstudentium and the home communities suggests that the collegefrequently struggled to fill the post (Pantin, 1931-37: I, 174-5).Probably, when there was a resident master, he served as a lector intheology, guiding the relatively small number of students whoproceeded to bachelor and doctoral degrees. For those pursuing otherstudies and, crucially, for those following the preparatory programmein the primitive sciences, the emphasis must have been uponindividual study, in which the monk-scholars applied themselves totheir own personal programmes of reading.

There were probably greater opportunities for organized teachingand studying provided for monk-scholars in their own communities.For example, at Durham and St Albans there was a separate studyroom constructed exclusively for the use of monk-scholars.8 A numberof early fourteenth-century manuscripts from Worcester priory containanonymous theological quaestiones that may be the work of monkgraduates teaching within the community.9 In the middle years of thecentury two graduates, Richard Bromwich and Henry Fouke, appear tohave served as masters to the priory's monk-scholars. Both emendedand glossed a large group of textbooks.10 Several houses importedteaching masters from elsewhere. Christ Church, Canterbury, StAugustine's Canterbury, Ramsey and Worcester on various occasionsexchanged graduates to assist in cloister teaching (Pantin, 1931-37: I,181-5; Pantin, 1969: 211, 213-16). The well-connected abbots of StAlbans attracted a wide range of distinguished scholars to teach theiruniversity monks, including the theologian John Waldeby (f £.1372), amember of the York convent of the Augustinian friars, John Preston(tc.1422), a monk from St Augustine's, Canterbury, and later in thefifteenth century the humanist scholar, John Gunthorpe (I1498).11

It would be wrong to suggest that these contextual factors limitedthe intellectual activities of university monks. But it did mean that as acommunity of scholars they represented something different fromsimply being a university in microcosm. They were not straightfor-wardly monks studying in the faculties of arts, canon law and theology,in other words they were not 'moines universitaires'. The circum-stances in which they worked ensured that in many respects their


intellectual horizons differed from those of their secular counterparts.It seems likely that every monk-scholar, regardless of background,

did spend an initial period following a programme of studies in the'primitive sciences'. In spite of the recommendations of the capitularand papal legislation, it appears that this differed in significantrespects from the university's own arts course. Given their variedlevels of education, it seems likely that a key component of their earlystudies was elementary Latin grammar. In the university arts faculty,the study of grammar occupied only a minor place, at least until thecurriculum reforms of the later fifteenth century. Secular studentswere expected to have already achieved a high level of competence ingrammar, having passed through a provincial grammar school.12 Incontrast, the monk-scholars studied some of the simplest texts,supplemented with glossaries and word lists, such as Huguccio ofPisa's Dictionarium, John of Genoa's Catholicon and Papias'sElementarium, progressing then to prescriptive treatises such asDonatus, Priscian, Peter Elias and some contemporary works ofOxford's own secular grammar masters.13 The texts recorded in a latefourteenth-century book list from Evesham typify this approach to thestudy of grammar, including copies of the Catholicon, Priscian, acollection of quaterni combining extracts from the Catholicon withWalter Bibbesworth's Anglo-Norman Le tretiz, and copies of treatisescommonly used in provincial grammar schools, such as ThomasHanney's Memoriale iuniorum and the anonymous Pratum florum(Sharpe et al., 1996: 139-40 (B30.6-7, 10, 103)).

Interestingly, both in the colleges and their cloisters, the monk-scholars seem to have preferred an older tradition of grammarlearning, rather than the more recent works of speculative grammar inuse elsewhere in the university. There is evidence of monk-scholarsacquiring, glossing and noting copies of Alexander Nequam'sCorrogationes, De naturis rerum, Eberhard of Bethune's Graecismusand Adam of Petit Font's De utensilibus.u They read these togetherwith Latin prose and poetry 'readers', including a diverse range ofclassical and later eleventh- and twelfth-century texts (Raine, 1838: 33,49; James, 1903: 365-6; Sharpe et al., 1996: 559-65 (B87)). Indeed itbecame increasingly common for monks to use anthologies thatcombined prescriptive treatises together with literary texts, teachingthe rules and use of grammar within the same volume. The Dovermonks used a collection which included manuals such as the Officiagrammaticorum alongside Horace's Epistulae and Geoffrey of Vinsauf'sPoetria noua.15

In addition to elementary grammar, the monk-scholars' earlytraining also seems to have included some work on rhetoric and the arsdictaminis. There was no place for these subjects in the university artscourse itself, at least until the second half of the fifteenth century.Indeed the university severely restricted the teaching of dictamen inthose parts of the town under its own jurisdiction. The Worcestermonk-scholars, for example, owned several copies of the dictaminal

62 James G. Clark

treatises of the Oxford master John Leland.16 The Coventry monks alsomade use of a large compendium of dictaminal texts, including a seriesof model letters that may have been compiled at the priory specificallyfor the training of university monks.17 The study of dictamen andrhetoric seems to have been regarded as especially important formonks intending to take degrees in canon law. In the library at ChristChurch, Canterbury, dictaminal texts were kept in the same place asthe law books and catalogued 'libri legis canonici et ciuilis1 (James,1903: 145).

The monk-scholars also studied some subjects on the very fringesof the arts curriculum. There is some evidence that their preparatorywork included the study of elementary mathematical and astronomicaltexts. This again contrasted with the university arts faculty where, inthe later fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the study of the naturaland physical sciences had entered a decline. By c.1409 Johannes SacroBosco's De sphaera was the only major scientific text prescribed forbachelors, and only the Theorica planetarum and Ptolemy's Almagestwere required for Masters of Arts (Pantin and Mitchell, 1972: XXXI-III).Several manuscript anthologies compiled by Oxford monks includeastronomical tables and tracts on the movements of the planets, whileJohn Westwyk, a St Albans monk at Gloucester College £.1400, evencompleted a revision of Richard of Wallingford's Tractatus Albionis.18

Closely associated with the study of mathematics and astronomy, somemonk-scholars also appear to have studied music as part of thispreparatory programme. Several scholars' books include fragments ofmusic, voice parts and extracts from treatises on notation.19 Somemonks even went on to study science or music in the higher faculties.The registers of Congregation record several cases of monks inceptingfor bachelor degrees in medicine and music, in some cases after havinggraduated in another subject (Pantin, 1947-85: III, 261; Mitchell,1998: 263).

The training of monk-scholars 'in the primitive sciences' owedmore to the traditional conception of the liberal arts, the trivium andquadrivium, than it did to the speculative culture of the fourteenth-century schools. But there is no doubt that the monks also followedsome more conventional course of study in logic and philosophy. Giventhe few opportunities for group teaching in the colleges and the homecommunity, and the emphasis on individual study, their approach tothese disciplines was again very different from their secular counter-parts. Probably they worked on a piecemeal basis taking each text orauthor in turn, and simply omitting those texts they had been unable toacquire. Henry Renham, a fourteenth-century monk-scholar (appar-ently from Rochester priory), managed to acquire a late thirteenth-century anthology containing Aristotle's De anima, De celo et mundo,De generatione et corruptione. The texts were of poor quality, butRenham improved them by adding notes and glosses from othersources and from those disputations and lectures he was able toattend.20 Similarly, in the early fifteenth century, John Broughton, a


Worcester monk-scholar, made his own compilation of Aristoteliantexts including De anima, Meteora and Physica, presumably based onthose exemplars he was able to acquire at Oxford and in his own house,which he also corrected and glossed.21

To compensate for the difficulties of studying these subjects in theirown colleges and cloisters, monk-scholars and their masters alsomade extensive use of epitomes, reference books and other manuals.The inventories from Canterbury and Durham Colleges, as well as thebooks and library catalogues from St Augustine's, Canterbury, Durhamand Worcester, include several collections of extracts, notabilia andsententiae, compiled from the works of Aristotle, Boethius and some ofthe early Aristotelian commentators.22 They also compiled their ownmanuals, custom-made to introduce monks to the complexities of logicand philosophy. The Worcester monks used a text simply titledPhilosophia genus est ceterarum disciplinarum, which explained thenature and purpose of the discipline.23 There was a similarintroduction to logic and its application in the study of theology inuse in a number of houses, which may have been compiled especiallyfor a monastic audience. In one copy its usefulness was highlightedwith a note, 'for new theologians', scribbled in the margin.24

The monk-scholars' training in the higher faculties probably alsodiffered in some significant respects from those elsewhere in theuniversity. As with their studies in arts, there was a tendency to preferauthors and texts that belonged to earlier traditions such as Bede,Hrabanus Maurus, the Victorines and Stephen Langton.25 Interest-ingly, those contemporary or near-contemporary texts the monks didread were not prominent in the work of secular scholars. For example,many Oxford monks showed a strong interest in the work of'classicizing' friars, such as Robert Holcot, John Ridevall and ThomasWaleys, whose commentaries were never widely adopted elsewhere inthe university (Pantin, 1947-85: I, 48; Sharpe et al., 1996: 661 (B116.17)). They also began to use the literal-sense Postils of Nicholas ofLyre sometime before they became the mainstay of the university'sown theology faculty. The St Albans monks had acquired copies asearly as £.1360, while the Durham and Westminster monks were usingthem before the end of the 1370s (Raine, 1838: 41-5; Sharpe et al,1996: 559 (B87.24), 619 (B105.27)).

To consolidate their work in the higher faculties, Oxford monks againcompiled their own anthologies of extracts and sententiae fromScripture, patristic authors and a wide range of other theological works.William Thornden, a Christ Church, Canterbury monk, who completedhis bachelor degree c.1450, used a text based on extracts from twenty-three authors, including Augustine, Ambrose, Jerome, Gregory, Cassian,Isidore and Bede.26 Similar compilations appear amongst the survivingbooks and library catalogues from St Augustine's, Canterbury,Evesham and Worcester.27 In some houses, monk-scholars (or theirmasters) also developed their own custom-made prescriptive treatisesto assist the study of theology and canon law. An early fifteenth-century

64 James G. Clark

Norwich manuscript contains a series of short lectures explaining therudiments of theology, probably the work of a monk-graduate JohnStowe.28 Similarly, the St Albans monks began their legal studies usinga versified summary of the decretals, which in successive coupletsintroduces the reader to Gratian, Gregory and the Sext.29

It remains difficult to assess how the monk-scholars approached theacademic exercises that occupied the later stages of their higherdegrees. Apart from the records of inception and graduation, there isvery little evidence of them meeting the final requirements of thecourse. Despite the large numbers of monk-scholars who completedthe doctorate in theology at Oxford between 1277 and 1540, not asingle set of Benedictine lectures on Peter Lombard's Sentences nowsurvives, and there are only fragmentary records of their involvementin disputations. Interestingly, the fragments that do survive suggestthat, when entering debates alongside other members of the universitycommunity, the monks tended to be drawn towards discussions inwhich they could reflect upon their own condition as monk-scholars.Examined for his doctorate in £.1366, the St Albans monk-scholar,Nicholas Radcliffe, chose to address such questions as the nature ofreligious vows.30 Similarly, John Lawerne, the Worcester monk whostudied at Gloucester College in the 1440s, compiled a series ofquodlibetal questions debating whether a monk should take on the roleof intercessor, pastor or teacher.31

It would be wrong to suggest, however, that the studies of Oxfordmonks were confined to their formal curriculum in the 'primitivesciences', canon law and theology. The evidence of their anthologies,commonplace books and in some cases their own writings, indicatesthat many developed a much wider range of intellectual interests.Without the restrictions and scrutiny that attended reading and writingin the cloister, the monks were able to follow their own inclinations.Particularly notable is the number who used the opportunity toproduce their own compositions. It is usually argued that, Uthred andAdam Easton notwithstanding, the Benedictines' contact with theuniversities failed to produce a monastic writer of any stature. Asalready noted, few academic texts do survive, but there is a large bodyof writing on other topics which can be firmly associated with themonk-scholars. Many of them occupied themselves with traditionaldevotional and meditative works. It was while at Gloucester College inthe 1330s that the Glastonbury monk Edmund Stourton composed hisinfluential commentary on the Rule of Benedict.32 Later in the 1420s,John Matthew, another Glastonbury scholar, revised the Speculummonachorum, a twelfth-century monastic homily, while completing hisdegree.33 The intellectual atmosphere at the monastic colleges seemsto have stimulated forms of writing which were rapidly declining in thecloister itself.

Other monk-scholars tended to follow the intellectual traditionsprevailing in their own houses. Several generations of monks from StAugustine's Canterbury compiled astronomical treatises while at Oxford


(James, 1903: 525-40; Ker, 1964: 40-7; Knorr, 1991: 269-84). JohnMoorlinch, a Glastonbury monk, produced a Polychronicon continuationand other historical writings drawn from domestic chronicles while atOxford between 1400 and 1410.34 Understandably, many were requiredto apply their studies to the needs of their own house. Successivegenerations of Worcester monks provided sermons and sermon digestsfor use in the mother-house on a wide range of occasions.35 In the earlydecades of the fifteenth century, St Albans monk-scholars seem tohave been encouraged to provide Latin and vernacular sermonscondemning Wyclif and the dangers of Lollardy for use at home.36

Earlier in the 1370s, the abbot, Thomas de la Mare, had commissionedone of his monk-scholars, Nicholas Radcliffe, to compile a series ofdialogues on Wyclif to be used in teaching at the Abbey.37

As well as writing, many monk-students also spent time copying anddecorating books. The atmosphere in the monastic colleges againseems to have encouraged activities for which there were increasinglyfew opportunities at home. In many late medieval monasteriesorganized in-house book production was in steady decline and themonk-scholars' work may have also met a practical need. From theirdescription, it seems likely that a good number of the books listed inthe Canterbury and Durham College inventories were copied andcompiled by the monks themselves (Pantin, 1947-85: I, 3-6, 11-16,18-28). Several surviving books can also be shown to be the work ofmonk students. Hugh Eyton, a St Albans monk-scholar who completedhis degree in £.1410, copied Richard Rollers commentary on thePsalms.38 The Glastonbury monk, John Moorlinch, compiled andprobably copied no fewer than five manuscripts at Gloucester College.The books were lavishly decorated and included a series of imagesdepicting various attitudes of monastic study.39

In this connection, there is some evidence that Oxford monksactually became involved in the publication of texts. While atGloucester College in 1389, Nicholas Fawkes, a Glastonbury monk,compiled and copied an anthology of contemporary theological texts.Fawkes's anthology included the earlier of only two surviving copies ofNicholas Aston's Quaestiones; the only other copy is also found in amonastic manuscript from Worcester. Presumably Fawkes hadacquired the exemplar at Oxford and was directly responsible for itscirculation in Oxford to a wider audience within his own monasticnetwork.40 Similarly, an analysis of the transmission of NicholasRadcliffe's Quaestio on Wyclif suggests it was also published fromOxford and circulated through networks of monk-scholars.41

Perhaps the most striking feature of the monk-students' books,notebooks and anthologies, however, is their interest in Latinliterature. In particular, many of them seem to have been drawn tothe study of rhetoric and dictamen, not simply as a practical skill, but asthe basis for a deeper understanding of poetry and prose, and the useof colour, metre and the cursus. Library catalogues reveal severalmonk-scholars who amassed sizeable collections of such texts during

66 James G. Clark

their stay at Oxford. At the turn of the fourteenth century, JohnHawkhurst, a canon law scholar from St Augustine's, Canterbury,acquired at least half a dozen volumes on poetry, including Geoffrey ofVinsauf s Poetria noua, an important text for the study of rhetoric andmetre (James, 1903: 298-9, 365, 385-6, 431-3). His contemporary,John Ashford, a Dover monk, also owned a copy of Vinsauf, togetherwith several classical texts. Another Dover monk from this period,Stephen Reynham, acquired several treatises on dictamen, amongstthem a text called the Prosodion that he may have compiled himself(James, 1903: 364-5, 368, 433, 486). Henry Cranbrook, a scholar atCanterbury College, compiled and partly copied two large compendia,containing some of the best-known contemporary treatises, includingthe work of Simon Alcock and a 'Simon O'.42 These texts were popularamongst Oxford monks in the early decades of the fifteenth century,but even later a significant number continued to make this kind ofcompilation. Thomas Swalwell, a Durham monk who studied theologyat Oxford in the 1470s, compiled an anthology that included ThomasMerke's Liber de modis dictamine and Geoffrey of Vinsauf s Poetrianoua, together with Richard Bury's Philobiblon.43 In the same period,Walter Hotham, a York monk-scholar, collected together copies ofBury, Merke, a treatise on the colours of rhetoric, and an arspraedicandi.^

Several of these monk-scholars also produced dictaminal andrhetorical treatises of their own. Perhaps the earliest was theWestminster monk, Thomas Merke, who completed his Formulamoderni et usitati dictaminis in c.1390. Drawn from the treatises ofearlier Oxford masters, it seems probable Merke had compiled the textwhile he was still at the university (Camargo, 1995: 105-47; Sharpe:1997: 668-9). In the first decade of the fifteenth century, Hugh Legat,a St Albans monk, collaborated with John Woodward, a Worcestermonk, and one 'brother Maurice* of no known affiliation, in thecomposition of a sequence of letters designed to serve as models ofrhetorical style. The sequence circulated widely within the monks' ownnetwork of houses, and copies survive from Canterbury, Durham andNorwich, as well as St Albans and Worcester.45 Other monk-scholarscomposed similar sequences, including more than a dozen that HenryCranbrook copied into one of his anthologies, although their namesand affiliations remain unknown.46 Even John Lawerne, the Worcestermonk, interspersed his theological notes with letters of amicitiaexploring various rhetorical models, probably of his own composi-tion.47

Such was the vitality of these studies that, in the early decades ofthe fifteenth century, Oxford's monastic colleges seem to haveemerged as important centres for the teaching of dictamen andrhetoric. The anonymous scholar who copied the model letters of HughLegat into his commonplace book noted in the margin that they werethe work of 'Brother Hugh, our teacher'.48 In early 1400 the universityauthorities appealed to Thomas Arundel to allow the Westminster


monk, Thomas Merke, to return to Oxford to teach. Merke was theauthor not only of the aforementioned Formula, but also of anotherpopular dictaminal treatise, the Liber modis dictamine, and it seemslikely that it was as a teacher of dictamen that he was so highly valued(Salter et al, 1942: I, 182-5, 200-1). Martin Camargo has suggestedthat the dictaminal master Simon 0, whose treatises were influentialboth within and outside the university, was himself a monk-scholar,perhaps based at Gloucester College. His largest work, known by itsincipit as Regina sedens rhetorica, was itself addressed to a monasticaudience (Camargo, 1995: 19-35: 169-219).

The monk-scholars complemented these more technical interestswith studies in a wide range of Latin literature, both poetry and prose.Contemporary library catalogues reveal large collections of literarymaterial. John Hawkhurst, the St Augustine's, Canterbury monk ownedcopies of Cicero's De officiis, Lucan, Sallust and various works of Ovid(James, 1903: 298-9, 365, 385-6, 431-3). In the same period, WilliamCurteys, a Bury monk, owned copies of Cicero, Ovid and Virgil'sAeneid.49 Writing to a fellow monk c.1400, a Durham monk-scholarrequested a copy of the Bellum Troie because of its 'elegance of style,its richness of vocabulary' (Salter et al., 1942: II, 238). Many Oxfordmonks compiled their own anthologies of literary texts. ThomasWybarn, a Rochester monk who studied at Oxford in the later 1460s,amassed one of the largest collections. He acquired, compiled andglossed no fewer than sixteen books, including copies of Lucan,Solinus and a collection of grammatical texts.50 Several otheranthologies almost certainly the work of Oxford monks contain suchtexts as Ps.-Theodolus' Ecloga, Alan of Lille's Anticlaudianus, JeanHauville's Architrenius and Walter of Chatillon's Alexandras.51 Ananonymous Bury monk combined Walter of Chatillon's Alexandreis witha copy of Suidas, which he probably copied from two exemplars (one atBury and the other at Oxford).52

Many of these monks also composed literary works of their ownwhile at Oxford. As early as the 1370s, a member of the OxfordGreyfriars remarked that the only laudable work to have emerged fromthe monastic colleges was an elegant new account of the Trojan war,composed by John Seen, a Glastonbury monk-scholar.53 Sadly, Seen'stext is not extant, but there are many other poems and prose textswritten by university monks during their studies at Oxford. ProbablyJohn Lydgate completed his translation of part of Aesop's Fabula whileat Oxford at the turn of the fifteenth century.54 The St Albans monkHugh Legat composed commentaries on Boethius' Consolatio and JeanHauville's Architrenius at Oxford.55 In the prologue to the latter heexplained that the text was completed 'in the autumn, when every sonof our university exhausted from his labours, roams in the fields ofrepose and gathers the fruits and flowers of pleasant recreation'.56

Clearly the vacations offered opportunities to study outside the formalcurriculum. Another St Albans monk, John Whethamstede, wrote asequence of verses and epitaphs following classical models in a

68 James G. Clark

commonplace book compiled while at Gloucester College. A number ofthese concerned his own contemporaries. Probably it was also atOxford that he began the research for his compilation of extracts fromclassical authors, the Pabularium poetarum.57 Recalling his experi-ences in Oxford more than forty years later, he remembered theatmosphere of the monastic college as a poet's paradise, 'a Cabalinianfount which gushing forth in the midst of Oxford, makes itunexpectedly rich in poets [and where] one joins with the Muses inthe singing of extraordinary melodies' (Riley, 1872-73: II, 313-14).

As these examples suggest, there appears to have been a strong seamof classicism in the literary tastes of the monk-scholars. The marginalnotations in their books and the focus of their own writings suggestparticular interests in ancient history and mythography. There alsoseems to have been a strong desire to return to the 'classicizing' writersof the twelfth century - Alan of Lille, Jean Hauville and Walter ofChatillon. It has long been assumed that the only evidence of more thana passing interest in classicism amongst English monks is to be found inthe work of William Sellyng and his Canterbury circle at the end of thefifteenth century, and Robert Joseph and his circle of monk graduates inthe 1520s.58 However, the books and writings of Oxford monk-scholarsbriefly examined here suggest these were only the latest in a long-standing tradition of classical and literary scholarship associated withthe monasteries' intellectual elite. Indeed, given the activities of HughLegat, John Whethamstede and others early in the fifteenth century,Joseph's correspondence can perhaps be seen not as exceptional buttypical of the intellectual culture of Gloucester College.

It would be wrong, of course, to suggest that as a community,Oxford's university monks represented some kind of centre of nascenthumanism. However, the fact that a significant proportion of Oxford'smonk-scholars was pursuing vigorous literary studies in the laterfourteenth and fifteenth centuries is an indication of the distinctivelearning environment that they inhabited. It was evidently one inwhich teaching and learning, for the majority at least, were neverconstant. It was also one in which individual, self-regulated patterns ofstudy took precedence over the master-student interaction thatusually characterized the universities. Crucially, it was also anenvironment in which independent approaches to study could flourishin spite of the competing influences of the home communities and theuniversity itself. The arts curriculum which the monk-scholarsdeveloped in this context in some respects challenged the authorityof the university arts faculty, rehabilitating the older arts of grammarand rhetoric, and in so doing anticipating changes which were to sweepthe university in the sixteenth century. The literary, and in particularthe classical, interests which the same monks cultivated also pre-figured the new trends which would affect the university by 1500.59 Ofcourse, when these changes occurred, few in the university would haveconnected them with the monastic communities which for more thantwo centuries had lived and studied in their midst.


Notes

1. Wilkins, 1737: II, 585-613; Pantin, 1931-37: I, 64-92; II, 28-62, 64-82.2. Wilkins, 1737: II, 594; Pantin, 1931-37: I, 55-8, 74-82.3. For example, Thomas de la Mare and John Whethamstede, both abbots of

St Albans in the later Middle Ages, were educated at grammar schoolsbefore their profession. See BL, Harley 139, fol. 91r; Riley, 1867-69: II,372.

4. The Canterbury College book inventories for 1443 and 1459 includemultiple copies of the dictionaries and glossaries of Huguccio of Pisa, Johnof Genoa and William Brito. Significantly, by 1501 a section of the librarywas devoted to elementary grammatical texts, including Isidore's Etymolo-giae and Priscian. See Pantin, 1947-85: I, 3-6, 11-15, 27-8. For similartexts, including novice 'readers' at Durham College, see Burrows, 1896: 36-9; Salter et al., 1942: II, 244.

5. For these inventories see Durham, Cathedral Chapter Library, B.IV. 46, fol.15r; Burrows, 1896: 36-9; Pantin, 1947-85: 11-16, 18-28, 39-50, 59-62,70-2, 76, 80-92.

6. In these circumstances some monk-scholars amassed considerablepersonal libraries. See the collections of the Durham monks ThomasWestoe, William Ebchester and Thomas Swalwell: Ker and Watson, 1987:87-97.

7. The construction of the college library was funded by John Whetham-stede, abbot of St Albans, and completed in c.1440. Only four bookssurvive, all of them Whethamstede's gifts. See Ker, 1964: 146; Ker andWatson, 1987: 54.

8. See CUL, Ee 4.20, fol. 274r; Riley, 1867-69: III, 389.9. See for example WCL, F.50, F.124, Q.31 and Q.71.

10. See for example WCL, F.62, F.139 and F.156.11. See BL, Cotton Nero D.vii, fols. lllv, 157r; Riley, 1867-69: III, 372.12. For the university arts curriculum see Weisheipl, 1964, 143-85; Pantin

and Mitchell, 1972: XXIX-XXXIV; Fletcher, 1992: 315-45.13. See for example the grammar texts in use at Crowland, Glastonbury and

Ramsey in Sharpe et al., 1996: 114-25 (B24), 230-1 (B43), 354-415(B68); also those in use at Christ Church, Canterbury and Dover, inJames, 1903: 355-9, 385-8, 432-3; and at Durham, Raine, 1838: 33, 49,111.

14. See for example Oxford, Bodl., Rawlinson G.99, an early fifteenth-centurycollection compiled by Hugh Legat (a St Albans monk-scholar), andWCL, F.123, fols. 25r-98v. See also the grammar books in use in thelater fourteenth century at Durham and Ramsey: Raine, 1838: 33; Sharpeet al., 1996: 354-415 (B68.23, 327, 396, 471, 535).

15. Cambridge, Trinity College, R. 3. 51.16. See WCL, F.123, fol. 98v; Oxford, Bodl., Bodley 832, fols. 8r-v.17. Oxford, Bodl., Auct. 2.3.9. The model letters are at 414-27.18. See for example the books on loan to the Worcester monk-scholars John

Lawerne, John Broughton and Isaac Ledbury; Sharpe et al., 1996: 661-2(B116.22-3). For Westwyk's text see Oxford, Bodl., Laud Misc. 657, fols.lr-78v.

19. See for example Dublin, Trinity College 444, fols. 9v-10r (St Albans).See also the book lists from Evesham and Worcester; Sharpe et al., 1996:142 (B30.34), 661-2 (B116.15).

20. BL, Royal 12G.ii. The ex libris inscription at fol. Iv reads: 'librum scripsit

70 James G. Clark

Henricum de Renham et audiuit in Scolis Oxonie emandauit et glosauitauidendo'.

21. WCL, F.86.22. See Pantin, 1947-85: I, 81, especially those volumes described as

'opusculum Aristotelis'. See also WCL, F.63, F.99, Q.38; Raine, 1838: 39-45; James, 1903: 355-9; 384-8.

23. WCL, F.123, fols. lr-24v.24. BL, Royal 12C.xiii, fols. lr-6v. The inscription is at fol. Ir. The second

copy is in Oxford, Magdalen College, 99.25. See for example the 1443 and 1501 book inventories in Burrows, 1896:

36-9; Pantin, 1947-85: I, 5, 18-19. See also Raine, 1838: 39-41, 42-5;Sharpe et al., 1996: 221-3 (B43.18-25).

26. BL, Royal 7B.xiii. For other examples see Raine, 1838: 41-5.27. See for example James, 1903: 318; WCL, F.51.28. Cambridge, Emmanuel College, II. 2. 7 (142), fols. 78r-79r.29. BL, Harley 3775, fols. 12r-14v. For a similar text in use at Evesham see

Sharpe et al., 1996: 146 (B30.89).30. BL, Royal 6D.x, fols. 229r-74r. See also Catto, 1992a: 230.31. Oxford, Bodl., Bodley 692, esp. fol. 6r.32. No complete copy of the text survives. See Sharpe, 1997: 108.33. Oxford, Bodl., Bodley 496, fols. 207r-14r. See Sharpe, 1997: 282.34. Oxford, Queen's College, 304, fols. 151r-78v. See also Sharpe, 1997:

283.35. See for example the texts collected in WCL, F.10 and Q.56, both of which

were compiled in the first quarter of the fifteenth century and are likelyto be connected with the work of monk-scholars.

36. See for example the sermons in Oxford, Bodl., Laud Misc. 706, fols.144r-51v, 153r-6v; WCL, F.10, fols. 83rb-4va. The first sermon in theWorcester manuscript is ascribed to the St Albans monk Hugh Legat,who studied at Gloucester College in c. 1405-20.

37. BL, Royal 6D.x, fol. Irb.38. Oxford, Bodl., Bodley 467. Eyton's ex libris inscription is on the front

flyleaf.39. BL, Harley 641, 651; Oxford, Bodl., Laud Lat. 4; Oxford, Queen's College,

304. See also Ker, 1964a: 264.40. See Catto, 1987: 354. The second copy of Aston's Quaestiones is in WCL,

F.65, fols. 42r-63r.41. Manuscripts containing Radcliffe's Quaestio include BL, Royal 6D.x (St

Albans); BL, Royal lOD.x (Reading). See also Poole et al. 1990: 307;Oxford, Bodl., Top. Gen. C.3.

42. Oxford, Bodl., Selden Supra 65, esp. fols. 134r-46r.43. BL, Add. 28805. See also Emden, 1957-59: III, 1828.44. BL, Add. 24361. See also Emden, 1957-59: II, 970.45. BL, Royal lOB.ix, fols. 170r-3r (Christ Church, Canterbury); BL, Cotton

Julius F.vii, fols. 129r-35r (Norwich); Oxford, Bodl., Bodley 832, fols.173v-76v (Worcester).

46. For Cranbrook's anthology see BL, Royal lOB.ix, fols. 58v, 123r, 129r-32v. For another monastic collection containing similar letters seeCambridge, Corpus Christi College, 358, fols. 20v-lv.

47. Oxford, Bodl., Bodley 692, fols. 29v-30r, 84r, 147v-9v.48. BL, Harley 5398, fol. 130r.49. Cambridge, Trinity College, R. 3. 50 (623).50. Cambridge, Trinity College, R. 3. 30 (610), 0. 2. 24 (1128); BL, Royal


15A.xxii. See also Emden, 1957-59: III, 2098-9; Greatrex, 1997a, 649-50.51. See for example Oxford, Bodl., Digby 64, 100; WCL, Q.79.52. BL, Royal 8B.lv.53. Richard Trevytlam, De laude Oxoniae, 1. 314, 'quod narrat optime de bellis

Hedoris'. See Burrows, 1896: 204. For Trevytlam see Emden, 1957-59: III,1904.

54. The colophon of Lydgate's version of Aesop's fable of the dog andshadow identifies the translation as having been 'made in Oxenforde'.See Oxford, Bodl., Ashmole 59, fol. 24v.

55. Legat's commentary on Architrenius survives uniquely in Oxford, Bodl.,Digby 64, fols. 108r-20v. His commentary on Boethius' Consolatio is nowlost, although Bale records its incipit in Poole et al., 1990: 171, 215.

56. Legat's prologue is preserved in a quotation by Bale from a lost copy ofthe text which belonged to Norwich Cathedral Priory. See Poole et al.,1990: 215.

57. For Whethamstede's verses see Cambridge, Gonville and Caius College,230, fols. 56v-7r; 79r, 80v, 86r-9v, 170r-v. For the Pabulariumpoetarum see BL, Egerton 646, fols. 23r-72v, 79r-82v.

58. For Sellyng see Weiss, 1957: 148-50, 153-9. For Joseph see Aveling andPantin, 1967.

59. For an account of these changes see Catto, 1992b: 769-83; Fletcher,1993: 343-4.

7 Hildegard of Bingen'steaching in her Expositionesevangeliorum and Ordovirtutum

Beverly Mayne Kienzle

The conviction that exegesis, teaching and preaching are inseparablewas summarized by Beryl Smalley, when writing about Gregory theGreat: 'Exegesis is teaching and preaching. Teaching and preaching isexegesis. This was the strongest impression left by St. Gregory onmedieval Bible study' (Smalley, 1984: 35). Hildegard of Bingeninherited this view from Gregory and others, but she also added herown dimension to the interplay of those forms of explicating the Bible.To convey her message to her own community, she retold the Gospelstories and brought them to life for her nuns. In so doing, sheemployed a dramatic narrative style of exegesis that calls to mind herwork as a dramatist and author of the first surviving medieval moralityplay, the earliest Ordo virtutum. Here we shall consider Hildegard'sExpositiones evangeliorum, Gospel commentaries in homily form, in thelight of the Ordo virtutum, to illustrate how the magistra and abbatissaaddressed her community and represented its struggles by incorporat-ing elements of drama into exegesis, teaching and preaching.1

First, a word about the texts we are considering - the Ordo virtutumand the Expositiones evangeliorum. Scholars estimate that the Ordo hadbeen written by 1151, when Hildegard was finishing the Scivias.2 TheOrdo virtutum dramatizes with words and music the struggle of a soulwho falls into sin, experiences a battle between the Devil and therescuing virtues, and returns restored to her community. The principalcharacters are the Soul, the Devil and personifications of virtues, suchas Humility, Knowledge of God, Charity, Obedience, Faith and Hope.The Soul engages in dialogue with individual virtues, and a chorusthereof, as well as with the Devil. At the drama's close, the virtues, ledby Humility and Chastity, bind up the Devil. It is not possible to dojustice to the Ordo virtutum in a short essay; what I shall emphasizeare the connections that I see between the Ordo and the themes,function and dramatic character of Hildegard's homilies, many of which

Hildegard of Bingen's teaching 73

represent the struggle of the soul both within itself and in a largercosmological context.

Hildegard composed fifty-eight Expositiones evangeliorum, orhomilies on the Gospels, devoted to twenty-seven scriptural passagesand liturgical occasions.3 She mentions some expositiones in theprologue to the Liber vitae meritorum as having been written (but notnecessarily completed):

After that vision the subtleties of the various creatures of nature,and responses and admonitions for many lesser and greaterpersons, and the symphony of the harmony of celestialrevelations, and an unknown language and writings, with certainother expositions. (Carlevaris, 1995: 8)

From that passage, we can conclude that the Expositiones werecomposed, at least in part, by 1157. In addition, intratextual referencesin two homilies probably place one during the schism of 1159-77 andanother during the crisis over the Cathars burnt in Cologne in 1163.4

Hence, Hildegard probably composed the Expositiones over a numberof years, progressively adding to them and filling out her coverage ofthe liturgical year. They have received very little attention fromscholars, and compared to Hildegard's major visionary trilogy -Scivias, Liber vitae meritorum, Liber divinorum operum - they arepractically unknown.

I call Hildegard's Expositiones homilies because of their literaryform: they comment on the biblical passage progressively, that is,phrase by phrase.5 The written text of the Expositiones differs frommost extant twelfth-century monastic sermons because of its informalquality and the performative dimension that must be imagined behindit. To understand the Expositiones, one needs to picture Hildegardspeaking to her sisters, the scriptural text either before her, readaloud to her, or recited from memory, section by section in sequentialorder. After each section, she adds her explanations.6

This observation leads us to consider the first of three key aspectsof the identity of Hildegard's audience, a community of twelfth-centuryBenedictine nuns living in the Rhineland. The Rule of Benedictgrounds and shapes Hildegard's message; it provides the authority, theresponsibility and the liturgical structure for her exegesis, preachingand teaching.7 According to the Rule, the abbot, and likewise theabbess, was responsible at the Judgment for the souls of thecommunity, and he or she was obliged to encourage or reproach theirbehaviour as needed.8 In one letter, Hildegard describes herresponsibility to her daughters and the forces weighing against her:

I exercised the care of my daughters in all things necessary forboth their bodies and their souls ... In a true vision I saw withgreat concern how various airy spirits9 battled against us, and Isaw that these same spirits were entangling certain of my nobledaughters in various vanities as it were in a net. I made thisknown to them through a showing of God, and I fortified and

74 Beverly Mayne Kienzle

entrenched them with the words of Holy Scripture and thediscipline of the Rule and a holy way of life. (Klaes, 1993: 37)10

Here Hildegard credits her visionary gift for her understanding ofconflict, and expresses her responsibility for teaching her sisters abouttheir individual failings and the cosmic forces weighing against themand all humanity.

Furthermore, the Benedictine liturgical practice of commenting onthe Rule and hearing commentaries on the Scriptures must haveshaped the form of Hildegard's Expositiones as progressive commen-taries on a biblical passage. Moreover, the word expositio denotes thehomiletic commentaries on Scripture read in the office; and the verbexponere is employed for the process by which the abbot or abbessexpounds a passage (sententid) of the Rule in chapter. Hildegardherself uses the term elsewhere to describe her biblical commentary.In so doing, she echoes the terminology of numerous earlier Christianexegetes.11 One can then see Hildegard's commentary on Scripture asan outgrowth of her exposition of the Rule and indeed as the fruit oflistening to patristic homilies read in the office.12 Moreover, inexplaining the Scriptures, the abbess retells the biblical story for hersisters. The meaning of the scriptural text is not altered, but therichness of possible meanings is brought to life in a new performanceof the story. Hildegard's dramatic vision shapes the form and contentof her exegesis.

The Expositiones and the Ordo virtutum occupied a place in thecommunity liturgy13 and provided vehicles for teaching and exegesis inthe monastery. Like other homilies and sermons, Hildegard'sExpositiones could have been preached, heard and read, both aloudto the community and silently as individual devotional reading. Variousdimensions of the liturgical function of the Ordo virtutum inHildegard's community have been proposed. Moreover, the play'smeaning and emphasis would have shifted depending on which personsin the community played which roles, and how they related to eachother at any given time of performance.14 A parallel range of meaningscould have existed for some of the Expositiones: any person inHildegard's community could at one time or another see herself or oneof her sisters in the characters of the scriptural story, or in Hildegard'sallegorized interpretation.

A second aspect of the identity of Hildegard's audience andHildegard herself emerges from the context of twelfth-centuryspirituality. Along with Hildegard's distinctive focus on the humanand cosmic struggle, we note central elements of medieval religiousthinking: the battle between virtues and vices, and the importance ofsymbolism. Hildegard's interpretations of the Scriptures for hercommunity repeatedly call upon the sacred text to illustrate thetriumph of a faithful soul over the vices. Moreover, as twelfth-centuryChristians, Hildegard and her sisters viewed the Bible and the world asa composite of signs that acquired their real meaning only throughspiritual or allegorical interpretation.15 The notion of a battle between


virtues and vices within the individual soul captured the late antiqueand medieval sense of struggle, from Prudentius's Psychomachia to theiconography of Christian art and architecture, and the content oftreatises on the virtues and vices (Bloomfield, 1939; Newhauser,1993). Hildegard, informed by medical cosmology, envisioned theinner spiritual and physical struggle extending to the cosmos (Glazer,1998: 125-48). The notion of inner and cosmic conflict, microcosm andmacrocosm, dates back in Christian exegesis as far as Origen.16 Thesources for Hildegard's cosmology and its relationship to twelfth-century Platonism and scientific studies poses a complex problem thatI shall not tackle here,17 but the importance of cosmology must bementioned because of its role in Hildegard's exegesis.

That Hildegard was a woman writing for women raises questions ofgender connected to the content of her writings and to her authority.While the concerns of monastic life and the struggle to achievesalvation probably weighed more heavily in her preaching and teachingthan did gender differences, the sisters received a somewhat differentmessage than a male audience, in particular, a greater emphasis onvirginity. Numerous expositiones teach lessons about chastity, virginityand the struggle between virtues and vices that also animate theSpeculum virginum, a manual on virginity that achieved popularity inreligious houses from the twelfth century onward.18

Finally, the question of authority must be considered. SinceHildegard's uniqueness among medieval women has concerned manyother scholars, we shall call attention to just a few points. First, theRhineland provided an unusual environment in which other magistraereceived respect before and at the same time as Hildegard.19

Nonetheless, they did not achieve the level of Hildegard's fame norare any works of theirs extant. Second, Hildegard's position as womanexegete was as remarkable as her status as a preacher. TheExpositiones offer us a text where the two roles merge. Third,Hildegard's gift as seer, described as either visionary or prophet,grounded the authority for her exegesis20 and apparently placed herbeyond the controversies over abbesses' and other women's preach-ing.21 Finally, the understanding that Hildegard gained as a visionaryand prophet entailed the call to transmit her revelations to others -first, her sisters through various compositions, notably the homilies,drama, music; and then to those beyond her monastery through theletters, other writings and four preaching tours.22 Thus Hildegard'sresponse to the understanding she gained through visions was totransmit it through teaching and preaching; exegeting the Scriptureselucidated both the conflicts humans faced and the solutions they wereto find.23

Hildegard's preaching to her community is attested not only by theextant texts of her homilies, but also by a letter that her secretaryVolmar drafted on behalf of the sisters. Together Volmar and thesisters expressed what they valued and would miss most aboutHildegard, including her 'new interpretation of the Scriptures' and her


'new and unheard-of sermons on the feast days of saints'.24 EvidentlyHildegard's community recognized that her interpretations of Scrip-ture were different from what they were accustomed to hear preachedor read from patristic homiliaries. That different interpretation relatesno doubt to the allegorical and cosmological vision that one finds in herworks. Hildegard's reputation as exegete also extended beyondRupertsberg, as evidenced by her Solutiones triginta octo quaestionum,a treatise she sent to Guibert of Gembloux for the monks at Villers.25

Now let us turn to Hildegard's view of exegesis, which she expoundsin Homily 21.2 (Ninth Sunday after Pentecost) on Luke 19:41-47, thestory of Jesus expelling the moneychangers from the temple.26 InHildegard's explication, Jesus and, after him, the interpreters of the NewTestament, that is, Gregory the Great, Ambrose, Augustine and Jerome,have changed the old into the new, specifically into the spiritual meaning.They cleanse old ways of worship and lead carnal institutions to humilityby means of spiritual understanding. They leave no written word and noworship without transformation; indeed, so profound is the alteration thatnot one word remains unchanged. Hence, for Hildegard, every word ofScripture must be interpreted spiritually.

Hildegard does not speak here of the three or four traditional levelsof scriptural interpretation: historical-literal, allegorical, moral,anagogical. She does demonstrate knowledge of the conventionalmodes when she explicates the first book of Genesis in the Liberdivinorum operum, Book II. Her approach there follows three levels ofmeaning, and the manuscript rubrics reflect them with labels ofLittera, Allegoria, Moralitas. Nonetheless, Hildegard's interpretationin these passages remains strikingly original.27 While in general wemay distinguish between literal and spiritual interpretation inHildegard's Expositiones, the spiritual predominates and her methodresists attempts to draw neat categories.28

Hildegard is indebted to the tradition that precedes her and, like herpredecessors, to the second-century scholar Origen above all.29 Tovarying degrees, most twelfth-century interpreters of Scripture and, infact, most medieval exegetes held the view that the hidden meaning ofScripture, revealed by spiritual or allegorical interpretation, surpassesthe literal or historical sense. M.-D. Chenu used the term 'symbolistmentality' to describe this mode of twelfth-century thought, andscholars have investigated a school of German symbolism during thesame period.30 Hildegard was certainly a product of her age in thisregard; yet there is something more and unmistakably unique abouther homilies and their approach to the scriptural text.

The Expositiones, like the Ordo virtutum, hold at least three possiblepatterns of theological interpretation. The first is the collectivestruggle of humankind in salvation history; the second, the journey ofthe faithful soul, which typifies the individual inner struggle of everyhuman soul when confronted with temptations and evil; and the third,the individual and collective battles against sin which the nun and hercommunity wage in the monastic life. These correspond roughly to


historical-literal, allegorical and moral interpretation, but they cannotbe reduced to those traditional levels alone. All Hildegard'sinterpretation and writing are marked by allegory.31 Several ofHildegard's Expositiones represent the struggle of the faithful soul,as do some of her letters and a lengthy sequence that praises the HolySpirit. In fact, the notion of Christian life as an ongoing strugglerepresents a key feature of Hildegard's moral thought,32 one that sheoften portrays as the dramatic conflict between virtues and vices. Atthe successful termination of the struggle, the soul's reception backinto the community, as dramatized poignantly in the Ordo virtutum,may represent the redeemed soul's entry into the communion of saintsin heaven; the wholeness to which the conflicted soul returns; or thesoul's return to the monastic or any other human community fromwhich it was estranged. Moreover, a fourth dimension of Hildegardianinterpretation that appears in the homilies (but not directly in the Ordovirtutum) transports the struggle to the cosmic level, where theelements associated with good triumph over those allied with evil. Thisfourth or cosmological level represents the harmony of cosmicelements re-established with the soul's restoration, but a cosmicdimension may appear along with any of the three preceding patterns.

We shall now examine how the four patterns of interpretationoperate in some of the Expositiones: first, several pairs of homilies onthe same pericope; then, the three cases where three texts exegeteone passage; and finally, the four homilies on Luke 21:25-33, whichconstitute the only set within the Expositiones offering fourinterpretations of the same text. In all instances, a measure ofconsistency and an impressive range of Hildegardian variety emergefrom reading the texts.

Most of Hildegard's Expositiones present two interpretations of thescriptural text: one grounded in salvation history (literal), and the otheroffering individual and/or collective moral lessons (allegorical and/ormoral). The first of the Easter homilies (13.1, Mark 16:1-7) begins withhistorical and typological interpretation of the Old and New Testaments(old and new law) but moves to a tropological lesson directed at women inreligious life. The second homily begins its drama with the problem ofchoosing between good and evil, and a struggle between virtues and vicesensues.33 Another two homilies (12.1 and 12.2 for the Sunday beforethe Third Sunday of Lent) present Hildegard's exegesis of the Parableof the Prodigal Son (Luke 15:13-32).34 One recounts the drama ofsalvation history, where humanity sins and is expelled from Paradisebut afterward receives the law, the prophets and the Saviour'sredemption. The other brings to life the story of a soul who falls awayfrom God, allows the vices a temporary triumph, but then returns toGod with the assistance of the virtues. In both Hildegard enhances theparable's dramatic structure, building on the story's crisis (the father'skiss) and denouement (the son's restoration to the household). Thecharacters do not engage in dialogue but Hildegard reports theirconversation, interaction and conflict (Kienzle, 2000b).


The exegesis of two other Lukan pericopes illustrates howHildegard may emphasize one side or the other of the struggle, orone aspect of the story.35 In one homily on the Parable of the GreatSupper (18.1, Luke 14:16-21), Hildegard does not trace the wholestory of salvation history.36 Instead she focuses on Adam, his childrenand his relationship to creation. Similarly, in the other homily on thesame pericope (18.2), Hildegard stages one aspect of the Psychomachia- the interaction between desire for pleasure and vanity.37 Vanityserves as desire's messenger, searching for humans who will consentto desire. The individual soul plays only a small role here and thevirtues do not enter the conflict to usher in victory, as they generallydo. Hildegard echoes some features of Origen and Gregory the Great'sexegesis here, along with Augustine's, namely the interpretation of thefive pair of oxen (one invitee's excuse for not attending the banquet) asthe five senses and the general emphasis on bodily versus spiritualpleasures. Other exegetes such as Ambrose and Augustine focus onthe three excuses together as refusals made by heathens, Jews andheretics (Wailes, 1987: 161-6; Bovon, 1996: 456-7).

The first homily for the Sunday within the octave of Epiphany (6.1,Luke 2:42-52) has a christological focus, emphasizing the incarnationas the transformer of the old law and the prophets into the new.38 Thepoint of departure for the second homily in this set (6.2), as for others,is the knowledge of good and evil. In Hildegard's exegesis, Jesus, thelogos, teaching in the temple at the age of twelve designatesrationalitas.39 In contrast to the banquet homily, Hildegard emphasizeshere the human's alliance with the virtues - humility, fear of the Lord,wisdom and obedience - but not without attention to the defeat ofpride, boastfulness and vainglory.

We turn now to the three sets of expositiones for which Hildegardcomposed three interpretations of one pericope: 16.1-3 on John 3:1-15; 20.1-3 on Luke 5:1-11; 21.1-3 on Luke 19:41-47. In two of thosesets (20.1-3 and 21.1-3), the first two homilies concern salvationhistory but start at different points - one with the Creation and theother with the Incarnation. The third homily in both sets focuses onthe individual sinner. These correspond roughly to Hildegard's three-level reading of the first book of Genesis (literal, allegorical, moral),expounded in the Liber divinorum operum. Together they may serve asa standard for establishing Hildegard's basic method of exegesis andwe may view them as a three-act drama of salvation history. However,the third set of three expositiones does not conform so neatly to thismodel: it retains one interpretation devoted to the individual sinner,but the other two readings offer a strikingly cosmological emphasis,teaching about the right understanding of creation.

The first set of three homilies that we consider (20.1-3, FourthSunday after Pentecost) comments on Luke 5:1-11, the miraculouscatch.40 The first views salvation history briefly: beginning withCreation, it describes the human's endowment with the knowledge ofgood and evil, the Fall, and Christ's coming to open the path to good


works and the heavenly Jerusalem. The second starts from theIncarnation and treats the turning from the old law to the new in theGospel, when humankind accepts belief in Christ's dual nature andsubjects itself to God's commands. The third homily dramatizes thevirtues' role in conversion and victory over the Devil.

For the three homilies on Luke 19:41-47 (21.1-3, Ninth Sundayafter Pentecost), the story of Jesus expelling the moneychangers,41 thefirst expositio offers a panorama of salvation history from the momentof creation to Christ's teaching. The second has an incarnational focus,explaining Jesus' transformation of the Law and the understanding ofthe Scriptures. Homily three focuses on the individual sinner and thedrama of her conversion from sin to righteousness, from vices tovirtues, from the thieves' den (the Devil's house of ill repute) to thetemple, where angels and saints openly and joyously praise therepentant sinner.

In the third set of three expositiones (16.1-3, Invention of the HolyCross) this one on John 3:1-15, the story of Nicodemus,42 the thirdexpositio focuses on the individual sinner, as occurs in the previous twosets. Here the emphasis lies on the journey from sin through penance,specifically compunction and confession. While the struggle betweenvirtue and vice does not play a prominent role, the rejection of vicesand of aridity constitutes part of the process of repentance. The firsttwo expositiones in this set do relate to salvation history but they differstrikingly from the others examined so far. The first teaches aboutsalvation history starting from the Creation, but it takes its point ofdeparture from the misconceptions of a pseudo-prophet, designated byNicodemus. His questioning Jesus about rebirth reveals views thatresemble those of the Cathars. Hildegard emphasizes God as solecreator, the importance of baptism with water and Christ's dual nature- all key differences between orthodox and Cathar theology. Thesecond expositio begins with knowledge of evil, defined as nothingnessand differentiated from good. The frequent Hildegardian image of thewheel (from the first chapter of Ezekiel) holds a central function here,as do the life-giving power of God and the concept of viriditas. One canimagine the Cathars in the back of Hildegard's mind here too, whenshe emphasizes God's creative power.43

Hildegard composed several works against Cathar beliefs, as shecollaborated with Elizabeth of Schonau and her brother Ekbert in theanti-heretical campaign in the Rhineland (Kienzle, 1998: 165-8). Oneof those is a homily belonging to the set of four expositiones (24.1-4) onLuke 21:25-33, to which we now turn. The first of these is labelledLittera in the manuscript margin, the second Allegorical the third andfourth are not identified by a specific mode of interpretation.44

However tempting it may be to match these four homilies with thetraditional four levels of interpretation, such labels prove insufficient.

This Lukan text lends itself handily to Hildegard's cosmologicalvision. The first part of the Gospel passage (Luke 21:25-29) describesthe signs preceding the end of the age and the parousia. The second is


a very short Parable of the Fig Tree (Luke 21:29-31) whose leavesannounce the coming of summer (not the longer Parable in Luke 13:6-9). Most medieval exegetes leave aside the fig tree, but not so withHildegard. Even German vernacular sermons on the same pericopeand from the same period pass it over in silence and furthermore donot incorporate virtues and vices into their commentary as Hildegarddoes.45 Moreover, she enhances the dramatic tension in all four of hertexts, retelling the cosmic reactions and the Parable of the Fig Treewith heightened conflict - battling virtues and vices, cosmic groansand jealous angels.

While the first version follows most closely the literal meaning ofthe Scripture and the literal interpretation of salvation history, itincorporates a cosmological dimension nonetheless. The elements ofthe cosmos are moved by humanity's evil deeds, and humans thenexperience physical or natural consequences of their sin: the shakingwrought by heavenly bodies, aridity - the opposite of greenness(viriditas), sadness instead of happiness. Hildegard says:

The air and water are affected and the water extends to the sun,the moon and the stars, since those reflect from the water. Andso those heavenly bodies shake humans violently withunaccustomed terror.46

Humans also provoke the anger of the angels. The communityenvisioned here encompasses the cosmos, and the inter-relatednessand interaction of the cosmos, humankind and the angels enhances theelement of drama in the text. The signs announce Christ's coming inhumanity and divinity. Greenness in the blossoming of trees andflowers signals redemption and reward for the righteous. The visibleworld will be transformed into a better and more stable condition.

The fourth homily corresponds to the pattern of Hildegardianinterpretation that recreates the drama of the individual soul.47 Itintroduces vices and virtues but imagines their conflict as a mirror ofthe inward struggle between care for heaven and concerns on earth,the psychodrama that played out in individual sisters' souls and in themonastic community as a whole. Carnal desires and licentiousnessbesiege faith and knowledge. Humans doubt and fear, unable to discernGod from the Devil. The soul's powers - rationality, faith, hope andcharity - are shaken by the body's tempests.

With Christ's coming, the virtues allow human knowledge toconquer evil with good. The fig tree represents knowledge of good andthe turning towards it. Trees producing fruit are humans who examineand reveal their conscience and then groan and weep in repentance.The summer's heat again designates the Holy Spirit, which producesthe flowers of virtues. The reward of heaven does not come until thebattle of virtues and vices has ended and earthly follies are no longerpresent in the mind. Since this expositio evokes pure contemplationassociated with attaining heaven, one may call at least this aspect of itanagogical.


The second homily, labelled allegorical, clearly targets the Catharheresy and probably can be situated chronologically around 1163.48 Ihave written about it elsewhere (Kienzle, 1996: 43-56; 1998: 163-81),and so move on to the third homily, which treats another sort of battle,one between virtues and vices on earth.49 Its moral lessons are drawnfor various groups of society, and it seems to be staged in Germanyduring the schism of 1159-77.50 The signs in the heavens representthree groups of virtuous human beings: saints and lovers of God,virgins and the chaste, and good lay people. Signs on the earthdesignate the human senses that fall to temptation, as well as error andmadness, at both ends of the social scale - the princes, the weak, thepoor. Faith, justice and salvation find no repose. Evils are evident inschisms and false beliefs.

Christ comes into human minds through prophecy, showing powerin miracles and mysteries. The fig tree represents martyrdom andsuffering, which will be rewarded with sweet fruit. Summer comes withthe ardour of the Holy Spirit. Bitter things battle the virtues, but thevirtues prove victorious. The coming of God's kingdom means that theschism will not endure much longer. Humankind will not pass fromdarkness to light until the battle of virtues and vices has taken place.Then the Devil will be vanquished by virtues and the temporal willyield to the eternal.51

The set of four homilies highlights the spiritual meaning of the text.One is primarily historical-literal, concerned with salvation history,Christ's coming and redemption; another, a psychodrama, is highlyallegorical with elements of anagogy. Two moral interpretations relateto contemporary society. The four homilies therefore correspond tothe three modes of interpretation discussed earlier as roughlyhistorical-literal, allegorical and moral: the account of salvation history,the drama of the faithful soul, and the moral lesson for the monasticand wider community. Nonetheless, all are primarily spiritual andthree of four include a cosmological dimension. These four homiliesand the others we have surveyed demonstrate the richness ofHildegard's exegetical range in the entire corpus of Expositiones.Hildegard offers from two to four interpretations of one pericope. Attimes she follows a three-level reading, much like a three-act drama ofsalvation, moving from Creation and Fall to redemption to con-temporary struggle. Hildegard does not ever seem to repeat verbatimthe readings of previous exegetes. She brings the biblical text alive andrelates it to her community through her remarkable blend of drama,exegesis, teaching and preaching. Her method resists categorization.It is as difficult to conclude that she employs solely one sense ofScripture as it is to state that she is exclusively a visionary, a teacher,an exegete or a preacher. She combines all those roles just as shetakes from tradition but forges her own voice. Hans Liebeschutz usedthe term Lehrvisionen for Hildegard's teaching visions. Here I havetried to show that the Expositiones were also exegetical, preaching anddramatic visions.


Notes

1. One could extend this further to include the music of Hildegard's playand the songs she composed for the liturgy. See Fassler, 1998: 157. Onthe titles magistra and the less common abbatissa for Hildegard, seeMews, 1998: 94-5.

2. A passage similar to the Ordo virtutum (Davidson, 1985) but shorterappears at the end of Hildegard's first great visionary work, Scivias(Dronke, 1981: 100-1); Fassler, 1998: 249, agrees with Dronke's dating(Dronke, 1981). Constant Mews has also pointed out to me the usuallyoverlooked similarity between the chorus of the Ordo and the Liberdivinorum operum (Derolez and Dronke, 1996: III. 8-24). Dronke pointsthis out in the Introduction' (Derolez and Dronke, 1996: Ixxixii) wherehe describes the Liber divinorum operum text as 'amplifications' of theOrdo's final chorus, the difference being that in the Liber divinorumoperum the Son speaks to the Father, whereas in the Ordo the virtues arejoined by the souls.

3. The Expositiones are published in Analecta Sanctae Hildegardis, Pitra,1882: VIII, 245-327. A new edition is being prepared from Wiesbaden,Hessische Landesbibliothek, 2 (Riesenkodex), fols. 434r-61v, and BL,Add. 15102, fols. 146-91 (a 1487 copy) for the Corpus ChristianorumContinuatio Mediaevalis by Beverly Mayne Kienzle and Carolyn Muessigwith assistance from Monika Costard and Angelika Lozar. TheRiesenkodex is described by Van Acker 1991: XXVII-XXIIX; AlbertDerolez, Introduction', in Derolez and Dronke, 1996: XCVII-CI.

4. See below, Homily 24.2, with references to the Cathars and Homily 24.3with two references to schism ('Erunt signa', Wiesbaden, HessischeLandesbibliothek, II, 459v-60v; Pitra, 1882: 312-14).

5. See Kienzle, 2000b. Wenzel, 1986: 62, observes three structural steps ofthe homily: 'narrative of the Gospel, allegorical exegesis and moralexegesis'.

6. In her commentary on the Rule, Hildegard emphasizes the importance ofcommitting the Scriptures to memory. Feiss, 1990: 24-5.

7. The Rule of Benedict describes the monastery as the schola Christi',within it, the abbot or abbess holds authority and responsibility forinstructing the community. Hildegard felt strongly that an abbess's wordsshould inspire in her sisters the desire to hear them; to another abbess,Hildegard wrote that she was bearing her burden well, because her sheepwanted to hear God's admonishment through her teaching (Van Acker,1991: 339).

8. Rochais, 1980: 2.6, 23-40.9. Aerii spiritus, cf. principem potestatis aeris huius, Eph 2,2.

10. See also Van Engen, 1998: 44-5. Whereas Hildegard uses aerii spiritus, apassage from Origen speaks of the aerae potestates. Homilia VIII inExodum, 46, cited by Bloomfield, 1952: 51, note 68. Elsewhere Hildegardrefers to 'aerios spiritus' (Van Acker, 1991: 40).

11. Rochais, 1980: 9.8. For Hildegard's use of expositio, Derolez and Dronke,1996:1. (visio) IV. CV on John 1. See also Mohrmann, 1961: 63-72; Lubacand Doutreleau, 1976: II.6, 12.14.25.26, pp. 106, 108. See also Griesser,1956: 234-45 for uses of exponere in chapter talks.

12. Carlevaris calls attention to the importance of those readings andexplains the ties of Disibodenberg to the Cluniac reforms and homiliary;see Carlevaris, 1998: 72-3.


13. The Ordo virtutum was probably performed at the end of either Matins orVespers; see Fassler, 1998: 151-3.

14. Sheingorn proposes that the Ordo was written to be performed at thecelebration for the consecration of virgins; Sheingorn, 1992: 52-7.Holloway, 1992: 68-72, discusses the role of drama in monasteries andproposes a link to Hildegard's deep regret over her friend Richardis ofStade's departure to another monastery and eventual death. Fassler,1998: 150, says that the Ordo 'would always have been a play within aplay, a mousetrap for conventual souls'.

15. While twelfth-century Victorines and others took increased interest insalvation history and thus the historical-literal sense of Scripture, theiremphasis in exegesis remained allegorical. On the interest in thehistorical-literal sense, see Van Engen, 1983: 287; Mews, 1996: 27-42.

16. Striking examples are: Lubac and Doutreleau, 1976: 1.11, 11. 31-6; XII.3,11. 10-22, 23-39; Borret, 1985: Horn. 13.3, 274, 1.25.

17. On cosmology and cosmic struggle, see Mews, 1998: 99; on the scientifictradition in Rhenish abbeys, Van Engen, 1983: 85-6; on Rupert ofDeutz's interest in nature and cosmology in his commentary on Genesis,Gersh, 1991: 512-36; Burnett, 1998: 111-20; Dronke, 1998: 1-16.Singer, 1951: 1-59, stresses neoplatonism and an influence of BernardSylvestris's De universo.

18. Speculum virginum (Seyfarth, 1990). Constant Mews emphasizes thedifferences in outlook between the Speculum virginum and Hildegard andTenxwind of Andernach in 'Hildegard, the Speculum virginum andreligious reform in the twelfth century'. Mews, 1998: 96, notes that acopy of her Speculum Virginum from Andernach contains one extant leafof melodies. I am grateful to Constant Mews for a pre-publication copy ofthe paper on the Speculum.

19. Mews, 1998: 94, observes: 'Hildegard was growing up in a world in whichfemale spiritual leaders were emerging outside the traditional aristoc-racy and the Benedictine order'.

20. Phillip, dean of the cathedral at Cologne, identifies the Holy Spirit as thesource for Hildegard's authority when he writes asking for a copy of thesermon she delivered in Cologne. Epist. XV, Van Acker, 1991: 33. See thecomment from Robert of Val-Roi reported by Guibert of Gembloux, Epist.XVIII, Derolez, 1989: 229; Mews, 1998: 109, note 96. Bernard McGinn,in 'Hildegard of Bingen as Visionary and Exegete', discusses the threeforms of divine vision distinguished by Augustine (corporeal, spiritual,intellectual) and finds that Hildegard's descriptions fall into the broadcategory of spiritual vision, that based on images in the mind. Hildegardalso claimed the Spirit's enlightenment as the grounds for herunderstanding of the Scriptures. I am grateful to Bernard McGinn fora pre-publication copy of his paper.

21. On the controversies around abbesses' preaching, see Blamires, 1995:135-52; Biller, 1997: 68-9. On abbesses preaching at Admont, seeBorgehammar, 1993: 47-52; Knapp, 1994: 74-8.

22. On Hildegard's preaching, see Pernoud, 1996: 15-26; Kienzle, 1998:163-81.

23. Hildegard did not claim the authority specifically to preach, but sheapparently supported pastoral leadership for Benedictine monks. On thecontroversy over monks' preaching, see Van Engen, 1983: 329-30. OnHildegard's views, see Fuhrkotter and Carlevaris, 1978: Il.v(isio).17-21,pp. 190-4; Mews, 1998: 107.


24. Van Acker, 1993: cxcv, 443.25. I am grateful to Bernard McGinn for this insight. The Solutiones, PL 197

(1880): 1037-54, are analysed by Bartlett, 1992: 153-65.26. 'Cum appropinquaret', Hessische Landesbibliothek, 2, 457v-8r; Pitra,

1882: 306.27. Derolez and Dronke, 1996: 32-3: II. u. I. XLIII: ad litteram, iuxta

allegoriam; XLVI: secundum momlitatem; XLVIII: secundum allegoriam;XLVIII: iuxta tropologiam. Flanagan describes briefly Hildegard'ssystematic analysis here, moving from literal to allegorical to tropologicalexegesis (Flanagan, 1998: 145-6). Bernard McGinn points out theoriginality of Hildegard's interpretation of Genesis in 'Hildegard ofBingen as Visionary and Exegete'. See also Dronke, 1992: 386.

28. Hildegard's view of spiritual interpretation grounds itself in biblicalstatements, such as 2 Corinthians 3,6: The letter kills, but the spiritgives life', and on the tradition that distinguished broadly between theletter and the spirit, the literal and the spiritual, the body and the soul.See Smalley, 1985: 1-2.

29. Wiesbaden, Hessische Landesbibliothek, II, fol. 453rb, Homily 17.1 onLuke 16:19-31, Lazarus and Dives: let dives' illi qui in sapientia sua seinjuste extollunt, ut Orienes, 'et sepultus est'. Carlevaris, 1998: 79, cites asimilar spelling of Origen (Orienus) in Defensor Locogiacensis, Liberscintillarum (Rochais, 1957: 32.20 and 60.15, p. 125). Hildegard probablyalludes to the well-known legend of Origen's fall. I am grateful to BernardMcGinn for pointing this out. Nonetheless, Hildegard's words recallOrigen's association of the Gospel rich man, the Sodomite and pride, inBorret, 1989, 314-16, Homilia 9.4. on Ezek. 16, 49. Here, Origen adducesthe example of the rich man and Lazarus, read 'many days before',explaining himself this way: Sed si consideres hoc quod in praesenti scriptumest, et illud quod in Evangelio dicitur, videbis quia et illius maximumpeccatum inter universa peccata superbia fuerit ... in tantam superbiamelatus est despiciens paupertatem ... tails autem est et dives, qui in Evangeliodescribitur, nulli dubium quin dives ille Sodomita sit. Quomodo autemSodoma, etfiliae Sodomorum superbae fuerunt, tales sunt arrogantes animae.One passage in Origen, 1883: 1127A associates Dives, Solomon andsapientia but without conclusions about pride. In contrast, Gregory theGreat and others draw an opposition between Jews and Gentiles from thefigures of Dives and Lazarus. See Wailes, 1987: 245-60.

30. Chenu, 1968: 99-145. Van Engen, 1983: 71-2, observes that Rupert ofDeutz distinguished broadly between the historical and spiritual sensesof Scripture. He demonstrated interest in salvation history butemphasized spiritual interpretation. See Kerby-Fulton, 1998: 70-90, onGerman symbolism.

31. Dronke, 1992: 3-6, proposes categories of Hildegard's allegory: (1)Establishment of allegorical correspondence; (2-4) Self-revelation:gradual, direct and allegory within allegory; (5) Allegoresis - allegoricalreading of the sacred text.

32. '0 ignee Spiritus', Newman, 1998c: 142-7, 280-1. Newman, 1998a: 188-90, analyses it and classifies it as a psychodrama, to be interpreted onlevels of individual and salvation history; on p. 190, she discusses the'dialectical nature' of Hildegard's moral thought. Newman, 1998b, 79-87,discusses the moral allegory in the parables of Hildegard's letters.

33. Homily 13.1-2, 'Maria Magdalene et Maria Jacobi', Wiesbaden, HessischeLandesbibliothek, II, 449v-50r; Pitra, 1882: 282-4. In the first, Hildegard


associates the old law with carnal union and the new with abstinence,chastity and virginity. Crucifixion represents the inner experiential deathof corrupt desire and frees the flesh from its enslaved state. The secondtext contains a passage where Hildegard switches from indirectly narratingthe story in the third person to directly addressing her audience in thesecond person plural as she underscores the lesson. These homilies havebeen analysed by Jaehyun Kim, Princeton Theological Seminary, whocompares Hildegard's exegesis to that of Gregory the Great in anunpublished conference paper, 'Hildegard of Bingen's Gospel Homiliesand her Exegesis of Mark 16:1-7', International Congress of MedievalStudies, Kalamazoo, Michigan, May 1999.

34. Homilies 12.1 and 12.2, 'Homo quidam', Wiesbaden, Hessische Land-esbibliothek, II, 447v-9v; Pitra, 1882: 277-82.

35. Two homilies for the Eighth Sunday after Pentecost (Ninth Sunday ofTrinity, 26.1, 2) exegete Luke 16:1-9, the Parable of the UnjustSteward), and include the whole story (salvation or individual) but wrap itup very quickly. See also Wailes, 1987: 245-53, on this parable.

36. Homily 18.1, Homo quidam fecit coenam magnam, Wiesbaden, HessischeLandesbibliothek, II, 454v-5r; Pitra, 1882: 296-8.

37. Homily 18.2, 'Homo quidam fecit coenam magnam', Wiesbaden,Hessische Landesbibliothek, II, 455r-v; Pitra, 1882: 298-9.

38. Homily 6.1, 'Cum factus esset', Wiesbaden, Hessische Landesbibliothek,II, 441r-v; Pitra, 1882: 258-9.

39. Homily 6.2, 'Cum factus essef, Wiesbaden, Hessische Landesbibliothek,II, 441v-2r; Pitra, 1882: 259-60.

40. Homilies 20.1-3, 'Cum turbae irruerent', Wiesbaden, Hessische Land-esbibliothek, II, 456r-7v; Pitra, 1882: 301-5.

41. Homilies 21.1-3, 'Cum appropinquaret Jesus', Wiesbaden, HessischeLandesbibliothek, II, 457v-8r; Pitra, 1882: 305-7.

42. Homilies 16.1-3, 'Erat homo ex Pharisaeis', Wiesbaden, HessischeLandesbibliothek, II, 451r-3r; Pitra, 1882: 287-92.

43. The two possible parallels I have found so far for associating Nicodemusand heresy appear in Rabanus Maurus and Rupert of Deutz. Both discussheretical and schismatic views on rebaptism in a sermon mentioningNicodemus but do not attribute them to Nicodemus. Rabanus, 1880:283A; Rupert of Deutz, 1894: 325B.

44. Homilies 24.1-4, 'Erunt signa', Wiesbaden, Hessische Landesbibliothek,II, 459v-60v; Pitra, 1882: 311-15. Dronke, 1992: 386-7, suggestsanagogical and moral designations for homilies 24.3 and 24.4, while healso observes that they perhaps were seen as aspects of Allegoria andtherefore not labelled as anything different. He does not mention thereferences to heresy and schism.

45. Wailes, 1987: 167-9. Hans-Jochen Schiewer, 'Preaching Doomsday.Heaven and Hell in Vernacular Sermons from the 12th to the 15thCentury', paper presented at International Congress of MedievalStudies, Kalamazoo, Michigan, May 1999. Six of approximately 800early German sermons are devoted to the Second Sunday in Advent; theyfocus on the signs of the coming of Christ. These are found in modelsermons for priests from the second half of the twelfth century andinclude the collections referred to as of Leipzig, Oberaltaich, PriestConrad, Millstatt and St Paul.

46. Wiesbaden, Hessische Landesbibliothek, II, 459v; Pitra, 1882: 311.47. Wiesbaden, Hessische Landesbibliothek, II, 460v; Pitra, 1882: 314-15.


48. Wiesbaden, Hessische Landesbibliothek, II, 459v-60r; Pitra, 1882: 312-13.

49. Wiesbaden, Hessische Landesbibliothek, II, 460r-v; Pitra, 1882: 313-14.50. For more on Hildegard and the 1157-79 schism, see Kerby-Fulton, 1998:

70-90.51. Dronke, 1992: 387, suggests classifying Homily 24.3 as anagogical.

8 Learning and mentoring inthe twelfth century: Hildegardof Bingen and Herrad ofLandsberg

Carolyn Muessig

Men's learning and mentoring

Stephen Jaeger, in his book The Envy of Angels, demonstrated thechanging face of education in centres of learning from the eighth to thetwelfth centuries. In regard to twelfth-century examples he examinedthe Victorines and the Cistercians. Focusing on the view of the innerand outer formation of men, he demonstrated varied attitudes towardeducation. He argued that among the Cistercians and, in particular, inthe writings of Bernard of Clairvaux (|1153) outward perfectionrepresented an inner state of being; in other words, pleasing physicalmovement indicated ontological perfection. The perfected soul, theperson full of grace and virtues, exhibited control; outward bearingreflected inward impeccability (Jaeger, 1994: 269-72). Bernard ofClairvaux captured this sentiment in Sermon 85 of his Sermons on theSong of Songs:

when the luminosity of this beauty fills the inner depths of theheart, it overflows and surges outward ... It makes the body intothe very image of the mind; [the body] catches up this lightglowing and bursting forth like the rays of the sun. All its sensesand all its members are suffused with it, until its glow is seen inevery act, in speech, in appearance, in the way of walking andlaughing ... When the motions, the gestures and the habits of thebody and the senses show forth their gravity, purity, modesty ...then beauty of the soul becomes outwardly visible.1

Jaeger argues that the Victorines, who were Augustinian canons, had adifferent view of formation from Bernard of Clairvaux and theCistercians.2 The Victorines underlined that the outer man if properlygroomed could affect the inner man (Jaeger, 1994: 249, 270). The bodythrough discipline and education could come to control the soul.

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Augustinian novices were trained by a master. The first abbot of theParisian Abbey of St Victor, Gilduin (11155), explained that the mastershould instruct the novice

diligently in the bows, in walking and standing, in his everygesture, how he should array his clothing in accordance with theparticular act he is performing, how to compose his members inan ordinate way, keep his eyes lowered, speak gently and not toofast, swear no oaths ... how to speak to the abbot or to hismasters, to the brother, to inferiors.3

Instead of choosing the monastic life of asceticism, the Victorinesopted for the life of 'beautiful manners', a 'life that left open thepossibility of advancement in the church' (Jaeger, 1994: 268). Thefocus was on courtesy and refinement. Associated with this emphasison comportment was the fact that Augustinian priories were centreswhere men were likely to be promoted to positions of church and state(Jaeger, 1994: 253, 458 note 48).

These differences in emphasis indicate two attitudes towardlearning. Generally, for twelfth-century Augustinian canons asrepresented by the Victorines, discipline and education developedthe interior man. By learning one could become a better person, andthis prepared one for life in the priory or in the wider world ofecclesiastical or secular affairs. However, for the Cistercians, asrepresented by Bernard of Clairvaux, through sacred learning withChrist as the example of master, the soul was cleansed and its innategoodness revealed. Goodness was always there; it did not develop exnihilo, but simply was waiting to be found. The right environment tofind perfection was the monastery. Training for a life outside of thecloister was not encouraged.

Old and new learning

In addition to these different approaches to learning found in religioushouses, Jaeger also identified distinct attitudes toward mentoring ineleventh- and twelfth-century cathedral schools. He identified a form ofeducation which prevailed in the eleventh century - the old learning.This revolved around 'the teacher* as the source of wisdom; throughhis virtue the magister was able to teach his pupils. Learning wasdirectly tied to the charisma of the master, as his good characterilluminated the lesson. In the twelfth century, however, there was ashift of emphasis in which magisterial charisma was overshadowed byknowledge of 'the text'. Mastery over the growing corpus ofcommentaries was the focal point of an accomplished instructor. Thesuccessful teacher was able to master the texts and to train hisstudents to do the same. Generally, education in the twelfth-centuryschools moved the emphasis away from magisterial virtue to textualexpertise (Jaeger, 1994: 130-1). This was the new learning.

Hildegard of Bingen and Herrad of Landsberg 89

Women's learning and mentoring: Augustinian and Benedictineexamples

Varied forms of education would be expected for men since theirvocational possibilities were more flexible than women's. But women'shouses, like men's, opted for different rules. Perhaps this may indicatea difference in female religious vocation just as it did for their malecounterparts. Moreover, the twelfth century witnessed a momentwhen men and women rubbed shoulders comparatively often in thedomain of religious learning;4 this is partially owing to the rise ofdouble monasteries which created more opportunities for dialogue.5

This leads to the question: did attitudes to learning and mentoringwhich prevailed among men also exist among women? Or werewomen's educational experiences similar to one another and notgreatly affected by the order to which they belonged? To investigatethese points let us consider two female religious houses, Hohenburgand Rupertsberg.6

The Augustinian convent of Hohenburg was originally founded inthe eighth century by the Merovingian princess St Odile (|720)(Dressier, 1967: 642-3).7 With the assistance of the twelfth-centuryEmperor Frederick Barbarossa (|1190), the abbesses Relinde (fll67)and Herrad of Landsberg (fll95) reformed the convent (Green et al.,1979a: 9). The Benedictine convent of Rupertsberg was founded in1151. Its reputation was intimately attached to its founder and mostfamous sister, Hildegard of Bingen (|1179). The roots of this convent,however, were planted at the monastery of Disibodenberg, whereHildegard began her religious life as an anchoress.

By examining the sorts of writings that Hildegard of Bingen andHerrad of Landsberg directed to their communities an assessment willbe made to identify aspects of their views of mentoring and teaching.First Hildegard's methods of teaching and mentoring will be analysed.The sources mainly referred to will be Hildegard's letters and, inparticular, those letters which describe the communal life ofRupertsberg. Furthermore, the vitae of Hildegard and her magistraJutta will also be examined. The source used for Herrad's approach toteaching will be her encyclopaedic tour de force, the Hortusdeliciarum, which she compiled for the canonesses of Hohenburg.

Jutta and Hildegard

Hildegard started her monastic life under the tutelage of a magistranamed Jutta of Sponheim.8 The term magistra indicated one who was aspiritual guide or mentor.9 Jutta was from a noble family (Staab, 1992:175; Silvas, 1998: 66). From early on in her childhood her familyensured that she be educated in Sacred Scripture. During Jutta's earlyformation it became clear that she had great intelligence and aretentive memory (Staab, 1992: 175; Silvas, 1998: 67). Eventually she

90 Carolyn Muessig

was put under the care of a religious woman named Uda whostrengthened her in regard to Virtue' (Staab, 1992: 175-6; Silvas,1998: 68). On 1 November 1112 at the male Benedictine abbey ofDisibodenberg, the twenty-one-year-old Jutta was enclosed as ananchoress with two younger girls; one of the girls was Hildegard ofBingen, who was in her fifteenth year (Staab, 1992: 176; Silvas, 1998:69).10 The solitude of the anchorhold, however, did not last for long.Jutta's scriptural learning and monastic spirit led to the developmentof a scola around her.

We learn more about Jutta's 'scola' in a letter written by Guibert ofGembloux (|1213) who was Hildegard of Bingen's secretary in thefinal years of her life (Silvas, 1998: 93). Guibert reveals that Jutta'sholy life attracted many young girls; this caused the small anchorholdto be opened to many:

When the entrance to her tomb [i.e. her anchorhold] was openedup, she brought inside with her the girls who were to be nurturedunder the guidance of her disciplined guardianship. It was on thisoccasion that what was formerly a sepulchre became a kind ofmonastery, but in such a way that she did not give up theenclosure of the sepulchre, even as she obtained concourse of amonastery.11

For all intents and purposes, Disibodenberg had become a doublemonastery, with Jutta in charge of teaching the nuns.

Jutta was greatly honoured for her practices of asceticism whichentailed strict fasting and self-mortification (Staab, 1993: 180; Silvas,1998: 74). It is clear that Hildegard respected her ascetic magistra forshe endeavoured to have Jutta's vita recorded by one of the monks ofDisibodenberg (Silvas, 1998: 62). As Hildegard's magistra, Jutta wassuccessful in leading the younger woman on the path to virtue:

And her venerable mother [i.e. Jutta] ... took pains over her [i.e.Hildegard] and rejoiced in her progress as she began to perceivewith wonder that from a disciple she too was becoming a magistraand a pathfinder in the ways of excellence. So it came about thatthe benevolence of charity glowed in her [i.e. Hildegard's] breast,a benevolence which shut out no-one from its embrace. Therampart of her humility defended the tower of her virginity.Likewise, she backed up her frugality of food and drink withmeanness of clothing. So too, she showed the guarded tranquillityof her heart by silence and fewness of words. Among all thesejewels of the virtues which adorned the spouse of Christ ... theguardian which watched over them all was patience.12

But Hildegard did not view Jutta as an intellectual mentor. Sheprovided an example of formation, i.e. proper living rather than properlearning. In regard to a formal pedagogy, a different view of Jutta wasnoted. Hildegard described her as an 'indocta mulier', that is anunlearned woman (Klaes, 1993: 24; Silvas, 1998: 160). Hildegard


attributed Jutta with teaching her the monastic virtues of humility andinnocence, and how to read the Psalms (Klaes, 1993: 6; Silvas, 1998:139).13 Hildegard's trusted and beloved secretary, the Disibodenbergmonk Volmar, was also accorded some recognition of her formation;she referred to him as her magister (Klaes, 1993: 24; Silvas, 1998:159). But beyond this she claimed that she had 'received no teachingin the arts of literature or music from a human source' (Silvas, 1998:139).14 While set on the right path of holy living by Jutta, Hildegardnever associated her wisdom as being passed on by her magistra. Infact, in all of her theological writings she presents an original andinventive voice which shows little trace of direct sources (Dronke,1998: 1-16). She saw herself as a prophetess, hence she attributed herwisdom to God, not to man, and especially not to Jutta. Nonetheless,the prophetess was also a teacher, for she assumed the role ofmagistra when Jutta died (Derolez, 1989: 375; Silvas, 1998: 111).

The Rupertsberg liturgy15

Hildegard makes it clear that she did not learn anything 'academically'from Jutta, but she did adopt one lesson that she had learned from hermagistra. Through right living Jutta showed her disciple how to revealher virtue, and Hildegard would do the same for her community ofnuns. She did not stress asceticism as had Jutta, but she did putforward a plan of formation which would lead the soul along its rightand virtuous path.

With much resistance from the monks and some of the nuns of theDisibodenberg, Hildegard relocated her sisters to another site,Rupertsberg on the Rhine, thirty kilometres away from Disibodenberg(Newman, 1998b: 9-10; Berger, 1999: 3). Moving away from thememory of Jutta and the interference of the monks of Disibodenberg,she firmly established a monastic community which was greatly shapedin her image and likeness. Based on elaborate worship, she created apath to God which at once invited worshipper and the worshipped toparticipate. The liturgical atmosphere that Hildegard crafted was a sortof spiritual allurement to display the holy attractiveness of her nuns toGod.

Hildegard as hymn writer and magistra stressed the centrality ofpraising God through song (Fassler, 1998: 149-75). Although this wasnot innovative, some characteristics of her liturgy were novel andraised the eyebrows of contemporaries. This is best demonstrated inan intriguing letter to Hildegard from Tenxwind (|c.H52), the abbessof the Augustinian convent of Andernach. In this letter Tenxwindobjected to two liturgical practices established by Hildegard. Shedescribes the first practice in the following manner:

on feast days your virgins stand in the Church with unbound hairwhen singing the psalms and ... as part of their dress they wear

92 Carolyn Muessig

white, silk veils, so long that they touch the floor. Moreover, it issaid that they wear crowns of filigree into which are insertedcrosses on both sides and the back, with a figure of the Lamb onthe front, and that they adorn their fingers with golden rings.16

This practice disturbed Tenxwind because it went against 1 Tim. 2:9,which exhorted women not to adorn themselves 'with plaited hair, orgold, or pearls or costly attire' (Van Acker, 1991: Ep. 52, 126; Bairdand Ehrman, 1994: 127).

The second practice which disturbed Tenxwind was Hildegard'scustom to allow only women of noble and wealthy families into theRupertsberg convent while rejecting those of lower birth and wealth(Van Acker, 1991: Ep. 52, 126-7; Baird and Ehrman, 1994: 127). Thetone of her letter indicates that she believed Benedictine monasticismneeded reforming in regard to its elitist tendency, and that Hildegardof Bingen's convent was an example of established Benedictinesnobbery.

To the first charge Hildegard argued that virgins did not need tocover their hair and that they could wear white vestments to indicatebetrothal to Christ (Van Acker, 1991: Ep. 52R, 128-9; Baird andEhrman, 1994: 129). In regard to the noble status of her nuns shewrote:

Thus it is clear that differentiation must be maintained in thesematters, lest people of varying status, herded all together, bedispersed through pride of their elevation, on the one hand, orthe disgrace of their decline, on the other, and especially lest thenobility of their character be torn asunder when they slaughterone another through hatred. Such destruction naturally resultswhen the higher order falls upon the lower, and the lower risesabove the higher.17

While Hildegard's liturgical methods were creative, her approach toformation was, on one level, traditionally Benedictine. Benedictines inthe early twelfth century had been accused of viewing wealth as ameasure of virtue (Van Engen, 1986: 291; Jaeger, 1994: 110). Onecould argue that to some degree Hildegard's liturgical practices andpreference for noble nuns manifest these attributes of the Benedictinetrend to view wealth as a measure of virtue. But other influences wereat work which reinforced this distinct mode of worship at Rupertsberg.First, Benedictine liturgical practice highlighted the importance of theintercessory role of the monk and nun. Some Benedictines believedthat monastic intercessory prayer would be more fruitful if embellishedwith fine vestments and properly adorned churches (Van Engen, 1986:297); Hildegard clearly shared this sentiment. Second, Hildegardbelonged to the generation of monastic thinkers who believed that theexternal reflected the internal perfection of the soul. Conrad ofHirsau's Dialogue on the Contempt and Love of the World, whichHildegard may have known,18 argued that the animus had to conform tothe habitus (Jaeger, 1994: 110). Hildegard belonged to a tradition of


learning which viewed the wide expanse of cosmology as reflectinghuman morals and the divine mind, that is the microcosm reflected themacrocosm (Jaeger, 1994: 178). Cosmology taught in the twelfth-century centres of learning focused on the world of nature as a mirrorof morals, as reflected in Hugh of St Victor's Didascalion:

In the meaning of things lies natural justice, out of which thediscipline of our own conduct [mores] arises. By contemplatingwhat God has made we realize what we ourselves ought to do.Every nature tells of God; every nature teaches man.19

For Hildegard the perfection of her nuns would be realized in theiroutward comportment. In the world of her monastery, the Rupertsbergliturgy reflected a little bit of Paradise. Ritual and song acted out by hernuns created heaven on earth. This is clearly seen in Hildegard's letterwhere she laments the ban placed on the sisters of Rupertsberg fromsinging the Divine Office. Without song they were deprived of closenessto God. She argues that our prelapsarian knowledge can be glimpsedand to some degree regained through the hearing of liturgical music:

When we consider these things carefully, we recall that manneeded the voice of the living Spirit, but Adam lost this divinevoice through disobedience. For while he was still innocent,before his transgression, his voice blended fully with the voices ofthe angels in their praise of God ... God, however, restores thesouls of the elect to that pristine blessedness by infusing themwith the light of truth. And in accordance with His eternal plan,He so devised it that whenever He renews the hearts of manywith the pouring out of prophetic spirit, they might, by means ofHis interior illumination, regain some of the knowledge whichAdam had before he was punished for his sin.20

Hildegard's plan of formation for her nuns appropriates Benedictineand Cistercian ideas found in male houses. For the Cistercian monksperfection flowed from the inside to the outside. The perfected soul,the person full of grace and virtues, exhibited control. The noble nunsof Rupertsberg did not become perfect, for they simply were perfect byvirtue of their noble birth and virginity, and the convent allowed theirinner perfection to shine. Moreover, their fine attire was a necessaryaccoutrement for their roles as divine intercessors. But doesHildegard's method of formation resemble that of her contemporaryHerrad of Landsberg?

Canonesses and twelfth-century reform

The Augustinian convent of Hohenburg, like Rupertsberg, provides adramatic approach to religious education and formation. Hohenburgwas perched on top of Mont Ste-Odile, in the Vosges (in France) justoutside of Strasbourg. The members of the convent were canonesses

94 Carolyn Muessig

and not nuns. Before the reforms of the twelfth century, theoreticallythere were three main differences between nuns and canonesses.Canonesses had more flexibility in their comings and goings than nunsdid since they were not strictly enclosed.21 Second, with the exceptionof the abbess, canonesses did not take permanent vows of chastity andhence were technically free to marry (McNamara, 1996: 179).22 Third,upon entering communal life canonesses did not take vows of povertyand thus they reserved their wealth (McNamara, 1996: 179).

Canonesses were most often attached to wealthy and influentialfamilies. In those areas under Hohenstaufen authority, includingHohenburg, some canonesses were closely associated with theimperial family. Canonesses were the subject of reform in the secondquarter of the twelfth century; in 1139 the Second Lateran Councilinsisted that canonesses adopt a regular way of life:

We decree that the pernicious and detestable custom which hasspread among some women who, although they live neitheraccording to the rule of blessed Benedict, nor Basil, norAugustine, yet wish to be thought of by everyone as nuns, is tobe abolished. For when, living according to the rule inmonasteries, they ought to be in church or in the refectory ordormitory in common, they build for themselves their ownretreats and private dwelling-places, where, under the guise ofhospitality, indiscriminately and without shame they receiveguests and secular persons contrary to the sacred canons andgood morals. (Tanner, 1990: I, 203)

Furthermore, in 1148 the Council of Reims stipulated that canonessesmust establish common ownership (Torquebiau, 1942: 497).

Relinde and Herrad

The Hohenstaufen emperor, Frederick Barbarossa, was involved in thereform of Hohenburg which had fallen into disrepair. He was keen tomake amends for his father, Frederick of Swabia (|1147), who duringhis reign had pillaged the wealthy convent (Caratzas, 1977: vii; Greenet al., 1979a: 10). To rebuild and reform Hohenburg, FrederickBarbarossa called upon his relative Relinde, a nun from the convent ofBergen in Bavaria who was very much influenced by the reform ofcanonical life (Games, 1971: 132).23 Under Relinde's supervision ofHohenburg, the Rule of St Augustine was enforced. That things hadbecome untenable at the convent before Relinde's arrival is made clearin the Hortus deliciarum:

Relinde, venerable Abbess of the monastery of Hohenburg,carefully repaired all the damages to the monastery which shefound during her time and with great wisdom reinstituted therethe religious spirit which was then almost destroyed.24


Part of the restoration of Hohenburg included Relinde's repair of theancient monastic school located there. This school was not onlyestablished to educate canonesses, but it also offered education to thedaughters of the rich noble families who lived in the area (Caratzas,1977: vii).

Herrad of Landsberg took over the supervision of Hohenburg in1167 after the death of the abbess Relinde. Not much is known aboutthe early life of Herrad,25 but the Hortus indicates that Relinde wasHerrad's teacher: 'Herrad, appointed as Abbess of the convent ofHohenburg after Relinde, who taught her by lessons and examples/26

As was often the case with canonesses their convents were associatedwith canons who oversaw their pastoral needs. To this end, Herradestablished two priories to oversee the divine services at Hohenburg.The first priory was located at the foot of Mont Ste-Odile, and housedthe Premonstratensian canons of St Gorgon of Etival. In 1180 Herradpurchased property very close to the convent of Hohenburg; there in1181 she established the priory of Truttenhausen, which housedtwelve Augustinian canons who were under the direction of theAugustinian Abbey of Marbach (Uhry, 1967: 3; Green et al., 1979a:II).27 The Marbach Abbey was a leading centre of spiritual andintellectual reform in Alsace. For example, the customary of Marbachwas adopted by numerous Augustinian houses eager for reform.28 Inregard to its intellectual reputation, the first dean of Marbach Abbeywas the magister Manegold of Lautenbach (|1103) who wrote atreatise on the Timaeus.29

However, this dependency on canons should not lead one to thinkthat canonesses were completely reliant on their male overseers. Firstof all it was Herrad who was instrumental in the establishment of thetwo nearby priories. Moreover, the convents of canonesses sometimeswere powerful centres of jurisdiction. Some abbesses exercised civil andcriminal jurisdiction in the town where their convent was located andwere known to suspend clerical benefices (Torquebiau, 1942: 497).30

Hortus deliciarum

The Hortus deliciarum was compiled most likely at Hohenburgbetween the years 1176 and 1195 (Green et al., 1979a: 1). Herradprepared the Hortus for the moral edification of the canonesses. Shedid not execute the drawings herself but oversaw the production of thework and compiled the texts from various sources. The poems in theHortus are believed to be her creation (Yardley, 1986: 19).Unfortunately, this lush work of colour images and accompanying textwas destroyed in August 1870 during the Franco-Prussian War.However, a record of much of it was preserved by the painstaking workof nineteenth-century scholars who had traced various images andtranscribed a number of its texts before that fateful August night(Green et al., 1979a: 17-25).

96 Carolyn Muessig

The Hortus is an encyclopaedia. Medieval encyclopaedias provideddetailed and comprehensive texts which would teach the reader all thatwas necessary on a given subject. In the case of the Hortus deliciarum,the main subject under scrutiny was the salvation of the Hohenburgcanonesses. The title of the work echoes prelapsarian perfection asdefined by the encyclopaedist Isidore of Seville (|636) in hisEtymologies:

Paradise is a place located in the East, the name of which,translated from the Greek into Latin, is hortus, a garden. InHebrew it is called Eden, which means in Latin deliciae - delights.Together this makes hortus deliciarum, the garden of delights.31

Through the title alone Herrad concisely beckons her students toperfection, and makes an implicit yet unmistakable reference to anearly Christian encyclopaedist.

The unfolding and meaning of salvific history and its meaning arethe major elements in the Hortus. Herrad takes the canonessesthrough a theological tour to lead them toward salvation. The textbegins with the discussion of the hierarchy of angels and then delvesinto the creation story. Relying on her various sources, Herrad weavesa narrative around the Bible, explaining the books of the Old and NewTestaments and then interspersing exegesis with philosophicaldiscussion and presenting hymns for her community to sing. Shegoes beyond biblical sources and quotes Aristotle, Socrates, Plato andCicero to edify the canonesses.32 In one section she describes theExodus and the crossing of the Red Sea. She digresses into adiscussion of geography in which she outlines the earth's waters, seas,rivers and lakes. In order that this important geographical lesson notbe lost on some of the canonesses who are just learning Latin, sheprovides, in addition to the Latin words, all the German equivalents ofdescriptions of the waterways.33

Herrad's work is a compilation of explicit sources around which shefashions her lessons. She used books which she had access to andwhich were applicable in the teaching of the women of Hohenburg. Herlessons are based on various authorities. The endeavour to educate isdemystified into a painstaking task of compilation. Herrad reliesheavily on several authors and makes explicit references to theirworks. These include the monastic writer Rupert of Deutz's (|1129)Liber de divinis officiis and Commentaria in Canticum canticorum(Green et al., 1979a: 51-2); the encyclopaedist Honorius Augustodu-nensis (fl. twelfth century), in particular his Eludiciarium, Speculumecclesiae, and Gemma animae (Green et al., 1979a: 46-9); the canonlawyer Ivo of Chartres's (flll6) Panormia (Green et al., 1979a: 49-50); the master of theology Peter Lombard's (fll60) Sententiae(Green et al., 1979a: 51); and the work of another scholastictheologian, Peter Comestor's (fl!78) Historia scholastica (Green etal., 1979a: 51-2). Interestingly, there are only a handful of referencesto Bernard of Clairvaux, and all of them are implicit (Green et al.,


1979a: 45).34 It is likely that access to such a rich variety of works waspartly owing to Herrad's relationship with the two nearby priorieswhich oversaw the canonesses' masses and various sacramental needs(Green et al., 1979a: 59). As mentioned above, the Augustinian canonsof Truttenhausen came from Marbach, which was a centre ofintellectual life in Alsace.

The Hortus encouraged self-development through education, with anemphasis on chastity. Herrad makes her intention clear from theoutset:

Herrad, who through the grace of God is abbess of the church onthe Hohenburg, although unworthy, addresses the sweet virginsof Christ in the same church who work as though in the vineyardof the Lord; may the Lord grant grace and glory. I was thinking ofyour holiness when like a bee guided by the inspiring God I drewfrom diverse flowers of sacred and philosophical writing this bookcalled 'Garden of Delights'. And I have put it together for thepraise of Christ and the Church, and for your enjoyment, asthough into a sweet honeycomb. And therefore you mustdiligently seek your pleasing nourishment in this book andrefresh your weary spirit with its sweet honey drops, so thatoccupied with the allurement of your Bridegroom and fattened onspiritual sweets, you may safely hurry over what is transitory, andpossess lasting happiness through delight. And I making my waythrough the many dangerous currents of the sea, by your fruitfulprayers may you unbind me from earthly ties, and may you pullme heavenwards to be one with you in the love of your Beloved.Amen.35

Herrad is concerned to lead the canonesses to salvation by means of athorough education which includes Christian and pagan texts, art andreligious poetry. She invites them to increase their knowledge andchances of redemption through studying the Hortus delidarum. Butshe makes it equally clear that she needs the prayers of her communityto bolster her own spiritual progress. There is reciprocity of intentionand endeavour. This reflects the Augustinian ethos of the communityas the Rule of Augustine underlines a spirit of unity and charity andstresses that each person in the community should be an example forothers to emulate:

Everything you do is to be for the service of the community, andyou are to work with more zeal and more enthusiasm than if eachperson were merely working for herself and her own interests.For it is written of love that 'it is not self-seeking' (1 Cor. 13:5);that is to say, love puts the interests of the community beforepersonal advantage, and not the other way around. Therefore thedegree to which you are concerned for the interests of thecommunity rather than for your own, is the criterion by which youcan judge how much progress you have made. (Canning, 1984:33-4)36

98 Carolyn Muessig

At a time when reform was a sensitive issue, the emphasis oncommunity within a convent of canonesses would be crucial tounderline.

A sense of community is also underlined at the end of the Hortus.The last two folios depict the convent of Hohenburg. The penultimatefolio portrays the first abbess, St Odile, and the reforming abbessRelinde.37 The images unite these two abbesses in clear succession.This lineage is focused upon, while the intervening centuries areignored. This allowed Herrad to accent Augustinian renewal and togloss over the lax periods of Hohenburg.

As mentioned above, canonesses had been criticized for notfollowing a strict life according to a monastic rule, and consequentlythey were deemed to be lax in their spiritual life. But the reformingcanonesses of Hohenburg underlined the importance of chastity.Surrounding the image of Relinde is the following text:

Relinde to the congregation of Hohenburg: Oh dear flock, unitedunder a heavenly law and sheltered from all errors, may the onewho is called the Mountain of Zion, who serves as a bridge toenter our true country, who is the source of all good, the way andthe light serve you as guide; may His cross protect you! Christgives the gentle dew of chastity, the immutable good of eternity,the flower of virginity; may he govern you, dear flock, and may Hehave pity on me, now and always. Amen.38

The last miniature in the Hortus is of the congregation of Hohenburg.39

The image portrays each of the forty-seven canonesses and thirteen laysisters who resided at Hohenburg under the abbacies of Relinde andHerrad. The ethos of Augustinian community is recalled at the top ofthis image:

Religious congregation united in charity for the service of God, atthe monastery of Hohenburg, at the time of the Abbesses Relindeand Herrad.40

Herrad stands next to the community and in her hand she holds a scrollwhich reads as follows:

Oh you white flowers, pure as snow, who spread the perfume ofyour virtues and who, scorning earthly dust, rest in thecontemplation of divine things: Oh may your course always bedirected towards heaven, where you will be face to face with theBetrothed at a moment still hidden from you.41

This emphasis on chastity was also found in Augustinian priories. Inkeeping with the Gregorian Reform's endeavour to enforce clericalcelibacy, this is one of the main elements underlined in the reform ofthe canons.42


A comparison of learning and mentoring: Herrad and Hildegard

Herrad's teaching derives largely from a careful and methodicalcompilation of explicit sources. Her focus is to teach her canonessesabout what philosophers and other thinkers advised on moraldevelopment. The Hortus is where they find their insight: 'Andtherefore you must diligently seek your pleasing nourishment in thisbook and refresh your weary spirit with its sweet honey drops/43

Moreover, she underlines Relinde's influence on her as a teacher, withno qualification.

Hildegard's approach to learning, however, revolved around herrole as a prophetess. Her ability to be magistra was derived from thedivine. Her lesson was embodied in all that she was, and there could beno separation between her message and her person. Moreover, herdeparture from Disibodenberg to establish the convent of Rupertsberggave her a sort of sole authority which may have distanced her from amonastic tradition and underlined her direct relationship with God; itcertainly lessened her reliance on the monks of Disibodenberg. UnlikeHerrad who worked in unison with the canons, Hildegard looked toseparate herself and her community from the monks. This separationenabled her to carry out her particular role as magistra] notsurprisingly, her theological lessons are free of explicit references tohuman sources but make continual reference to God's command.

In many ways Herrad's approach to learning and mentoring wasdictated by the possibilities her students might encounter. A canonesscould become an abbess one day, in her own community or elsewhere.She might be left with juridical duties which called for detailed andtime-consuming training. Furthermore, canonesses' dealings in thewider world and their association with canons made their educationalneeds overlap with their male counterparts. In some instances girlsstudied at Hohenburg but did not become canonesses, like the thirteenlay sisters depicted in the final image of the Hortus deliciarum. It isalso likely that some of the wealthy girls who received their educationat Hohenburg left after their formation to become the wives ofnoblemen.

Hildegard viewed her nuns as staying within the convent,perpetually giving themselves to Christ in liturgical demonstrations.Perhaps this partially explains Hildegard's outrage when her favouritenun, Richardis of Stade, left Rupertsberg to become abbess of Bassumin the diocese of Bremen. The move appears to have been manoeuvredby Richardis's brother Hartwig, who was Archbishop of Bremen. In anattempt to secure his authority in the area he saw fit to appointRichardis as abbess in his own jurisdiction leaving Hildegarddevastated. Her attachment to Richardis is captured in a letter whichHildegard wrote to her friend lamenting her departure: 'I loved thenobility of your character, your wisdom, your chastity, your spirit, andindeed every aspect of your life that many people said to me: What areyou doing?'44 In Hildegard's eyes, Richardis was to stay and partake in

100 Carolyn Muessig

the divine service of worship as was fitting for virgins, so her lifeoutside of the cloister was not appropriate. Ironically Richardis diedvery soon after her departure from Rupertsberg. In Hildegard'sestimation, the nuns of Rupertsberg were not educated to move outinto the world, but were to remain in her cloister.

To some degree, the different approaches employed by the twowomen are similar to the old and new learning that was found in men'sschools in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The 'old learning'method is reminiscent of Hildegard's magisterial approach in that theprophetess is similar to a charismatic teacher who edifies studentsthrough his virtuous character. Herrad relied on a different sourcefrom divine revelation, using instead an arsenal of textual authorities.Her form of education belonged more to the world of canons and theirscholastic aspirations than to the mystical theology of Hildegard. Thatis where Herrad's educational authority rested, not in prophecy but inher role as compiler and hence mediator of textual authorities andtradition; in this sense, Herrad is an example of 'new learning'.

The examples of Hohenburg and Rupertsberg indicate that medievalfemale education and formation was varied; this variation indicateddifferent expectations for medieval women, all the while revealing thatthey participated in the trends of education just as their malecounterparts. Caroline Walker Bynum, in her book Docere Verbo etExemplo, studied the differences between the spirituality of twelfth-century monks and canons. She discovered that texts written bycanons emphasized a concern to edify one's fellow neighbour by wordand by example. 'Canonical authors allowed a sense of responsibilityfor edification to coexist in their treatises with an emphasis on thecanon's own salvation (Bynum, 1979: 117). Monastic writers, however,did not express an awareness of 'a process of learning' (Bynum, 1979:181).

The same broad descriptions hold true for Herrad and Hildegard'sapproach. Like the Augustinian canons, Herrad turned to education inorder to reform and to train the souls of her students. Through readingthe Hortus, they would learn and develop their self-awareness andalong the way they would pray for Herrad's soul too. When one looks toHildegard's attitude to education one does not discover an articulatednotion of pedagogy. Hildegard looked to the outer perfection of thenun as representing her inner perfection. Her nuns did not becomemore knowing and wise about God through systematic training. TheRupertsberg liturgy made manifest their innate and essential virtue asvirgins. In Hildegard's view, the high-born virgins who made up hercommunity were perfect models of Christ's brides in their whitedresses and free flowing hair. To borrow Bernard of Clairvaux's words,the luminosity of their beauty reflected the very image of their minds.45

Although one might be tempted to postulate general similaritiesbetween these two women's approach to learning and mentoring, itcan be argued that their views of education reflect the religious ordersto which they belonged rather more than gendered affinities.46


Notes

1. English translation from Jaeger, 1994: 271. Original in Leclercq et al.,1958: II, 314: Cum autem decoris huius claritas abundantius intima cordisrepleverit, prodeat foras necesse est ... Porro efflugentem et velutiquibusdam suis radiis erumpentem mentis simulacrum corpus excipit, etdiffundit per membra et sensus, quatenus omnis inde reluceat actio, sermo,aspectus, incessus, risus ... Horum et aliorum profecto artuum sensuumquemotus, gestus et usus, cum appareuerit serius, purus, modestus ...pulchritudo animae palam erit.

2. Augustinian canons were not monks. They were priests who livedtogether, owning no private property but sharing their wealth in commonunder the Rule of Augustine.

3. English translation taken from Jaeger, 1994: 249. Original in Jocque andMilis, 1984: 106: In scolas diligenter instruendus est de inclinationibus, deincessu et statu, et omni gesto suo, et quomodo uestimenta sua in omniactione circa se coaptare debeat, et membra sua ordinate componere, oculosdemissos habere, submisse et non festinanter loqui, iuramenta non ...quomodo ad abbatem uel ceteros magistros suos loqui debeat, quomodo adfratres uel alios compares, et quomodo ad inferiores.

4. This would change considerably in the thirteenth century when morespecialized training in law, medicine and theology became the mainstayof the university - an institution which did not allow women entry(Ferrante, 1980: 17-18).

5. Double monasteries had great success in the seventh century, butafterwards their popularity declined until the twelfth century when theyenjoyed a renaissance (Ferrante, 1980: 15-17).

6. One may argue that these two examples are unusual in regard to femaleeducation because of the high calibre of learning at each house.Nonetheless, they provide useful comparisons to the level of learning atClairvaux and St Victor.

7. For her vita see Levinson, 1913: 24-50.8. Much of the material that we know about Jutta comes from her vita which

has recently been edited (Staab, 1992: 174-87) and translated intoEnglish (Silvas, 1998: 65-84).

9. I base this definition on the use of the term in Hildegard's vita. See note12 below.

10. Before Jutta's vita came to light, it was believed that Hildegard was immuredat the age of eight. However, the vita of Jutta indicates the date of 1November 1112 for Hildegard and Jutta's enclosure. See Silvas, 1998: 51-4for further discussion.

11. Translation from Silvas, 1998: 109-10. Original in Derolez, 1989: Ep. 38,374: Et dilatato mausolei sui ambitu puellas sub disciplina regulariscustodie nutriendas secum introduxit. Hac occasione sepulchrum illud priusfactum est quasi monasterium; sic tamen ut et sepulchri clausram nonamitterat et monasterii iam deinceps frequentiam optineret.

12. Translation from Silvas, 1998: 140. Original in Klaes, 1993: 7: Matreuenerabili, que iam ex discipula magistram ac preuiam semitarumexcellentium earn fieri cum admiratione cernebat. Flagrabat siquidem ineius pectore karitatis benignitas, que nullam a sua latitudine excluderet.Turrim quoque uirginitates murus tuebatur humilitatis: hinc cibi potusqueparsimonia uestium uilitate fouebatur, inde cordis tranquillitas pudibundasilentio ac uerborum parcitate monstrabatur, que omnia sanctarum monilia

102 Carolyn Muessig

uirtutum, summi fabricata manu artificis, patientia custos in sponsaChristi exornando seruabat.

13. Reading of the Psalms reveals the ability to read basic Latin.14. Klaes, 1993: 6: Ceterum prefer psalmorum simplicem noticiam nullam

litteratorie uel musice artis ab homine percepit doctrinam, quamuis eiusextent scripta non pauca et quaedam non exigua uolumina.

15. See also Beverly Kienzle (Chapter 7) for discussion regarding theRupertsberg liturgy.

16. Translation from Baird and Ehrman, 1994: 127. Original in Van Acker,1991: Ep. 52, 126: Virgines uidelicet uestras festis diebus psallendo solutiscrinibus in ecclesia stare, ipsasque pro ornamento candidis ac sericis utiuelaminibus pre longitudine superficiem terre tangentibus, coronas etiamauro contextas capitibus earum desuper impositas et his utraque parte etretro cruces insertas, in fronte autem agni figuram decenter impressam,insuper et digitos earundem aureis decorari anulis.

17. Translation from Baird and Ehrman, 1994: 129. Original in Van Acker,1991: Ep. 52R, 129: Ideo et discretio sit in hoc, ne diuersus populus inunum gregrem congregatus in superbia elationis et in ignominiadiuersitatis dissipetur, et precipue ne honestas morum ibi dirumpatur,cum se inuicem odio dilaniant, quando altior ordo super inferiorem cadit etquando inferior super altiorem ascendit, quia Deus discernit populum interra sicut et in celo uidelicet etiam angelos, archangelos, thronos,dominationes, cherubim, et seraphim discernans.

18. See Constant Mews, Chapter 14.19. Translation is from Jaeger, 1994: 177. Original in Hugh of St Victor, 1879:

col. 805: De tropologia nihil aliud in praesenti dicam quam, quod supradictum est, excepto quod ad earn magis rerum quam vocum significatiopertinere videtur. In ilia naturalis justitia est, ex qua disciplina morumnostrorum, id est positiva justitia nascitur. Contemplando quid fecerit Deus;quid nobis faciendum sit, agnoscimus. Omnis natura Deum loquitur. Omnisnatura hominen docet. Omnis natura rationem parit, et nihil in universitateinfecundum est.

20. Translation from Baird and Ehrman, 1994: 77. Original in Van Acker,1991: Ep. 23, 63: Quibus cum diligenter intendimus, recolimus qualiterhomo uocem uiuentis spiritus requisiuit, quam Adam per inobedientiamperdidit, qui ante transgressionem, adhuc innocens, non minimamsocietatem cum angelicarum laudum uocibus habeat ... Deus uero quianimas electorum luce ueritatis perfundens ad pristinam beatitudinemreseruat, ex suo hoc adinuenit consilio, ut quandoque corda quamplurimuminfusione prophetici spiritus innouaret, cuius interiore illuminatione aliquade scientia ilia recuperarent, quam Adam ante preuaricationis sueuindictam habuerat.

21. This comparable freedom had been recognized in the earliest religiouswoman associated with the Hohenburg, the eighth-century Merovingianprincess, St Odile. In the tenth-century vita of this canoness thehagiographer gives an account of St Odile speaking to her sisters. Sheasks them if they should be canonesses or nuns. Because the Hohenburgis located so high up on a mountain and the women often seek wateroutside of the walls of the convent, she argues that it would belogistically better to be canonesses since they can fetch water anytime.The implication is that nuns would be strictly enclosed and not able toget water when they needed it (Levinson, 1913: 24-50; and seeMcNamara, 1996: 176-7).


22. However, marriages of canonesses do not seem to have been a commonpractice nor were they readily accepted when they did occur (McNamara,1996: 191).

23. For discussion about the historical confusion of the identity of Relindesee Games, 1971: 138-9.

24. Translation from Caratzas, 1977: 248. Original in Green et al., 1979a:226: Rilinda, uenerabile Hohenburgensis ecclesie abbatissa tempore suoeiusdem ecclesie queque diruta diligenter restaurauit et religionem diuinaminibi pene destructam sapienter reformauit.

25. For further discussion see Lefevre, 1969: 366-9.26. My translation. Original in Green et al., 1979a: 227: Herrat Hohenbur-

gensis abbatissa post Rilindam ordinata ac monitis et exemplis eiusinstituta.

27. Space constraints do not allow discussion of the Hohenburg's strainedrelationship with the Benedictine Abbey of Ebersheimmunster whichretained the right to celebrate the Divine Office at Hohenburg forChristmas, Easter and Pentecost. See Uhry, 1967: 34; Green et al.,1979a: 11.

28. Some houses as far away as Bavaria and Austria used the customary(Green et al., 1979a: 11).

29. Manegold of Lautenbach is referred to by the anonymous author of Melkas the magister magistrorum (Chenu, 1968: 319).

30. Clerics who fell foul of abbesses were not always ready to follow thecommands of the fairer sex, especially in ecclesiastical matters. We haveevidence that Pope Honorius III (1216-27) had to order an abbot in thediocese of Halberstadt to comply with and obey the jurisdiction of theabbess of Quedlinberg (Torquebiau, 1942: 496). I am grateful to Jo AnnMcNamara for allowing me to read a pre-publication copy of her article'Consorts in Empire: Imperial Abbesses and Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction inthe Tenth and Eleventh Centuries'. This article underlines the uniquerole of canonesses in the medieval church.

31. Translation from Saxl, 1957: I, 245. Original in Isidore of Seville (1878),Etymologiae, col. 496: Taradisus' est locus in orientis partibus constitutus,cujus vocabulum ex Graeco in Latinum veritur 'hortus'; porro HebraiceEden dicitur, quod in nostra lingua deliciae interpretatur. Quod utrumquejunctum facit 'hortum delicarum'.

32. For her use of philosophical texts see Will, 1937: 527.33. Here is the list which she provides. The first term is given in Latin and

the corresponding German follows: 'Mare mortuum, leber mere; vadum,vurt; lacus, wac; padus, pfat; ister, tunowe; anasis, ense; licus, lech;rodanus, roten; renus, rin; mogus vel menus, moin; mosella, musela; mosa,mase; alba, elbe; nektar, nekir; athesis, etise; liger, Her, sigonia vel secona,sigene (Green et al., 1979b: 71). At different points in the Hortus, as here,Herrad supplies German equivalents for Latin terms.

34. For further details regarding Herrad's sources see Green et al., 1979a:43-59.

35. My translation. Original in Green et al., 1979b: 4: Herrat gratia DeiHohenburgensis ecclesie abbatissa licet indigna dulcissimis Christivirginibus in eadem ecclesia quasi in Christi vinea Domini fideliterlaborantibus, graciam et gloriam, quam dabit Dominus. Sanctitati vestreinsinuo, quod hunc librum qui intitulatur Hortus deliciarum ex diversissacre et philosophice scripture floribus quasi apicula Deo inspirantecomportavi et ad laudem et honorem Christi et Ecclesie, causaque dilectionis

104 Carolyn Muessig

vestre quasi in unum mellifluum favum compaginavi. Quapropter in ipsolibro oportet vos sedulo gratum querere pastum et mellitis sillicidiisanimum reficere lassum, ut sponsi blandiciis semper occupate et spiritalibusdeliciis saginate transitoria secure percurratis et eterna felici; jucunditatepossideatis, meque per varias marts semitas periculose gradientemfructuosis orationibus vestris a terrenis affectibus mitigatam unamvobiscum in amorem dilecti vestri sursum trahatis. Amen.

36. See also Bynum, 1979; 1982: 40-1. The Rule of Augustine is highlycontroversial in regard to its dating and authorship. For furtherdiscussion on the Rule, see Bynum, 1979: 7, note 4.

37. The images can be found in a number of reproductions. The mostaccessible is Green et al., 1979b: (504-5).

38. Translation from Caratzas, 1977: 248. Original in Green et al., 1979a:226: Rilindis Hohenburgensis congregationi, o pie grex, cui celica lex est,nulla doli fex: Ipse Syon Mons ad patriam pons, atque boni fons; Qui via,qui lux, est, hie tibi sit dux, alma tegat crux. Qui placidus casitatis ros quistabilis dos, virgineus flos Christus. Ille regat te grex commiserans me,semper ubique. Amen.

39. See Green et al., 1979b: (505) for image.40. Translation from Caratzas, 1977: 250. Original in Green et al., 1979a:

227: Congregatio religiosa temporibus, Rilindis et Herradis abbatissarumin Dei servicio in Hohenburc caritative adunata.

41. Translation from Caratzas, 1977: 250. Original in Green et al., 1979a:227: 0 nivei /lores, dantes virtutis odores, Semper divina pausantes intheoria, Pulvere terreno contempto currite celo, Que celo nunc absconsumvaleatis cernere sponsum.

42. The reforming Pope, Nicholas II (|1061), said as much: 'By ourauthority, obeying our predecessor, we order that all priests, deacons,and sub-deacons, who observe chastity, to have around the churches forwhich they are responsible, common sleeping and eating areas, and topossess in common all goods coming to them from the church insofar asit is necessary for clerics leading the religious life. By our prayers weexhort them to make every effort to live like the apostles, that is, acommon life, so that, having attained perfection, they merit inscription inthe heavenly homeland, with those who have already received ahundredfold/ Epistle of Pope Nicholas II as cited in Smith, 1953: II,466. The term hundredfold was associated with virgins. See Jerome,Commentarium in Evangelium Matthei, col. 92A.

43. See note 35 above for full citation.44. Translation from Baird and Ehrman, 1994: 144. Original in Van Acker,

1991: Ep. 64, 147: Amaui nobilitatem morum tuorum, et sapientiam etcastitatem, et tuam animam et omnem uitam tuam, ita quod multidixerunt:Quid fads?

45. See note 1 above.46. I am grateful to Michael Richardson and Hannah Lowery of the

University of Bristol Special Collections for their kind assistance. Iwould like to thank Paul Williams, Kevin Magill, Beverly Kienzle, Jo AnnMcNamara and George Ferzoco for their helpful comments.

9 Educating Heloise1

W. G. East

The correspondence ends with two very long letters ... They areby no means readable, and they are seldom read. They have nopersonal interest. They must have cost him much dreary toil.

(Southern, 1970: 101)

We know a great deal about the education of two major monasticfigures of the twelfth century, Abelard and Heloise. Abelard tells usabout his own education in the Historia calamitatum:2

My father had acquired some knowledge of letters before he wasa soldier, and later on his passion for learning was such that heintended all his sons to have instruction in letters before theywere trained in arms. His purpose was fulfilled. I was his first-born, and being specially dear to him had the greatest care takenover my education. (Radice, 1974: 57-8)

We believe that he was taught by the nominalist Jean Roscelin, thoughhe does not mention Roscelin in the Historia calamitatum, doubtlessbecause of Roscelin's condemnation in 1093 for denying the unity ofthe Trinity (Radice, 1974: 58, n. 1). He studied under William ofChampeaux and made a lifelong enemy of him (Radice, 1974: 58)before founding, at Melun, the first of several schools of his own(Radice, 1974: 59). Later, turning his attention from philosophy totheology, he studied under Anselm of Laon, again incurring histeacher's enmity (Radice, 1974: 62-4).

Abelard tells us much too about the education of his wife Heloise.She was already famous for her learning when Abelard was engaged asher tutor:

There was in Paris at the time a young girl named Heloise, theniece of Fulbert, one of the canons, and so much loved by himthat he had done everything in his power to advance hereducation in letters. (Radice, 1974: 66)

It is worth pointing out that this is a non sequitur; many men in thetwelfth century must have loved their daughters, or nieces, withoutseeing any need to make extraordinary provision for their education.Abelard never portrays Fulbert as being particularly far-sighted oradvanced in his views on women's education, but relates Fulbert'sconcern for Heloise's education in letters as casually and naturally ashe mentions his own father's concern for Abelard's education.Abelard tells us later in the Historia calamitatum that Heloise's early

106 W. G. East

education had been in the convent at Argenteuil (Radice, 1974: 74).Abelard was engaged as Heloise's tutor (Radice, 1974: 67). He does

not tell us exactly what course of study Heloise followed under him;presumably he taught her philosophy, since that was his specializationat that time. But he also took in hand her education sentimentale, andthis took up much of their time:

We were united, first under one roof, then in heart; and so withour lessons as a pretext we abandoned ourselves entirely to love.Her studies allowed us to withdraw in private, as love desired,and then with our books open before us, more words of love thanof our reading passed between us, and more kissing thanteaching. (Radice, 1974: 67)

The course of their affair and marriage, of Abelard's castration, andthe entry of both into the religious life are well-known events and havebeen studied in detail. But at a much later date, Abelard resumed hisinterest in Heloise's education. This came about through a requestfrom Heloise in a letter to Abelard:3

And so all we handmaids of Christ, who are your daughters inChrist, come as suppliants to demand of your paternal interesttwo things which we see to be very necessary for ourselves. Oneis that you will teach us how the order of nuns began and whatauthority there is for our profession. The other, that you willprescribe some Rule for us and write it down, a Rule which shallbe suitable for women, and also describe fully the manner andhabit of our way of life, which we find was never done by the holyFathers. (Radice, 1974: 159-60)

R.W. Southern has remarked that Abelard did what Heloise asked,and much more. Besides the requested Rule and history, To get thefull record of what Abelard did for Heloise, we must add about ahundred hymns, thirty-five sermons, and a substantial series ofsolutions to Heloise's theological problems' (Southern, 1970: 101). Ihave argued elsewhere for the inclusion of the half-dozen Planctuswhich Abelard wrote, which touch very closely on the state of mind ofHeloise and himself.4 This adds up to a very considerable oeuvre.Michael Clanchy has drawn our attention to this remarkablecontribution to monastic education, pointing out that Abelard wasthe greatest provider of devotional literature for nuns in the twelfthcentury. Considering all the work he put into his own monasticdevelopment, as well as the seventy thousand words he wrote forHeloise as a nun, it was, Clanchy thinks, ungenerous and mischievousof Bernard of Clairvaux, at the time of Abelard's prosecution for heresyin 1140, to say that there was nothing of the monk about him exceptthe name and the habit (Clanchy, 1997: 153). Clanchy goes on to quoteDavid Luscombe: 'I can think of no other monastic foundation of thosetimes of numerous new beginnings that was accompanied by so muchnew writing by a single friend or patron.'5

Educating Heloise 107

Two of the texts in this corpus, the History of Nuns6 and the Rule forNuns,7 have been rather neglected. David Luscombe has observed thattheir correspondence concludes with three letters (5, 6, and 7 withAbelard's Rule for Heloise and her nuns at the Paraclete) which arealmost entirely concerned with problems to do with female monasti-cism. He recalls that Southern once described these letters as 'by nomeans readable' and 'seldom read' (Southern, 1970: 101). He wasright, Luscombe thinks, to say that they are seldom read; in thePenguin Classics translation of Letter 6, the late Betty Radicesummarized merely in three pages what takes up more than thirtycolumns in the Patrologia Latina (Luscombe, 1997: 101).

This Letter 6 was Abelard's history of female monasticism. TheLatin text is edited by Muckle (1955) and for those who require it,there is a somewhat quaint earlier translation by C.K. Scott Moncrieff(1925: 105-42). Betty Radice, in choosing merely to summarize it,says: To us it seems prolix and not very logical in the arrangement ofthe many examples of the specially favoured position of womenamongst the followers of Christ and in the early Church' (Radice, 1974:180). In fact, the letter is a sustained and remarkable defence of thedignity of women. It has been ably studied by Mary MartinMcLaughlin, who regards it as 'the fullest, if not the most extreme,statement of what may not unreasonably be called an "evangelicalfeminism" ' (McLaughlin, 1975: 304). Far from agreeing with Southernthat these and the other late letters 'have no personal interest'(Southern, 1970: 101), she observes that what makes this letter, inLeclercq's words, so 'new', so 'personal', indeed, 'unique in medievalliterature', is the force and direction of the argument that derives itsspecial power from the firmness of its foundation in the teachings andactions of Christ and their Gospel sources.8

The ministry of women is said several times to be higher than thatof men. Jesus often ministered to his disciples, but he allowed onlywomen to minister to himself (Scott Moncrieff, 1925: 108). Only awoman was allowed to anoint him: 'Perpend therefore the dignity ofwoman, from whom when He was alive Christ, being twice anointed, towit both on the head and on the feet, received the sacraments ofKingship and Priesthood' (Scott Moncrieff, 1925: 109). The Latinreads: regis et sacerdotis suscepit sacramenta (Muckle, 1955: 255).Abelard was writing while the definition of the word 'sacramentum' wasstill somewhat vague, and before the definitive list of the sevensacraments had been drawn up by Peter Lombard. Kingship would notin later times be regarded as a sacrament; but Abelard is still making apowerful claim for the ability of women, in some circumstances and insome sense, to confer the sacraments. He observes in passing, 'attimes women may presume to baptise' (Scott Moncrieff, 1925: 108).

Abelard is careful not to claim any hierarchical position for thewoman, but seems to recognize a parallel ministry, we might say acharismatic ministry, alongside the ordained ministry: The humblewoman ... performs these sacraments before Christ, not by the office

108 W. G. East

of prelation but by the zeal of devotion' (Scott Moncrieff, 1925: 109).This ministry is highly acceptable to Jesus: nowhere, says Abelard, 'dowe read of the services of any other person whatsoever, that suchcommendation was given by the Lord or such sanction' (ScottMoncrieff, 1925: 110).

The ministry of women was constituted by Christ and is in somerespects superior to that of men. The Lord Himself also, appearingfirst to Mary Magdalene, says to her: "Go to my brethren, and say untothem, I ascend unto my father." From which we gather that these holywomen were constituted as it were female Apostles over the Apostles'(Scott Moncrieff, 1925: 113).9

For Abelard, Mary Magdalene, the woman who anointed Christ andwas the first witness to his Resurrection, is a figure of somesignificance as providing a role model for Heloise.10 His wife did not fiteasily into any of the standard categories of Christian women. She wasobviously not a virgin, nor was she a widow; she was not a 'godlymatron' caring for her husband and family. She was a nun, an abbess,and yet a nun with a husband still living, and a child, and a highly activesexual past which still lingered in her memory:

In my case, the pleasures of lovers which we shared have beentoo sweet - they can never displease me, and can scarcely bebanished from my thoughts. Wherever I turn they are alwaysthere before my eyes, bringing with them awakened longings andfantasies which will not even let me sleep. Even during thecelebration of the Mass, when our prayers should be purer, lewdvisions of those pleasures take such a hold upon my unhappy soulthat my thoughts are on their wantonness instead of on prayers. Ishould be groaning over the sins I have committed, but I can onlysigh for what I have lost.11

Mary Magdalene provided a figure of a woman with a vivid sexual past,a 'peccatrix' (Luke 7:37, 39) who had nevertheless been called to thehighest dignity, to minister to and bear witness to Christ himself.Abelard uses the figure to raise Heloise's self-esteem, to invite her tocontemplate her own dignity and that of her sex, to encourage her toemulate the sanctity of the Magdalene. Perhaps not surprisingly, MaryMagdalene appears several times in Abelard's writings for Heloise.She has two hymns devoted to her feast-day in the ParacleteHymnary,12 and provides most of the substance for a hymn for thecommon of holy women (Hymn 127, Szoverffy, 1975: II, 262).

Abelard's Rule for religious women is no less fascinating than hisHistoria. Heloise had asked Abelard for the Rule because: 'At presentthe one Rule of St Benedict is professed in the Latin Church by womenequally with men, although, as it was clearly written by men alone, itcan only be fully obeyed by men' (Radice, 1974: 160). She points outthat, as everybody knows, it is practically impossible for a woman toget drunk. She cites Macrobius and Aristotle as authorities for thisstatement. The reason is that women's bodies have more holes than


men's: Through these holes the fumes of wine are quickly released'(Radice, 1974: 166). That being so, was there any chance of a littlemore wine in the daily allowance? A bit more meat would also bewelcomed; not the thing for monks, of course, but harmless andnecessary to support the infirmity of the weaker sex. She also fanciedwearing linen next to the skin, like Augustinian canons, not the roughcloth worn by monks (Radice, 1974: 165). Abelard may have had thisrequest in mind when he made provision for the burial of nuns:

The body of the dead woman must then be washed at once by thesisters, clad in some cheap but clean garment and stockings, andlaid on a bier, the head covered by the veil ... The burial of anabbess13 shall have only one feature to distinguish it from that ofothers: her entire body shall be wrapped only in a hair-shirt andsewn up in this as in a sack. (Radice, 1974: 216-17)

Heloise wrote a Rule of her own14 which differed from Abelard's in anumber of respects. It is instructive to compare the two texts. Heloisespecifies that the nuns are to eat pure wheat bread, whereas Abelardhad laid down that coarse grains should be mixed with the wheat.Abelard had kept the nuns firmly within the cloister; Heloise allowsthem to go outside for necessary business. Most significantly, in orderto provide the priests and deacons necessary for the services, Abelardhad envisaged a double monastery, ruled over by a male superior. InHeloise's Rule, the abbess is in charge of the monks serving theconvent; nobody is superior to the abbess.

No doubt one is right to detect an element of banter in these twodocuments. Abelard and Heloise were to some extent playing gamesrather than devising Rules seriously intended for use in a real convent.The Rule actually put into use at the Paraclete seems to have owedvery little to Abelard, or indeed to Heloise; it appears to have beenbased on Cistercian customs.15 And yet there is a more seriousintention than mere banter in Abelard's Rule. Mary Martin McLaughlinregards it as a work that was meant from the first as far more than 'akind of institute or rule', and one whose implications may in the endhave outrun its author's intentions. What he proposed, McLaughlinthinks, was something much closer to a 'mirror' of monasticperfection, a 'treatise of instruction' and exhortation aimed, if wemay judge by its content, at translating into reality a highly personalvision of the monastic ideal' (McLaughlin, 1975: 318). She notes theextraordinary amount of learning that Abelard pours into the treatise,observing that 'the remarkable breadth of scriptural and monasticlearning there deployed for the edification of Heloise and her nunsfurther underscores Abelard's didactic and exhortatory, rather thanmerely regulatory, purposes' (McLaughlin, 1975: 319).

The Hymnary which Abelard wrote for the Paraclete, a collection of133 hymns to accompany the daily office, is one of the glories ofmedieval Latin literature. It is a significant contribution to a tradition,begun as far as the West is concerned by Ambrose, of using the liturgy

110 W. G. East

as a medium for teaching Christian doctrine, by composing hymnsreplete with scriptural and doctrinal references. Abelard cared deeplyabout the quality of the liturgy which Heloise and her nuns celebrated.He gave very precise directions for its performance in his Rule:

None of the nuns may be absent from the Canonical Hours, but assoon as the bell is rung, everything must be put down and eachsister go quickly, with modest gait, to the divine office ... Thepsalms should be repeated clearly and distinctly so as to beunderstood, and any chanting or singing must be pitched so thatanyone with a weak voice can sustain the note. (Radice, 1974:220)

When Abelard believed his life to be in danger, he instructedHeloise to insert special prayers for him into the liturgy of theParaclete (Radice, 1974: 124-5); furthermore, if he should bedelivered into the hands of his enemies and killed, he wished to beburied at the Paraclete, where, as he says, 'our sisters in Christ maysee my tomb more often and thereby be encouraged to pour out theirprayers more fully to the Lord on my behalf (Radice, 1974: 125). Hemay therefore be said to have staked his life, and indeed his salvation,on the efficacy of the liturgy at the Paraclete, and in his Hymnary hedid his best to enhance and inform that liturgy. It may be that, inpractice, Heloise did not use the Hymnary for that purpose.16 Perhapsthe hymns were, after all, too personal for communal use, but they arenot on that account any less remarkable a literary achievement.

The hymns are an education in themselves through their frequentliterary references. They allude to previous hymns such as those ofAmbrose (Hymn 1, Szoverffy, 1975: II, 15), Prudentius (Szoverffy,1975: II, 12, 44, 83, 95, 103) or Venantius Fortunatus (Hymn 26,Szoverffy, 1975: II, 71-2); frequently they allude to Abelard's otherwritings;17 very often they allude to the Bible.18 The Hymn for the HolyInnocents, according to Szoverffy, contains the only known insertion inLatin hymnody of an anecdote recorded in the Saturnalia by Macrobius(Hymn 102, Szoverffy, 1975: II, 212). The Hymn for the Epiphanyderives from Orosius (Hymn 34, Szoverffy, 1975: II, 92). A number ofhymns allude to the Physiologus (Szoverffy, 1975: I, 106-7).

In a recent article I have pointed out an allusion (previouslyunnoticed, I think) in one of the hymns to a sermon by the VenerableBede.19 In the same article I also examine Hymn 6, Ornarunt terramgermina (Szoverffy, 1975: II, 27). This hymn contrasts the natural skyunder which the poor man sleeps with the painted sky, or ceiling, ofthe rich man. Most of the references in this poem are scriptural, butAbelard slips in the word testudo. This word has classical rather thanscriptural connotations. Literally 'a tortoise' and hence a tortoise-shell,it can be used of the shield-wall formed by Roman soldiers,20 or of thedomed vault of a Roman building. In Virgil's Aeneid (I: 505) Dido takesher seat media testudine templi, i.e. under the central dome of thetemple. Actually, Dido's temple is the locus classicus for splendid


painted buildings, for its walls (though not its ceiling) were paintedwith the story of the defeat of Troy (Virgil, Aeneid I: 452-93). We maymarvel how, with a single word, Abelard can evoke a fabulous world ofartifice and splendour, in contrast to the simple, 'real', world of thepoor man.

Abelard's Easter hymns have been memorably described by PeterDronke as 'an exuberant series of rondeaux - our first examples of thelyrical strophe with internal refrain, which Abelard may even haveinvented' (Dronke, 1968: 52). Interestingly, they present a traditionalview of the Atonement as the victory by Christ ('Christus Victor') overthe Devil, a view which can be traced back to Venantius Fortunatus,and before him to Gregory the Great, Leo the Great, Augustine, Hilaryof Poitiers, Irenaeus of Lyons and the Latin Fathers generally.Elsewhere, in his commentary on the Letter to the Romans, Abelardcriticized this view, in terms like those of Anselm of Canterbury in hisCur Deus Homo:

What right to possess mankind could the devil possibly haveunless perhaps he had received man for purposes of torturethrough the express permission, or even the assignment, of theLord? (Fairweather, 1956: 281)

Anselm had suggested seeing the Atonement in terms of satisfactionoffered to God, rather than of ransom offered to the Devil. Abelard, inhis commentary on Romans, thought in more subjective terms of thecrucifixion as an example:

Now it seems to us that we have been justified by the blood ofChrist and reconciled to God in this way: through this unique actof grace manifested to us - in that his Son has taken upon himselfour nature and persevered therein in teaching us by word andexample even unto death - he has more fully bound us to himselfby love; with the result that our hearts should be enkindled bysuch a gift of divine grace, and true charity should not now shrinkfrom enduring anything for him. (Fairweather, 1956: 282)

In these hymns, however, Abelard uses the traditional images ofvictory over the Devil. Perhaps the poetic images were too good to bemissed, or the pull of the traditional liturgy and exegesis too strong tobe resisted.21 So Abelard writes (Hymn 28, In Paschale Domini,Szoverffy, 1975: II, 127): 'Christiani, plaudite, / Resurrexit Dominus, /Victo mortis principe Christus imperat, / Victori occurrite, / Qui nosliberal - 'Christians applaud, the Lord is risen. The Prince of Deathhas been conquered.' (Such is the title given to the Devil in the Latin Bversion of the Acts of Pilate (James, 1924: 127); 'Christ rules', asSzoverffy notes, is 'reminiscent of the liturgical acclamation: "Christusvincit, Christus regnat, Christus imperat"' (Szoverffy, 1975: II, 127).)'Run to the victor, who frees us.'

The third stanza begins with a particularly striking reference to thisview of the atonement: 'Fraus in hamo fallitur' - 'Deceit is deceived by

112 W. G. East

the fish-hook/ (Szoverffy, 1975: II, 128). Szoverffy provides numerousparallels in his note; the ultimate source is Job 40:20, 'An extraherepoteris Leviathan harno?' - 'Can you pull up Leviathan with a fish-hook?' Rufinus of Aquileia seems to have been the first of many tomake the comparison with the divine fishhook surrounded by humanflesh as bait for the Devil (cf. Bettenson, 1943: 127). Szoverffy mightalso have mentioned the line of Venantius Fortunatus, 'multiformisperditoris arte ut artem falleret'22 - 'that the manifold deceiver's art byart might be outweighed'.23

Abelard seems to have retained throughout his life an affection forhis parents and his hometown, Le Pallet on the borders of Brittany.The Latin name of the town was Palatium, Talace', and Abelard wascommonly referred to as Peripateticus Palatinus, the peripatetic fromLe Pallet. It is remarkable that in his hymns Abelard often usesPalatium virtually as a synonym for heaven. Thus in his hymn forSunday Vespers he writes, 'Ingressus proprium / dehinc palatium'(Hymn 16, 6:1-2; Szoverffy, 1975: II, 55) - 'entering then into his ownpalace' - referring to Jerusalem, the Temple and to Heaven itself. Inhis famous hymn for Saturday Vespers he asks, 'Quis rex, quae curia,quale palatiumT (Hymn 29, 3:1-2; Szoverffy, 1975: II, 77). In J.M.Neale's familiar translation, 'What are the monarch, his court, and histhrone?'; except that palatium is not the king's throne, but his palace.In his hymn for the first nocturn on Ascension Day, Abelard describesChrist as ascending 'Ad paternum palatium', 'to his father's palatium'(Hymn 62, 2:1; Szoverffy, 1975: II, 134). In his hymn for the secondnocturn on Christmas Day he writes: 'Excipitur / vili tugurio / Quipraesidet / coeli palatio' - 'He who presides over the palatium ofheaven, is caught in a lowly hut' (Hymn 31, 2:1-4; Szoverffy, 1975: II,85). Once again we may marvel at Abelard's ability to evoke a wholeworld in a single word, for a tugurium is the shepherd's cottage ofVirgil's first Eclogue:24 not so inappropriate a birthplace for the GoodShepherd.

The Letter to the Hebrews sets forth the idea of Heaven as our truehomeland:

These all died in faith, not having received what was promised,but having seen it and greeted it from afar, and havingacknowledged that they were strangers and exiles on the earth.For people who speak thus make it clear that they are seeking ahomeland. If they had been thinking of that land from which theyhad gone out, they would have had opportunity to return. But as itis, they desire a better country, that is, a heavenly one. (Hebrews11:13-16)

This became a commonplace in Christian literature. One thinks ofthe last lines of Aquinas's Corpus Christi hymn, 'Qui vitam sinetermino / Nobis donet in patria'25 - '0 grant us life that shall not end /in our true native land with thee.' I am not aware that Aquinasseriously thought of heaven as a celestial Roccasecca; Abelard,


however, seems to have thought of Heaven as just like Le Pallet, onlynicer. Abelard wrote frequently of exile from the heavenly Palatium,but nowhere more poignantly than in his hymn 0 Quanta Qualia(Hymn 29, Szoverffy, 1975: II, 77-8) which Frederick Brittain hasdescribed as 'one of the most beautiful and also one of the mostpathetic of medieval poems, with the sad story of Abelard's life as itsundertone' (Brittain, 1962: xxix): 'Nostrum est interim / mentem erigere/ Et totis patriam / votis appetere / Et ad Jerusalem / a Babylonia / Postlonga regredi / tandem exsilid* - it is up to us in the meantime to raiseour minds and with all our desire to seek the fatherland, and to returnat last from Babylon to Jerusalem, after our long exile/ Abelard wasraising Heloise's mind to Heaven by means of images that were, on theone hand, scriptural, traditional and liturgical, but on the other handalso entirely personal. After all, Heloise had spent the happiest days ofher life in Le Pallet; it was there that Abelard had taken her after theirmarriage, and there that she had given birth to their son, Astralabe.

Perhaps not surprisingly, we find the combination of Christiandoctrine and personal reference most markedly in Abelard's hymns forholy women. In Hymn 125 (Szoverffy, 1975: II, 259), for the secondnocturn of feasts of holy women, he writes: 'lephte nata /victoris inproprium / Patris dextram / animavit iugulum' - The daughter ofJephtha urged on the right hand of her victorious father [to cut] herown throat/ The story of Jephtha and his daughter is told in Judges11:29-40. Jephtha made a vow to God that, if He would deliver theAmmonites into Jephtha's hands, he would sacrifice the first person tomeet him on his return home. Having defeated the Ammonites,Jephtha returned home and was met by his daughter. The girl hadconsented to be offered in sacrifice, in accordance with the terms ofher father's vow. The following hymn (Szoverffy, 1975: II, 259), for thethird nocturn of the same set of feasts, also refers to Jephtha'sdaughter: 'Si cum viris / feminas contenders / De virtute / liceatconstantiae, / Quis virorum / mentis fortitudine / Adaequari / possitlephte filiae,/ Quae ne voti / pater reus sit, / Se victimam / patripraebuit!' - 'If it is permissible for women to contend with men in thevirtue of constancy, which of men could equal in fortitude of mind thedaughter of Jephtha, who, lest her father should be guilty of breaking avow, offered herself as a victim to her father?'

The figure of Jephtha's daughter was evidently of some importanceto Abelard, for he mentions her also in a letter to Heloise (Radice,1974: 125), in his History of Religious Women (Scott Moncrieff, 1925:128) and in one of his Planctus (Vecchi, 1951: 48ff). I have discussedelsewhere26 the significance of Jephtha's daughter to Abelard, relatingher sacrifice to that of Heloise, following the remark of Southern that'Abelard killed Heloise and she willingly made the sacrifice of her life'(Southern, 1970: 94). I have noted that nothing is said in the Bibleabout the way in which Jephtha killed his daughter: The frequentmention of cutting her throat is perhaps intended to reinforce theimage of sacrifice, the girl being put to death like a sacrificial lamb'

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(East, 1997: 56). These poems acknowledge the great sacrifice Heloisehad made for Abelard. They are perhaps as near as he came to saying'Sorry'.

The Hymn for Lauds on the feasts of holy women (Hymn 127,Szoverffy, 1975: II, 262-3) tells two stories of Mary Magdalene.27 Interms very like those used in his History of Religious Women, Abelardcelebrates her as anointing the feet of Christ, conferring upon him the'sacraments' of priesthood and kingship: 'Christi pedes / capit unguensmulier, / Christum eum / fecit corporaliter; / Sacerdotis / et regismysteria / Suscepisse / constant hunc a femina, / Et qui eum / sexuspeperit, / Sacramenta / quoque tradidif - The woman takes the feet ofChrist and anoints them. She made him bodily the Christ [i.e. 'theAnointed One']. The mysteries of priest and king allow him to receivethemselves from a woman, and the sex which brought him forth alsoconferred the sacraments upon him.'

The next stanza (Szoverffy, 1975: II, 263), again in termsreminiscent of the History of Religious Women, refers to MaryMagdalene as the first witness to Christ's Resurrection: 'Et sepulto /ferens hie aromata / Resurgentis / prius vidit gaudia' - 'And now,carrying spices to the buried one, she is the first to see the joys of therising one.'

Having in this hymn dealt with the Magdalene as anointer of Christand witness to his resurrection, in his two hymns for the feast of MaryMagdalene Abelard presents her as the type of the repentant sinner,the 'peccatrix'. Central to Hymn 128 is the interiority of theMagdalene's repentance. Paraphrasing Psalm 50(51): 18-19, Abelardwrites (Szoverffy, 1975: II, 264-5): 'Cor contritum/ tribulatus spiritus/Holocaustis / gratius est omnibus' - 'A contrite heart, a troubled spirit,is more acceptable than all burnt sacrifices.' The rest of the hymncontrasts the external ('forts9) observances of the Old Testament withthe interior ('intus') dispositions of the New, the old 'falsitas' with thenew 'veritas', the old 'umbra corporis' with the new 'corpus'. TheMagdalene is strikingly described as 'felix meretrix', the 'happy harlot'.By her tears she obtained instant forgiveness ('statim indulgentia').

The second hymn for Mary Magdalene's feast is described bySzoverffy as 'one of Abelard's most intriguing hymns from the point ofview of interpretation' (Szoverffy, 1975: II, 266). Taking up the idea of'instant forgiveness' from the previous hymn, Abelard contrasts thiswith the severe penitential disciplines of the Church (Szoverffy, 1975:II, 266-7): 'Poenitentum / severa correptio / Et eorum / longa satisfactio/ Crebris carnem / edomant ieiuniis / Asperisque / cruciant cilciis [sic.Sc. ciliciis]' - 'The severe reproof of penitents, and their long period ofsatisfaction, overcome the flesh with cruel fasts, and torture it withharsh hair-shirts.' Szoverffy comments perceptively that this isobviously a 'criticism' of the practice, but wonders if it was promptedby Abelard's own experiences and if so, if it expresses his personalbitterness over his own treatment. He is inclined to believe that this isthe correct explanation, but in the absence of any positive indication,


thinks this must remain hypothetical (Szoverffy, 1975: II, 266).Perhaps so, but it is very much in keeping with the 'subjective' styleof Abelard to intertwine his own and Heloise's experiences with hisexposition of Christian doctrine.

Throughout the hymns, and indeed throughout the 'seventythousand words' which Abelard wrote for Heloise, he seeks not onlyto educate her, in the sense of informing her intellect, but to edify her,in the sense of building her up, raising her spirits and her self-esteem,opening her mind to appreciate her own dignity and that of her sex.These seventy thousand words form a corpus of the first importance inthe history of monastic education and of women's education. DespiteR.W. Southern's observations, none of these texts has the appearanceof 'dreary toil'; rather, they present themselves as a labour of love.They are by no means 'unreadable', and it is time that they were morewidely read.

Notes

1. My title might seem to suggest reliance on McNamer, 1991. In fact thebook is quite unscholarly; one finds references to Taterlogia Latina' (p.97) and 'Augustus' for Augustine (p. 180) and many other egregiouserrors. McNamer does provide a translation of the Problemata of Heloisebut, caveat lectori

2. Muckle, 1950: 163-213; translation by Radice, 1974.3. Muckle, 1955: 240-81; translation in Radice, 1974.4. East, 1997: 43-59. The Planctus have been edited by Vecchi, 1951.5. Clanchy, 1997: 257, quoting Luscombe, 1997: 9.6. Text in Muckle, 1955; briefly summarized in Radice, 1974: 180-2.7. McLaughlin, 1956: 241-92. Translation in Radice, 1974: 183-269.8. McLaughlin, 1975: 295. The reference is to Leclercq, 1962: 172.9. Quasi apostolas super apostolos constitutas\ Muckle, 1955: 258. Katherine

Ludwig Jansen has noted other writers who refer to Mary Magdalene inthese terms, and has identified a liturgical antiphon, 0 ApostolorumApostola. See Jansen, 1998.

10. On Mary Magdalene as a feminine role model see Blamires, 1997,especially Chapter 8: The Formal Case in Abelard, Chaucer, Christinede Pizan', 199ff.

11. Radice, 1974: 133. Latin text in Muckle, 1953: 47-94; this quotation, 80-1.

12. Szoverffy, 1975: Hymns 128 and 129 (II: 264-9).13. Heloise was the abbess.14. It is printed with the works of Abelard in PL 178, col. 313-26. As with all

the works of Abelard and Heloise, it is difficult to date with precision;one assumes it is later than Abelard's Rule, since she would hardlycomplain to him that no rule for women then existed, if she had alreadywritten her own.

15. See the work done by Waddell, 1983-85; 1987; 1989.16. Ibid.17. See the Index Bibliographicus in Szoverffy, 1975: II, 283-90.18. See the Index Biblicus in Szoverffy, 1975: II, 279-82.

116 W. G. East

19. East, 1999: 41-9. The hymn is number 39 in Szoverffy, 1975: II, 101.20. See the instances in Livy, Caesar and Tacitus listed in Lewis and Short,

1896.21. It is not possible to speak of Abelard changing his mind from one point of

view to the other, for we cannot date either the Commentary on Romansor the Hymnary with any precision. Buytaert discusses the dating of theCommentary at some length and observes: 'We must conclude that theCommentary was redacted not later than 1137' (Buytaert, 1969: 37).Szoverffy says of the hymns: 'It should be noted here that the date oftheir composition cannot be ascertained, but they probably belong to alater period of Abelard's life than most scholars would be willing toassume' (Szoverffy, 1975:1, 19). Nor can we have any idea how long theideas in either the Commentary or the Hymnary had been forming inAbelard's mind. What is certain is that the traditional view of theatonement had been attacked by St Anselm in his Cur Deus Homo (1097),long before Abelard had turned his mind to theological issues.

22. Venantius Fortunatus, Pange, Lingua, quoted from Raby, 1924: 90.23. Translation in Dearmer, 1906: no. 95.24. Virgil, Eclogue I, 68; in Mynors, 1969: 3.25. Thomas Aquinas, 'Verbum supernum prodiens', in Dreves and Blume,

1886-1922: I, no. 388, p. 588.26. East, 1997: 54ff. See also Alexiou and Dronke, 1971: 819-63.27. On Mary Magdalene hymns see Szoverffy, 1963: 79-146; Fiinten, 1966.

10 The role of images inmonastic education: theevidence from wall paintingin late medieval England

Miriam Gill

For medieval apologists and modern art historians alike, probably themost famous justification of religious art is that offered by Gregory theGreat: 'What writing does for the literate, a picture does for theilliterate looking at it, because the ignorant see in it what they ought todo, those who do not know letters read it' (Duggan, 1989: 227).Gregory's proposed parity of words and images as sources ofinformation is problematic (Camille, 1985: 26-49; Duggan, 1989:227-51). However, his statement describes the basic role ofmonumental art in late medieval parish churches, where literacy couldnot be presumed and books were scarce.

However, as Bernard of Clairvaux implied in his Apologia of c.1125,the Gregorian formula did not justify monastic art (Rudolph, 1990b:10-12, 39, 51). Bernard argued such art threatened monasticenclosure by attracting pilgrims and that violent and worldly imagesdistracted monks from reading and meditation (Rudolph, 1990b: 52,111, 120). Bernard's catalogue of unsuitable subjects found in thecloister - 'filthy apes ... fierce lions ... monstrous centaurs ...creatures part man and part beast ... striped tigers ... fightingsoldiers and hunters blowing horns' (Rudolph, 1990b: 11) - is echoedin the introduction to the English typological work, Pictor in Carmine(James, 1951: 141; Park, 1986: 199-200). The attack on distractingexternal imagery was also closely connected to the spiritual ideal ofimageless devotion (Hamburger, 1990: 4). Monastic suspicion ofimages found its most striking expression in the visual austerity of theearly Cistercians (Park, 1986: 197).

However, in the same period, another tradition emerged exempli-fied by Abbot Suger of St Denis (|1151), who created and championeda distinctively monastic art 'accessible only to the litterati' (Rudolph,1990a: 73; 1990b: 108). Suger stressed two concepts central to thejustification of monastic art: that material images led to immaterial

118 Miriam Gill

things (Rudolph, 1990a: 57, 70) and that the exegetical function of artwas an extension of monastic lectio (Rudolph, 1990a: 71). The first ideawas developed in Rhineland convents in the thirteenth century, whereart gained acceptance as an aid to mystical experience (Hamburger,1990: 3). The second idea found expression in complex typologicalschemes accompanied by Latin inscriptions, such as those in theChapter House at Worcester (c. 1160-70), in late twelfth-century glassat Canterbury Cathedral, on the choir stalls at Peterborough (c.1233-45) and at Bury St Edmunds (Sandier, 1974: 110-15; Henry, 1990: 31-2, 35-41, 44, 71-3).

In this Chapter I use wall painting to explore the didactic function ofmonumental monastic art in England from c.1300 to the Dissolution.Three specific areas will be examined: the role of murals in educationfor the monastic life; the visual interpretation of monastic space andactivity; and the role of the monastery in the visual education of thelaity. While this paper focuses on monumental painting, the importantand in many instances parallel role of stained glass and monumentalsculpture should be remembered.

Any study of monastic wall painting in England faces problems.While not usually subject to violent iconoclasm, murals are intrinsicallyvulnerable to the ruin and radical alteration which befell most Englishreligious houses after the Dissolution. For this reason, a largeproportion of the surviving corpus comes from Benedictine abbeysadopted as cathedrals or parish churches. Almost no late medievalconvent painting survives, although some early sixteenth-centurysacred heraldry is recorded in a building associated with the Cistercianconvent at Hampole in Yorkshire (Whiting, 1938-39: 206). This loss isparticularly regrettable, given the remarkable mural expressions ofbridal mysticism in convents at Goss in Austria (c. 1283-85) andChelmno in Poland (mid-fourteenth century) (Hamburger, 1990: 53,85-6). While attitudes to religious art among the Cistercians appear tohave softened considerably in this later period (Park, 1986: 198-9),the fragmentary corpus may obscure the persistence of distinctionsbetween the orders.

Some polychromy - painted decoration - in monastic buildingsrepresents the encroachment of lay patronage and concerns. Forexample, the simple Crucifixions and Marian subjects on the northarcade of St Albans Abbey appear to chart the gradual advance of sidealtars patronized by the laity from the west end to the east betweenc.1230 and c.1320 (Binski, 1992: 256-71). The Capella ante Portas atHailes Abbey (Cistercian) in Gloucestershire includes many apparentlysecular subjects, such as grotesques, heraldry and hunting (c. 1320-40)(Park, 1986: 200-4). These instances raise the question of howmonastic and parochial art are best distinguished.

Not all surviving monastic polychromy is didactic. Some is simplydecorative, while other schemes perform a specific liturgical function,for example accompanying an altar, as at Wimborne Minster in Dorset(Royal Commission on Historical Monuments, 1975: frontispiece). It is

The role of images: wall painting 119

sometimes difficult to distinguish between images with a didactic and adevotional function. The saintly monks identified by inscriptionspainted around the altar of St Jerome and St Benedict in DurhamCathedral were surely intended to inspire emulation as well asdevotion (Fowler, 1903: 120-1). These problems of categorizationemphasize that monastic education was preparation for living thereligious life rather than a mental exercise in acquiring knowledge. Itembraced the emotions, imagination and will, and constituted acontinuous process of rediscovery and remembrance in which thewhole community was involved.

Finally there is the question of how we assess the contribution ofdidactic images. As a permanent fixture, a mural works in a differentway from a treatise. To use Gregory's metaphor, it is a book which isalways open, but most of the time it may be the visual equivalent of'background noise'. While the educational careers and reading habitsof monks can sometimes be reconstructed, the use of monumental artleaves few records. An anonymous late-thirteenth-century Italiantreatise exhorts the young monk, who may find no model of holinessamong his fellows, to study the saints depicted on the walls of thechurch (Leclercq, 1957: 398), but we cannot judge how much such anideal influenced practice. Like the monastic routine or liturgy, imageswere pervasive, but their full didactic potential might only be realizedin individual moments of engagement, perhaps prompted by preaching.Several of Bishop Thomas Brinton's (|1389) sermons to the monks atRochester Cathedral (Benedictine) referred to the Wheel of Fortunewhich was painted in the choir (mid-thirteenth-century) (Devlin, 1954:I, 10, 99, 154).

Education for monastic life

Despite the fragmentary corpus of paintings and frequent absence ofwritten evidence, it is possible to identify a variety of ways in whichmurals could contribute to education for the monastic life. One of themost striking is the emotional moment of personal engagementdescribed in the Testament of John Lydgate. A wayward youth, Lydgatewas not reformed by entering the monastery.

His holy rewle was onto me rad,And expouned in ful notable wyse,Be vertuous men, religious and sad,Ful weel experte, discrete, prudent, and wysOf observaunces of many gostly empryse;I herd all weel, but towchyng to the dede,Of that thei taught I toke litel hede!

Which now remembrying in my later age,Tyme of my childhode, as I reherse shall,Wythinne .x.v holdyng my passage,

120 Miriam Gill

Myd of a cloyster, depicte vpon a wall,I savgh a crucifyx, whos woundes were not smalle,With this [word] 'vide', wrete there besyde,'Behold my mekenesse, 0 child, and leve thy pryde.'

(MacCracken, 1911: verses 91 and 99: 354, 356)1

Lydgate thus credits a graphic image, accompanied by the exhortationto look, with effecting a change of heart which hearing the Rule hadfailed to achieve. The inscription transformed the familiar image of theCrucifixion into a teaching device by associating it with the cardinalsin, Pride, and the root of the virtues, Humility.2 The direct addressenhanced the emotive power of the image and invited the viewer torespond like Lydgate with repentance and amendment.

This combination of devotional imagery and appeal poetry was notunique. Two related Latin appeal poems beginning Ascipe are recordedat Hatfield parish church in Yorkshire and the chantry of Abbot Islip(f 1532) in Westminster Abbey (Benedictine), probably on the east wallof the upper chapel (BL, Lansdowne 897: fol. 152r; Weever, 1631: 488,CVX; Palmer, 1990: 106).3 All these poems related to Passion imagery.For example, that at Westminster accompanied a Crucifixionsurrounded by the Arma Christi (Weever, 1631: 488). The visualeffect of these verses and images was probably not dissimilar to thecombination of vigorous line-drawings and vernacular devotionalpoetry found in the Carthusian miscellany produced at Mount Gracein Yorkshire in c.1460-70 (Figure 10.1) (Hogg, 1981).

Similar injunctions to 'behold' are also found in late medievalvernacular lyrics and sermons and ultimately derive from Lamentations1:12 and the Reproaches included in the Good Friday liturgy (Gray,1972: 140-1; Wenzel, 1986: 120, 139). Numerous inscriptionsaccompanying art are recorded at Bury St Edmunds (James, 1895:186-203). If Lydgate is recalling a real event, it is intriguing to ponderthe extent to which his experience inspired his later composition ofpoems for display alongside religious images.4

A different approach is evident in the 'painted chamber' at CleeveAbbey (Cistercian) in Somerset, in a possibly unique depiction of anexemplum story found in German versions of the Gesta Romanorum.5

The 'painted chamber' is one of a suite of rooms built by Abbot Juyner,probably for his own use. Abbot Juyner presided over the house from1435 to 1487 (Gilyard-Beer, 1992: 32). This mural shows an allegory ofa man who finds himself trapped between the sea (the world), a lion(the flesh) and a dragon (the Devil). An angel offers him the choice ofsuccumbing to temptation and facing divine punishment (symbolizedby a sword) or resisting and gaining a heavenly crown. Fortunately hechooses the latter.

The composition deliberately heightens the themes of peril anddecision. The central figure is a well-dressed layman, his hands inprayer. He is trapped on a bridge by the sea, a lion (left) and a dragon(right) and flanked by St Katherine (left) and St Margaret vanquishing

Figure 10.1 Crucifixion and Arma Christi with kneeling Carthusianaccompanying a complaint poem. Carthusian miscellany (c. 1460-70)(London, British Library, Additional MS 37, 049 fol. 67 verso). (Bypermission of the British Library.)

122 Miriam Gill

the dragon (right). Two angels are shown with attributes of triumphand punishment. Rather than depicting his victory, the painting thusfocuses on a moment of decision and potential conversion, implyingthat resistance (as expressed in the monastic life) emulates and isaided by the saints who have already overcome the three-fold enemy.The viewer is confronted with an image of the nature of monasticvocation which can galvanize the resolve to resist temptation andpersevere. Unfortunately, as the purpose of the painted chamber isuncertain, we do not know if this obscure image was a personal aide-memoire or a familiar sight to members of the monastic community.

The power of images to prompt moral and spiritual development bypresenting choices and engaging the emotions is also stressed in theearly twelfth-century treatise De fructibus carnis et spiritus.

It is good to represent the fruits of humility and pride as a kind ofvisual image so that anyone studying to improve himself can clearlysee what things will result from them. Therefore we show thenovices and untutored men two little trees, differing in fruits and insize, each displaying the characteristics of virtues and vices, sothat people may understand the products of each and choose whichof the trees they would establish in themselves. (Hugh of St Victor:De fructibus, col. 997; Caiger-Smith, 1963: 50)

Such diagrammatic trees were probably considered suitable for'novices and untutored men' because they required a less sophisti-cated knowledge of Latin than a passage of prose. By providing visualscaffolding on which ideas and images could be stored, such diagramsalso related to contemporary memory theory (Carruthers, 1990: 85).The use of an emotive reaction to an image to prompt a moral choice isalso characteristic of such theory (Carruthers, 1990: 60).

The frequency of such diagrams in encyclopaedic collections, suchas the Speculum virginum, suggests that they were consideredappropriate and successful tools for monastic education, possibly evensuperior to unadorned prose.6 Although such material originated indidactic texts, by the late thirteenth century it was depicted on rolls forclassroom display (Saxl, 1942: 110) and in monumental paintings, forexample, the late thirteenth-century domestic scheme at Tre Fontane(Cistercian) in Rome (Park, 1986: 198-9).

Versions of these visual aids entered English wall paintingsometime after 1300. The debt they owe to their monastic exemplarsis evident in the comparison of the Tree of Sins, the most frequentlydepicted of such subjects, in the earliest manuscript of the Speculumvirginum (Figure 10.2) and in a wall painting at Hoxne in Suffolk ofc. 1390-1410 (Long, 1930), where text has been replaced bycaricatures, and complexity with simplicity (Figure 10.3). Theadvowson at Hoxne was held by the Benedictines of Norwich, but itis not clear whether the dissemination of such diagrams to parisheswas ever the product of active monastic promotion rather than layenthusiasm and emulation.

Figure 10.2 Tree of the Seven Deadly Sins. Speculum virginum(c.1140) (London, BL, Arundel 44, fol. 28 verso). (By permission of theBritish Library.)

124 Miriam Gill

Figure 10.3 Tree of the Seven Deadly Sins. Hoxne, Suffolk (c.1390-1410) (Long (1930) 'Some Recently Discovered English Wall Paintings',Burlington Magazine 56, plate IIIA) (By kind permission of ProfessorTristram's daughters, Mary and Philippa.)

Paintings of the Seven Deadly Sins are recorded in almost fiftyBritish parish churches, but in only one religious house, Milton Abbasin Dorset (Benedictine). Accompanied by the Seven Corporal Works ofMercy, the murals in the south transept are known only from anantiquarian description (Hutchins, 1973: 403). Rather than using adidactic schema, such as a tree, the scenes were divided by angelsbearing Latin inscriptions. Those for the Works of Mercy were biblical,while the identifiable sins followed the order of a fifteenth-centuryvernacular poem (Oxford, Bodl. 549; Russell, 1962-63: 115). Theinscriptions for the sins may have been composed especially; the


fragmentary inscription accompanying Anger 'Iracundus provocatur'echoes phrases in Proverbs.7 An intended monastic audience issuggested by the emphasis on brotherly love: 'Ubi est Invidia amorfratrum esse non potest' (Hutchins, 1973: 403). However, the inclusionof a label, Tryd', may suggest that a lay audience was also envisaged(Hutchins, 1973: 403). The laity worshipped in the south aisle andprobably the transept also (Traskey, 1978: 152).

The other surviving monastic example of a monumental didacticdiagram is a mural of a moralized cherub to the right of Christ theJudge in the Chapter House at Westminster Abbey (c. 1380s).8

Documentary evidence suggests that the Chapter House paintingswere financed by John of Northampton, a monk at Westminster from1372 to 1404 (Turner, 1985: 89). The wings of the cherub areinscribed with texts charting the progress from confession to the loveof God (Figure 10.4) (Turner, 1985: 91). This image derives from thetreatise by Alan of Lille (|1203) De sex aliis cherubim (Alan of Lille(1885): cols 267-80). In contrast to the popularity of the Seven DeadlySins, this subject is apparently unique in English monumental art.

The Chapter House also contains an elaborate ninety-six sceneApocalypse cycle with extracts from the Vulgate and the commentary ofBerengaudus written on parchment and pasted to the wall (Turner, 1985:94-7; Binski, 1995: 187-92). The painting resembles the highly illustratedApocalypse books produced in thirteenth-century England, one of whichprovided the model for the north-western scenes (Turner, 1985: 94, 97).

The moralized cherub and Apocalypse were clearly designed for aneducated audience. Such art was not a substitute for a book, butreproduced the form and content of an illustrated manuscript on amonumental scale for simultaneous communal study. The bookishquality of this art not only characterizes and justifies its display in amonastic context, but also functions as an extension of monastic lectio.9

Monastic reading and meditation and the instruction of novicesfrequently took place in the cloister. A christological cycle of thirtyimages is recorded in the cloister of the College of Bonhommes atAshridge in Buckinghamshire (Todd, 1823: 58). Claustral stained glassof scriptural subjects is recorded at Peterborough (Gunton, 1990: 336)and St Albans (Clark, 1997: 121). The cloisters at Peterborough alsoincluded windows describing the history of the Abbey and the Kings ofEngland (Gunton, 1990: 104-12, 336), while those at Durham wereglazed with the life of St Cuthbert accompanied by Latin verses(Fowler, 1903: 76-7). It may be that such historical and hagiographicalmaterial was intended to complement and disseminate the chroniclesand saints' lives compiled in these monasteries.10

Monumental painting and the articulation of space

Just as images in the cloister may have been intended to enhance lectioand study, the image of Christ in Judgement at Westminster, already

Figure 10.4 Moralized cherub. Chapter House, Westminster Abbey(1380s) (J.G. Waller (1873) 'On the Paintings in the Chapter House,Westminster', Transactions of the London and Middlesex ArchaeologicalSociety 4, Figure 1).


discussed, can be understood as a comment on the activities whichoccurred in the chapter house itself. This use of imagery to teach themeaning of space and activity is common to monastic houses andparish churches. Murals could recall the function of a space when itwas not in use, reveal the spiritual and allegorical significance of anactivity, or relate earthly life and worship to the heavenly realm.

In the Chapter House at Westminster the figure of Christ inJudgement is behind the seat of the prior, presenting the administra-tion of monastic discipline as a foretaste of the Last Judgement(Binski, 1995: 191).n The penitential content of the moralized cherubalso relates specifically to the description in Ware's Customary(c.1270) of a 'house of confession, the house of obedience, mercyand forgiveness ... in which every failing by the brothers within orwithout is mercifully assuaged by confession and satisfaction' (Binski,1995: 191).

A similar desire to interpret and enhance monastic activity may beevident in a now-damaged painting (c. 1260-80) which very likelyportrays St Benedict. The figure is writing a text beginning 'Orate sine1

in an area in the south transept of Winchester Cathedral which mayhave served as the monastic scriptorium (Constable, 1929: 76, pi. VII;Tristram, 1950: 612; Park and Welford, 1993: 126).12 It is possible thatthis image was intended to inspire monastic scribes to emulate theirsaintly founder and exemplar. Even domestic rooms could be used toreinforce didactic messages. A series of inscriptions found in theCharterhouse in Coventry included the exhortation to 'Honour thePrior'.13 Objects in frequent use could be associated with importantsentiments. At St Albans, any brother consulting the conventual clockwould be admonished by the Wheel of Fortune and reassured by animage of the Virgin accompanied by an inscription reminding him ofher salvific role.14

Theological comment on monastic activity is perhaps most evidentin refectory murals. In most monasteries dinner followed Mass andthus had specifically eucharistic associations. The two most strikingrefectory paintings known in fifteenth-century England depict theCrucifixion, a traditional subject, found in this context as early as theeleventh century. The first of these, now lost, at Cleeve Abbey wasprobably contemporary with the 'painted chamber' (James, 1926: 125,facing 127; Babington et al., 1999: 47). The second, in the Charter-house in Coventry, contains an inscription mentioning the completionof the house under William Soland, who was prior between c.1411 and1417 (Turpin, 1919: 251). The upper part of the composition wasdestroyed by the sixteenth-century insertion of a floor (Turpin, 1919:249).

At the Charterhouse, the detail of angels collecting Christ's blood ina chalice stresses the connection between the Crucifixion and theEucharist (Figure 10.5). This is probably the earliest English muralexample of this Italianate motif apparently introduced in the LitlingtonMissal (1383-84) (Binski, 1995: 193). A seated figure of St Anne, the

Figure 10.5 Lower portion of Crucifixion with angels collecting bloodfrom Christ's wounds and the Centurion. Former refectory,Charterhouse, Coventry (c.1411-17). (By permission of CharterhouseEnterprise Ltd.)


dedicatee of the house, is shown on the favoured north side teachingher daughter to read (Figure 10.6) (Turpin, 1919: 250). The Virginand Child are on the south.15 The depiction of a patron in the refectoryis usual and can be compared to paintings in the Benedictine Priory ofHorsham St Faith in Norfolk where the Crucifixion accompaniedimages of the patron saint and the foundation of the house, £.1250,repainted c.1440 (Park and Howard, 1996: 388). The conventionalimage of St Anne teaching her daughter may also have resonated withthe practice of reading aloud during meals. Under the Carthusian rule,the brothers would only eat together in the refectory on Sundays andfestivals. Their refectory painting expressed the sacramental signifi-cance of their communal dining and also their allegiance to theirsaintly patron on whose festivals they gathered there.

Monastic art and a wider audience

In late medieval England both monastic cathedrals and isolated housescreated art for lay visitors. Some such schemes were clearly providedto enhance lay devotion and pilgrimage. Such an intention is evident inthe murals around the miraculous image of the Virgin at BradwellAbbey in Buckinghamshire which date from the later fourteenthcentury (Rouse, 1973: 34-8).

A document from St Albans of c.1428 and the remains of the schemeit describes provides us with a unique insight into the possible didacticmotivation behind such monastic provision.16 The first section of thetext is a general apology for religious art, with a Gregorian emphasison teaching the illiterate, but also a warning about the dangers ofadoring images (Riley, 1870-71: I, 418-19). The second sectiondescribes the new paintings around the chapel of the Holy Cross, inthe north transept (Riley, 1870-71: I, 419-21). The final section of thedocument describes how veneration of St Lawrence and St Grumbald,disrupted by the demolition of the almonry chapel, was re-establishedat the altar, probably at the insistence of William Wynturshille thealmoner, who established a chantry there (Lloyd, 1873: 421-3).

The document describes two pillars (probably the piers of thearcade). One signifying love of God was painted an earth colour torecall the lowliness of humanity, the other signifying love of neighbour,red, for Christ's blood. Both were adorned with Emblems of thePassion and the following verse:

Vincla, flagella, minae, probra, sputa,columna, spinaqueDerisus, colaphi, nudatio, lancea, claviCum calamis, felle, crux, laus fuit ista fideli.

(Riley, 1870-71: I, 420)

The base of the first pillar was identified, possibly by an inscription, ashumility and its turret as charity, and the base of the second as virtue,

Figure 10.6 Lower portion, St Anne teaching the Virgin to read.Former refectory, Charterhouse, Coventry (c.1411-17). (By permissionof Charterhouse Enterprise Ltd.)


with its turret as honour. Both turrets contained angels with anadmonitory text (Riley, 1870-71: I, 420).17 Two further angels(position unknown) were associated with comforting Christ andheralding his victory. There were also a 'history of the Passion' andone of the Resurrection with these verses inscribed between them:

Mors tua, mors Christi, fraus mundi, gloria coeli,Et dolor inferni, sint memoria tibi:In cruce sum pro te; qui peccas, desine pro me;Desine, condono; pugna, juvo; vince corono.

(Roberts, 1993: 41)

Of this ensemble only fragments of the verses and a scene of DoubtingThomas (the history of the Resurrection) survive (Figure 10.7)(Roberts, 1993: 39-41). The painting below probably showed theCrucifixion (Lloyd, 1873: 21).

The St Albans document is preserved among a collection of briefworks of a historical nature, several relating to the Abbey and itsfittings. It seems likely that it was composed by and for the monasticcommunity and intended for general instruction in the history andcontents of the Abbey. The lengthy justification of religious art andstress on the prohibition of image worship may also suggest an anti-Lollard context (Roberts, 1993: 39).18 Similar concerns may be evidentin the inscriptions recorded by Weever elucidating the distinctionbetween religious images and the object of religious devotion (Weever,1631: cxiv).

The St Albans text is replete with scriptural allusion, but thescheme was 'near the public path, where many persons pass by and goout' (Lloyd, 1873: 21).19 Friars and secular clergy were allowed tocelebrate mass in the chapel (Lloyd, 1873: 23). Did the monks at StAlbans overestimate their lay visitors when they provided them withsuch a rich combination of Latin texts, images and colour symbolism?

Certainly, the conjunction of words and images displayed in thenorth transept at St Albans is reminiscent of that which Lydgatedescribed in the cloister at Bury St Edmunds. The texts displayed alsolink the scheme to public art in other religious houses. The poeminscribed with the Arma Christi at St Albans shares its opening wordswith one recorded at Bury St Edmunds in c.1300 (James, 1895: 197).Variants of 'In cruce sum' formed the conclusion of the appeal poems atHatfield and Westminster described above (BL, Lansdowne 897: fol.152r; Weever, 1631: 488; Palmer, 1990: 106). English and Latinversions of this commonplace poem are included in later medievalsermons (Wenzel, 1978: 119, 164-5). The texts at St Albans thusbelong to a corpus of material which was probably familiar to someonewith rudimentary Latin.

The verses at St Albans also relate to the well-documented practiceof displaying texts in churches, especially monasteries, cathedrals andplaces of pilgrimage. Material displayed included prayers, hagiography,church guides and more general historical information, appeals for

Figure 10.7 Christ appearing to Doubting Thomas ('History of theResurrection') and remains of appeal text below. Former Chapel of theHoly Cross, north transept, St Albans Cathedral (c.1428). (PhotographD. Kelsall. By permission of St Albans Cathedral.)


prayers for benefactors, and lists of indulgences.20 William ofWorcester remarked on the thirty-four 'tables' containing 'manydevotions and good reminders to devotion and the arousing of allChristian souls to God' in Sheen Charterhouse (Harvey, 1969: 271). Itmay be that in the later Middle Ages the display of informative anddevotional texts was regarded as one of the attractions of a prominentchurch and that the monks of St Albans were sensitive to visitorexpectations.

Conclusion

By the end of the Middle Ages both Benedictine cathedrals andtraditionally austere Cistercian and Carthusian houses in Englandcontained monumental paintings intended to inform and enhancemonastic life. These employed a wide variety of strategies. Some usedtexts and devotional images to make an emotional appeal. The paintingat Cleeve presented an uncompromising allegory of the nature ofmonastic vocation to strengthen resolve. The moralized cherub atWestminster is the only monumental example of the type of mnemonicimage pioneered in monastic formation literature. Other scriptural andhistorical paintings complemented monastic reading and in the case ofthe Apocalypse at Westminster replicated the form of an illustratedbook. Monumental paintings were also used to gloss monastic activityand in particular to suggest hidden theological and spiritualsignificance.

As the scheme at St Albans demonstrates, it is often hard todistinguish between devotional and didactic images, and betweenthose intended for a lay or a monastic audience. Indeed, we mayquestion whether such distinctions depend on the position of apainting rather than its content, or indeed if they are appropriate at all.As Lydgate's experience suggests, an inscription might introduce adidactic note into an apparently devotional image and harness religiousemotion for moral amendment. At St Albans the laity were providedwith the Latin texts and complex symbolism associated in earliercenturies with a distinctively monastic type of art. A shared visualculture of devotion is also evident in the stone carving found in a cell atMount Grace depicting the Image of Pity, which was also disseminatedto lay people in woodcuts produced by the Carthusians (Bertelli, 1967:47-9; Hall, 1993: 104, 107). Both these instances suggest a deliberatemonastic dissemination of imagery, possibly in response to layaspiration. However, in the case of the most striking lay adoption ofimagery with a monastic origin, parochial paintings of mnemonicimages of didactic material such as the Seven Deadly Sins, the role ofthe monasteries is harder to trace. It may have been minor, for thisimagery was familiar in manuscripts used by the secular clergy andlaity by the thirteenth century. While it is sometimes difficult toidentify a distinctively monastic form of art in later medieval England,

134 Miriam Gill

the corpus of monastic paintings can be regarded as a development ofthe interest in exegetical imagery evident in earlier centuries, ratherthan necessarily a symptom of secularization. It may even be that theshared experience of monumental art became more important tocommunities as their common lives became fragmented (Clark, 1997:121).

The issues and problems revealed by this consideration ofmonumental monastic art are encapsulated in the final stanzas ofLydgate's poem on the Image of Pity, a monastic work written inMiddle English for a mixed audience. These make it clear that thepower of imagery to recall and prompt meditation on Scriptures, toinspire greater devotion and moral commitment, and to impress itselfinto the memory led to an acceptance of the monumental 'books of theilliterate' as a fit tool to educate the emotions and wills of the religious.

Enprynt thes wordes myndly thy hert within,Thynk how thow sest Cryst bledyng on the tre,And yf thow steryd or temptyd be to syneIt shall sone sese and pase a-way from the.Remembre all so this dolorus pytie,How that this blyssid ladye thus doth enbraceHer dere son ded, lygyng vpen her kne,Andf payne of deth, thow shall not fayII of grace.

Lerne well this lesson, it is bothe short and lyght,For with this same the wekest creatureThat ys on lyffe may putte the fend to flyghtAnd saffe hym-selffe in sole and body sureTo suche entent was ordeynt purtretureAnd ymages of dyverse resemblaunce,That holsom storyes thus shewyd in fygurMay rest with ws with dewe remembraunce.

(MacCracken, 1911: 298)

Notes

1. The extracts from Lydgate are reproduced with the kind permission ofthe Council of the Early English Text Society. Grateful thanks also toKristin Bliksrund Aavitsland for her help with Tre Fontane.

2. For the well-known practice of 'reading' a crucifix in relation to the SevenDeadly Sins (Barnum, 1976: 83-4).

3. Grateful thanks to Dr John Goodall for his help in confirming theprobable position of the inscription.

4. Pearshall, 1970: 181-3.5. Oesterley, 1872: 28, 40, 49, 51, 56, 86, 101, 120, 135, 141, 597; Park,

1986: 206-8, pi. 88; Babington et at., 1999: 46-7.6. ' Ut melius innotescat ex pictura, si quid dignum proferri potest ex scriptum'

(Hamburger, 1990: 300, note 74) For the Speculum see Mews(forthcoming).


7. Proverbs 15:18: lvir iracundus provocat rixas qui patiens'; Proverbs 29:22:lvir iracundus provocat rixas'.

8. Turner, 1985: 90-1; Binski, 1995: 189; Babington et al., 1999: 10, 30-2.9. This possibility is discussed in Clark, 1997: 121.

10. I am grateful to Dr James Clark of the University of Oxford for drawingthis possibility to my attention.

11. A similar scheme was executed at St Albans by Abbot Thomas (1349-96)(Riley, 1867-69: III, 386; Binski, 1995: 188).

12. At St Albans, St Benedict was depicted in the cloister: Riley, 1867-69: III,386.

13. London, Society of Antiquaries, Brown Portfolio for Warwickshire: fol. 6.14. Clark, 1997: 121. For the Wheel of Fortune see Riley, 1867-69: III, 385.

The text accompanying the Virgin may be found in Riley, 1873: II, 298.15. Incorrectly identified as St Catherine and the former Lollard, Nicholas

Hereford (Turpin, 1919: 250-1).16. BL, Harleian 3775 no. 11, fols. 122-3r; Riley, 1870-71:1, 418-25; Lloyd,

1873: 20-3.17. The ascent from humility to charity may derive from the Tree of Virtue in

Hugh of St Victor, De fructibus, col. 1002-5.18. The manuscript context was drawn to my attention by Dr Clark. For the

abbey's opposition to Lollardy, see Clark, 1997: 271-82.19. Abbot William (1214-35) placed images here 'ad laicorum ...

aedificationem et consolationem saecularium' (Riley, 1867-69: I, 287).20. For example, hagiography and history at Stone Priory in Staffordshire

(Gerould, 1917: 323-5); the tombs of the benefactors, Worksop Priory inNottinghamshire (Gerould, 1917: 336); indulgences at Durham Cathedral(Fowler, 1903: 43).

11 Ghostly mentor, teacher ofmysteries: Bartholomew,Guthlac and the Apostle's cultin early medieval England

Graham Jones

The relationship between Guthlac and his imaginedspirit-mentor

Guthlac's education when he forsook the monastery of Repton was asfull and fashionable as any man of Mercian royal descent couldreasonably hope for around the year 700.l He had learned the ways ofthe world as a soldier before entering Repton as a novice. There, underthe direction of Abbess /Elfthryth he became proficient in letters andmonastic routine. He learned to sing in the Roman mode latelyintroduced to Britain. Yet his preparation for life as a hermit atCrowland was deficient in one respect. This man who had shunned thecompany of his fellow-monks, and had studied the Lives of the Egyptianhermits, had not foreseen, even so, the depths of loneliness he wouldencounter in solitude.

Judging from his near-contemporary biography (721-49) by anotherwise unknown monk named Felix, the loneliness began toexpress itself in two clinical forms.2 One was extreme anxiety,described as torments by devils;3 the other was depression, accidie. Ashis biographer Felix put it, the 'poisoned arrow' of aching despair.4

During a particularly serious episode, and after three days not knowingwhat to do, Guthlac sang Psalm 120, 'In tribulatione invocavi dominumet reliqua', and found himself in the presence of a teacher not of thisworld. Thereafter Guthlac learned to cope with the solitude bydependence on this spiritual mentor, a soul-friend. His imaginedrescuer and henceforth exemplar was the Apostle Bartholomew.

Although, according to Felix, Guthlac now 'began to inhabit thedesert with complete confidence in the help of St Bartholomew',nevertheless, this was the beginning of a relationship characterized byvisions of Hell and an acute sense of its dangers (Colgrave, 1956: 89).Demons are a major feature of Guthlac's mental landscape as portrayed

Bartholomew, Guthlac and the Apostle's cult 137

by his biographer. Bartholomew the imagined mentor acts as a rolemodel and intervenes in demonic episodes. In one violent crisis, Guthlacdreams that the Apostle comes to his rescue after Guthlac had beenabducted into Hell. Bartholomew then orders the offending devils totake Guthlac back to the reality of his lodgings (Colgrave, 1956: 100-9).

Guthlac's choice of Bartholomew as his mentor has importantimplications for our understanding of his spiritual formation andambitions, and his subsequent ministry and education of others. It alsoraises questions about the significance of Bartholomew's widerveneration within the English church.

The relationship was emphasized while Guthlac's memory was verymuch still alive in a formal coda to his biography. Felix's Life of Guthlacwas written most probably within fifteen to twenty-five years ofGuthlac's death in 714, with the help, inter alia, of Guthlac's successorCissa, and Êthelbald King of Mercia (716-57) who sought oraclesfrom Guthlac while a prince in exile. A series of verses at the end ofthe earliest surviving, ninth-century, manuscript spell out in the initialletters of successive lines

BEATUS GUTHLAC

and in the final letters

BARTHOLOMEUS.5

It was the opinion of Bertram Colgrave that these verses wereintended to be inscribed on the saint's shrine, probably the one builtfor him by King Êthelbald 'with wonderful structures and ornamenta-tion' (Colgrave, 1956: 27).

How the relationship was presented to subsequent generationsof religious-in-training

Felix addressed his Latin biography to King Îfwald of East Anglia(|749). However, as in the case of its adaptation into Old Englishverse, it is clear that it was composed for audiences which heard thestory every year on Guthlac's feast day, 11 April, and perhaps on otheroccasions.6 Various observations support the likelihood that theseaudiences were monastic. The text's overall theme is the value of themonastic life as a means of fighting for Christ. At a detailed level,scholars have perceived textual influences (on the verse Livesparticularly) from Benedict's Rule, plus a number of other internalclues including a consistent etymology of the Apostle's nameintelligible to educated religious.7

Further, such knowledgeable audiences schooled in accounts of theApostle and familiar with his veneration would have best appreciatedthe allusions to Guthlac's relationship with Bartholomew. Thus,according to Felix, it was on Bartholomew's feast day, then celebrated

138 Graham Jones

on 25 August, that Guthlac first set foot on the island of Crowland. Itwas on that day too, wrote Felix, that Guthlac arrived a second timeafter he had returned to Repton almost immediately for three monthsto settle his affairs. Generations of quick-thinking young monksspotted, but were not perturbed by, the impossibility of one or theother date. What mattered was the implied auspiciousness ofBartholomew's feast day in the mind of their founder or honouredalumnus (Colgrave, 1956: 4). Felix alluded again to Guthlac'sattachment to his imagined mentor in reporting the date, 'five daysbefore the feast of Bartholomew', of the consecration of the Crowlandhermitage and Guthlac's ordination (Colgrave, 1956: 146-7). Thatattachment was to be commemorated many times over at Crowland (asprobably at Repton) and to become part of the future Benedictinemonastery's educative stock-in-trade.

Novices from the eighth to the sixteenth centuries learned to placethe Apostle at the centre of their understanding of Guthlac. Just howenduring, strong and thematically focused was the pervasive relation-ship is demonstrated by the surviving evidence of text, image and cult.For example, Guthlac's debt to the Apostle was emphasizedliturgically, as in a set of eleventh-century choral responses forGuthlac's feast day.8 The most important artistic evidence is in the so-called Guthlac Roll, a series of roundels showing scenes from Guthlac'sLife in which Bartholomew figures prominently.9 This life dates fromthe twelfth century when English enthusiasm was kindled fordedicating hospitals in Bartholomew's honour. At Crowland onBartholomew's day, 1136, Guthlac's remains were translated to anew shrine.10 Despite these facts and the date of the vita, this twelfth-century hagiographical text may preserve much older local traditions.

Specifically, as Colgrave pointed out, two pieces of local traditioninvolving the Apostle were illustrated by the artist of the Roll (Colgrave,1956: 13). In the eighth roundel Bartholomew presents Guthlac with ascourge, and in the ninth Guthlac uses this scourge to drive away devils.Elsewhere a book is shown (Warner, 1928: 23). This may allude to thelocal tradition that Guthlac possessed a Psalter, and this Bartholomewappears to hold in a fold of his garment in the eighth roundel. Guthlac isshown with the book in earlier scenes and in the ninth roundel it lies onthe altar in his oratory while he scourges the devils.

Pilgrims to Guthlac's shrine at Crowland took home miniatures ofthe flaying knife, the legendary instrument of Bartholomew's torture,but for the commissioner and designers of the roll and their intendeddaily audience, the crucial motif which linked mentor and pupil was thescourge.11 Above the Abbey's west door, a central sculpture putGuthlac's scourging of a devil at the heart of his story. Obviousallusions are the scourging of Jesus; and, with the book, theprefiguring of Flagellation ritual in which participants scourgedthemselves to the accompaniment of Psalms.12 Here such allusionsunderline the central theme, Guthlac's exorcism of demons followingthe example of his mentor.


Combat with devils characterized literary traditions about Bartho-lomew and was a familiar motif of hermit stories from Antonyonwards.13 It was in such contexts that the religious-in-training wouldhave accessed the deep meanings to be learned from their founder'sstory. From the verse lives they knew Guthlac's rescuer from thedemons as dryhtnes ar, halig ofheofonum, 'the Lord's messenger, holyfrom heaven', the conduit of 'terror coming from above to thewretched spirits' (Olsen, 1981: 37, 127). If confirmation is sought ofthe importance of Guthlac's Bartholomew-like powers of exorcism, it ishere. For example, the poet of one of the verse Lives, 'Guthlac A',concentrated on Guthlac's imagined fight against devils for possessionof the Fenland in greater detail than Felix did.14 Novices wereencouraged to focus on Guthlac's ministry of exorcism and healing aslearned from a supernatural exponent. Meanwhile, a miraculous relicknown as 'St Guthlac's Bell', kept at Repton until the Dissolution of themonasteries, was deemed efficacious for headaches; bells wereunderstood to have the power of purifying the air and driving awaydevils.15 The compiler of a ninth- or tenth-century version of the LatinLife which belonged to St Augustine's, Canterbury, went so far as topreface it with a Life of St Paul the Hermit, associate of the demon-fighting Antony.16

Hence, religious-in-training at Crowland were given an introduc-tion to their own spiritual mentor Guthlac permeated in text andimage with motifs and ideas springing from representations ofBartholomew. Not least of these were sacred writings, both biblicaland apocryphal.

The likely patterns of devotion from which the relationshipsprang

Bartholomew in text

The biblical Bartholomew

By the ninth century the practice had begun of identifying the discipleknown by his patronymic Bartholomew (Son of Tolmai), mentioned inthe Gospels of Matthew, Mark and Luke - but only in their lists of theTwelve, which coupled him with Philip - with a disciple known by hisgiven name Nathanael 'of Cana', mentioned only in the Gospel ofJohn.17 John reported Nathanael's recruitment by Philip and hisconsequent conversation with Jesus. In John 1:47 Jesus tellsNathanael, who is described as 'an Israelite without guile', that hehas seen him under a fig tree - the 'tree of knowledge'.18 If it ispossible to sense here an implied suggestion of a second sight, thenadded significance is lent to Jesus's bestowal (in John 1:51) of a secondsight on Nathanael-Bartholomew: 'You shall see heaven laid open and,

140 Graham Jones

above the Son of Man, the angels of God ascending and descending/ Itis hoped to demonstrate that this allusion to Jacob's vision at Bethel,an episode understood exegetically as a mythologizing of the Hebrews'appropriation of the Canaanite temple of Baal at Bethel, is crucial ininterpreting Bartholomew's importance for Guthlac and for the Churchin early medieval Europe in general.19 Since the allusion, on thishypothesis, points directly ahead to the later legend of Bartholomew'sdoings (in a career whose course may have been run historically byc.60), its inclusion in the Gospel of John by 100 conceivably points toan origin for the legend no more than half a century after the career itpurported to describe.20

The apocryphal Bartholomew

The credibility of such an origin is supported by the circulation withintwo centuries of the Apostle's discipleship of a text known to Jerome(c.341-420) as The Gospel of Bartholomew, proscribed by 'Gelasius' butsince lost (James, 1954: 166ff). This has been identified with a second,The Questions of Bartholomew, known to Bede at Jarrow and thereforepresumably at other English monasteries in the time of Guthlac(James, 1954: 166-81).21 This esoteric book relates directly todemonic themes in Guthlac's pupilship under Bartholomew. Forexample, it includes an account of Bartholomew's humiliation andinterrogation of the Devil as allowed by Christ. As Bartholomewpresses the face of the demon (Beliar) into the earth, the latter asksfor respite and reveals his true name, Satan; how he and his fellowfallen angels were chased from heaven by Michael and the heavenlyhost; and how he deceives men into sin. Afterwards Bartholomew asksforgiveness for sinners and receives Christ's blessing and permissionto reveal 'these secrets' to 'as many as are faithful and are able to keepthem unto themselves'.22 In a third text, The Book of the Resurrection ofChrist by Bartholomew the Apostle, Bartholomew is again associatedwith visions of Christ harrowing Hell and crowned in Heaven.23 At theAscension, each apostle is separately blessed and in many casesdescribed by reference to his future role. Of Bartholomew the textsays: 'He will be the depositary of the mysteries of the Son' (my italics)(James, 1954: 185).24 Later 'the apostles thanked and blessedBartholomew for what he had told them: he should be called theapostle of the mysteries of God1 (my italics) (James, 1954: 184).

A fourth apocryphal work is the Acts of Bartholomew, to be found inBook Eight of the Apostolic History by Pseudo-Abdias. This work wasprobably put together in Prankish Gaul, perhaps a century or so beforethe birth of Guthlac. Richard Lipsius thought it was based on aNestorian exemplar, probably dating from the fifth century.25 In factmany earlier texts were used by the Prankish redactor, possiblyincluding the original of a preface attributed to Ambrose of Milan(S39-97).26 Elsewhere in the Apostolic History (in The Acts of Philip}Bartholomew helps in the destruction of a shrine at Hieropolis. Here


Bartholomew's presence 'in India' disrupts the healing of a temple'demon', Astaroth, whose followers seek the oracle of a second'demon', Beirith, in another unnamed city. Bartholomew casts out adevil, cures King Polymius's daughter, shatters an idol, has an angelre-consecrate its temple, and summons up the idol's demon. The kingis baptized but his brother Astriges's idol, Vualdath, is broken andAstriges has Bartholomew put to death.27

The names of these demonized deities may provide a crucial clue tothe ultimate origins and purposes of the legend. Far from being a southAsian male divinity, Astaroth is the Hebraicized name of thePhoenician Astarte, earth mother and moon goddess, correspondingto Aphrodite and patron of the city of Sidon. When Astaroth's followersgo to another city to consult Beirith, perhaps the eponymous patronessof Beryt, modern Beirut, is meant. Beryt, progenitor of the Phoenicianpantheon, was also known as Baalat, patroness of Byblos, to thenorth.28 She and Astarte, therefore, were aspects of the same deity.Together with the supreme divinity El (represented by the Biblical ElElyon, 'the most high god'), she and her consort Baal (Vualdath of theBartholomew legend?) stood at the core of Canaanite worship. Theimplication forces itself upon the reader, therefore, that India standsfor the Levant and insofar as Bartholomew was destroying otherpeoples' deities, he was attacking those of the ancient rivals of theHebrews - deities also adopted by Israel.29 Even the name Polymiuscan be etymologized. 'Polymius' is 'Ptolemy' without its 't', and'Ptolemy' is Tolmai', the patronymic of Nathaniel as identified with'bar Tolmai', Bartholomew.30 Since the composition of the Phoenicianpantheon had long been familiar in the West, the true identities of thedeities in The Acts of Bartholomew were only thinly disguised for moreeducated members of Western monastic communities.31

When Guthlac decided to become a hermit on the island ofCrowland, under Bartholomew's example, he would also have knownfrom readings of Gregory of Tours that Bartholomew's body had beenenshrined on the island of Lipari off Sicily.32 The travels of Englishclerics and religious will have brought them into contact with themiracles and wonders associated with the shrine, if only at secondhand, and their experiences may have been reported in the Reptonrefectory.

Bartholomew and Guthlac in the context of early medievalmentality and mission

Guthlac's motivation in his choice of imagined mentor

Under Bartholomew's tutorship, Guthlac became seer and oracle.However, he was best remembered for his exorcisms: for example, heexorcized Hwaetred (a noble of the East Angles), Ecga, a companion(gesith) of ^Ethelbald (Colgrave, 1956: 130-3), and his own pupil,

142 Graham Jones

Beccel, who had been tempted to cut Guthlac's throat while shavinghim.33 Then, too, there is Guthlac's contest with so-called demons forpossession of his chosen home at Crowland, an ancient burialchamber, together with the barrow, or beorg, on which it stood andthe Fenland round about. Small wonder that by the thirteenth centuryhis reputation was 'supreme tamer, or conqueror, of monsters,Monstrorum domitor'.34

When Guthlac is described by Felix as abducted into Hell, andBartholomew rescuing him, the resonances with Bartholomew'sapocryphal visions of Heaven and Hell, and Christ's narration toBartholomew of his harrowing of Hell, are deafening (Olsen, 1981:50).35 There can be no doubt of the deep meanings of these esotericmotifs for the early medieval Church, whether in the East or in 'DarkAge' Britain. Bartholomew is introduced in the verse Lives as'ofermaecg', literally 'the man above' or 'the son or kins-person fromabove'. Alexandra Olsen has pointed out that this 'hapax legomenon'runs parallel to what is correctly described as the 'consistent'etymology of the name Bartholomew by the Commentators. It isexplained as filius suspendentis aquas - 'son of one who suspends thewaters (or himself), that is, son of God' (Ryan, 1993: II, 109).Ofermaecg has been noticed as an almost precise equivalent of thisetymology's reduction to filius ('son') and celsus ('above') in the poeticworks of Sedulius Scotus, the Irish monk who established a centre oflearning at Liege in 848.36 The Hebrew Nathan-'el, 'God has given [ason]', consequently takes on particular significance.

In choosing Bartholomew as mentor, Guthlac was making astatement about himself, setting himself an agenda of spiritual andtherapeutic formation and achievement. He was tying his reputationand posthumous remembrance to that of an apostolic hero and, ineffect, engaging in a programme of religious appropriation.

Retrospective evidence from the dedications of churches

One largely unexplored area of study with the potential to illuminatemonastic training in the early Middle Ages, as well as the mentality andcultural background from which sprang an imagined pupilship likeGuthlac's (and further, the wider popularity of individual universalcults in Anglo-Saxon England), is the spatial pattern of religiousdedications.

Margaret Gelling has accepted forty-four places in England whosenames are taken as indicative of pre-Christian Germanic religiousactivity; names such as Woden's beorg, encountered inter alia atWednesbury in Staffordshire, fall into this category (Figure 11.1).37 Nofewer than twenty-two (possibly twenty-four) of these places arelocated in ancient parishes under Bartholomew's patronage orcontiguous to, or no more than five miles from, one or more suchparishes. Wednesbury is a case in point, evidenced under the Apostle's

Figure 11.1 St Bartholomew church dedications and place-namesindicative of non-Christian religious activity, based on Gelling, 1988:Figure 11.4- St Bartholomew dedications in close proximity; C: Crowland; G: aunique cluster of Guthlac dedications.Place-names are categorized by symbol: • Woden; • Tiw, Thor orThunor; H Hearg, 'temple'; i names in weoh, '(Roadside) shrine';A names containg nimet-, nemeton.

144 Graham Jones

patronage from at least 1413. Since only 180 of England's fourteenthousand or so ancient parishes have Bartholomew as their patron,this is a striking and statistically significant correlation. It is even morestriking when dedications of ancient churches in honour of Bartholo-mew are mapped (Figure 11.2). Their spatial distribution is far fromrandom. No fewer than a fifth of these parishes lie within the extent oftwo neighbouring Anglo-Saxon dioceses, those of the peoples known asthe Hwicce (with their cathedral at Worcester) and the Magonsaetan(whose cathedral was at Hereford).

Mapping Bartholomew churches and 'pagan' place-names together,further patterns emerge. For example, Essex has a number of placeswith names from the god Thunor, chiefly along its borders, but hardlyany Bartholomew churches, and Hampshire likewise. In contrast thereare no 'pagan' names but several Bartholomew churches in Norfolkand Suffolk, the kingdom of East Anglia over which ^Ifwald, Felix'spatron, ruled. As for Guthlac himself, it may be no coincidence thatchurches in his honour are concentrated in a single district of northLeicestershire close to a handful of places with 'pagan' names.

These correlations are best explained as zones of Christianization.However, it is not only Ceiling's Germanic place-names that correlatewell with Bartholomew dedications. So do places whose names derivefrom the British nemet (temple or shrine) in Cornwall, Devon,Somerset and Gloucestershire - in short, the 'Celtic West'. One isNympsfield, in whose neighbouring parish of Uley a healing shrine ofMercury was replaced by a church c.380.

A number of Bartholomew churches have notably high elevations,had royal associations and were sited in curvilinear yards. Threeexamples suffice. Areley Kings, Worcestershire, is set in a high, roundyard, looking out over the river Severn, in whose sandstone cliffs arecaves with traditions of eremitical occupation. This is where Layamonwrote his Brut, a Middle English romantic history of Britain.38 FromTardebigge, Worcestershire, a panoramic view takes in the distantMalvern and Clee hills. Its yard is high and round and has a well on itsperimeter. The other church associated with the place's founder, EarlTyrdda, is that of Tredington, dedicated in honour of Gregory.Churchdown, Gloucestershire, also has a high round yard, as well as aBritish place-name, and is sited within an Iron Age fort looking outover Gloucester. Churchdown was the caput of the tenth-century royalestate with which was endowed Gloucester's second minster, StOswald's.

Possible contexts for early insular devotion

Kings and their idols: educating the king

If there is a true distinction to be drawn from the evidence in easternEngland of the Bartholomew dedications (all but absent in Essex) in

Figure 11.2 Distribution of churches dedicated in honour of StBartholomew and Guthlac: • Bartholomew; O Guthlac; + OldEnglish names; A 'British' names; Wansdyke.Inset map: Early medieval dioceses and kingdoms: B, Brycheiniog;Be, Bernicia; C, Chichester; D, Dorchester; Du, Dumnonia; E, (PElmet)archdeaconry of York; EA, East Angles; ES, East Saxons; H, Hwicce; K,Kent; L, Landaf; Li, Lichfield; M, Magonsaetan; MA, Middle Angles; S,Sarum; Si, Sidnacester; Su, Surrey; W, Winchester.

146 Graham Jones

conjunction with the 'pagan' place-names (all but absent in Norfolk andSuffolk), it is possible that it echoes the contrasting attitudes of Anglo-Saxon kings towards Christianity. The role of Polymius and Astriges inthe Bartholomew legend may have been pointed out to such kings, inassociation perhaps with the example of Solomon and Josiah, with theexpectation that Christian holy men would throw down their 'idols'. Itis the latter allusion which seems crucial in searching for an earlymedieval context for Bartholomew dedications.39

The eremitical ideal

Some dedications in Bartholomew's honour may have arisen from hisperceived role as seer and keeper of mysteries since they appear tohave been associated with places of hermitage. This category includesplaces associated with hermits who took Bartholomew's name, such asBartholomew of Fame (tH93). The case of Plegmund's place ofhermitage, Barrow in Cheshire, may also involve the theme ofChristianization since the place-name Beam, 'grove', potentiallyindicates a pre-existing sacred site.

Appropriation of sacred places

Guthlac's imitation of Bartholomew in his opposition to demonsexplicitly equates his struggle for possession of his chosen home, theburial chamber and mound at Crowland, with the Apostle's overthrowof deities whose places of worship were required to be appropriatedfor Christian use. But whose deities were implied in the Guthlac story?Whose religious buildings were to be acquired? Three categories inviteexamination: pre-Christian cemeteries, healing shrines and places ofworship.

Pre-Christian cemeteries

According to Felix, the Fenland demons spoke British - a strangeobservation unless it had a purpose, since British was a languagefamiliar to Mercians.40 Guthlac's father Penwalh, and perhaps hissister Pega, had names derived from British originals. British had beenspoken in the neighbourhood of Repton within two decades or so ofGuthlac's birth (Gelling, 1988: 101). Yet the devils of Guthlac A are'menacing forces'. Perhaps it was an attempt to demonize the Britishin general. Felix described how

in the days of Coenred, king of the Mercians, the British nation, theenemies of the Saxon race, were troubling the English with attacks,pillaging and devastations of the people. (Colgrave, 1956: 109)

At the same time, these demons inhabit a burial chamber within atumulus.41 A plan of the supposed foundations of Guthlac's cell, aformer chapel at Anchor Church Hill just south-east of Crowland


Abbey, was published more than a century ago.42 It has been suggestedthat it represents the foundations of a Roman rather than a Bronze Ageor Neolithic barrow.

Healing shrines

At least one of the nemeto- places with devotion to Bartholomew isassociated with a healing shrine, namely Nympsfield in Gloucestershire,adjoining Uley where the Romano-British temple was Christianizedc.380. A recent study of this association has identified a geographicalpattern of dedications in honour of Antony which, like that ofBartholomew, has a concentration in western England (Jones, 1999:121-3). Both Antony and Bartholomew were deemed efficacious in thelater Middle Ages for skin disease; both Antony and Guthlac weretormented by devils. The apparent nexus between conditions of skin andmind invites analysis. Antony held great interest for the early medievalinsular churches. For example, he was shown on the Ruthwell Cross,c.700, together with his companion the hermit Paul.43 It is difficult todetermine the likeliest period at which the appropriation of healingshrines would have led to Bartholomew's patronage. Thus theapostle's final resting place was a church at Rome built on the site(on an island in the Tiber) of a temple of the healer Aesculapius, butwhile this translation took place only in 983 the site had beenappropriated by the church at a much earlier date.44

Places of worship

The Acts of Bartholomew contains many allusions to the appropriationof religious buildings. An angel marks the temple of Astaroth with thecross, an early example of the motif of supernatural consecration ofchurches. This mirrors episcopal consecration ritual, whose liturgyincluded Christ's prophecy regarding Nathaniel as a latter-day Jacob atBethel.45 Gregory exhorted Augustine not to destroy temples but toconvert them to Christian use. He is generally assumed to be speakingabout temples of the English, but Guthlac's demons spoke British and,by analogy with the Bartholomew legend, Felix may have meant themto represent deities, not devotees. Were these then Celtic deities, stillworshipped by British Fen-dwellers 300 years after Constantine madeChristianity the state religion, and conceivably also adopted by Englishincomers?

Overall, therefore, the Guthlac-Bartholomew story, together withthe geography of medieval devotion to the Apostle, may shedimportant light on the Christianization process in England. What roledid it play therefore in monastic education? Christianization was highon the monastic agenda, and the novitiate were prepared for it byfamiliarity with the lives of evangelizers like Bartholomew and Guthlac.But at what period did this happen? Was Guthlac among those takingup a work previously ignored by the urban hierarchy of the British

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church? That is difficult to argue in the light of the Christianappropriation at Uley, for example. The first church there may havebeen contemporary with Martin of Tours's destruction of shrines inGaul (372-97) and/or the composition of the Milanese (Ambrosian)Preface on the evangelizing Bartholomew, if this is to be attributed toAmbrose himself (339-97) or to the early editor of the AmbrosianSacramentary, bishop Laurentius of Milan (490-512).46 In the light ofcurrent knowledge about 'Dark Age' learning in western Britain andIreland, and contacts with the Continent, it is possible that theApostolic History, probably compiled in Prankish Gaul not too longafter 550, was known to the British church on the eve of Augustine'smission to the English (597), soon after the start of Columbanus'scontinental mission (590). Similarly, earlier versions of Bartholomew'sActs may have been introduced to British monks.47

On the other hand, it may never be known to what extent a hiatus inthe British episcopacy and monastic life had taken place, allowing areturn to pre-Christian ways of worship and the abandonment ofchurches. It has been thought that Geoffrey of Monmouth's statementthat bishops Theon of London and Thadioc of York fled to Wales in thelatter part of the sixth century may have some historical basis. Thetraditional date is 586 (Bright, 1878: 33). It may be instructive thatWilliam of Malmesbury declined to write down the names of certainsaints translated at another Fenland monastery, Thorney, c.972,because they were uncouth (Hamilton, 1870: 327). Walter de GrayBirch took this to indicate British names.48 A tradition in the lateseventh century recalled the names of 'sacred places abandoned by theBritish clergy' when they 'fled from the sword' of the English. EddiusStephanus wrote of this in his biography of his master Wilfrid, aneighbour (? and visitor) of Guthlac by virtue of his monastery ofOundle, where he died (Webb, 1965: c.17, 150, 202). Consecrationceremonies were required not only at places of non-Christian worshipappropriated to Christian use, but also at Christian places of worshipwhich had been abandoned or involved in episodes of apostasy.49

Monastic training

Thus it may be argued that Guthlac's adoption of Bartholomew asimagined mentor had importance not only for his formation but also forthat of subsequent generations of religious-in-training. Bartholomew was arole model also for appropriators of non-Christian places of religiousactivity and missioners, thereby having an impact on lay education also.As keeper of mysteries and visionary he represented authority. He alsorepresented action, combating the Devil in the forms of vice (castingdown idols), disease (healing and exorcism), ignorance (setting upchurches and communities, educating kings) and waste (making thewilderness bloom).50 The monk takes part in all these activities.

As to when the Christianization took place which is represented byBartholomew churches and 'pagan' place-names, it is hard to say, but


an immediate association is with the seventh-century policy ofconversion initiated by Gregory the Great, patron of the abbey churchof Downside.

Notes

1. Our knowledge of Guthlac stems principally from an eighth-century Latinprose Life (printed and translated with introduction and notes inColgrave, 1956), of which the Prologue and first twenty-five chapterheadings survive in a manuscript of the late eighth or early ninth century,BL, Royal 4A.xiv. The text as a whole is found in a ninth-centurymanuscript, Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, Ms 307. An Old Englishtranslation of the text is contained in the eleventh-century manuscriptBL, Cotton Vespasian xxi and edited in Gonser, 1909. This Old Englishtranslation is edited partially in Goodwin, 1848, and also in Birch, 1881:15. In eleventh-century manuscripts are found two Old English verseLives, concerning the saint's spiritual trials and his holy death, known as'Guthlac A' and 'Guthlac B' which have been edited (Roberts, 1979).Although found in eleventh-century manuscripts they probably originate'within the earlier Old English period', conceivably before c.730(Roberts, 1979: 70-1). There is also a twelfth-century roll of drawingsdepicting the life of Guthlac in BL, Roll Y. 6., edited in Warner, 1928. Afew later additions to the Guthlac story appear in a Latin poem of thethirteenth century edited in Russell and Heironimus, 1935. This editionis based on CUL, Dd.xi.78.

2. Felix wrote his Life of Guthlac at the request of King ^Elfwald of EastAnglia, who died in 749. It exploits Bede's Life of Cuthbert and thus waswritten not earlier than 721 and most likely in the 730s (Colgrave, 1956:6).

3. Colgrave, 1956: 100-7, 108-11, 114-17, 185-6.4. Colgrave, 1956: 94-9, note 197, 184.5. Birch, 1881: xix-xxi.6. Olsen, 1981: 6-7, pointed out that the likelihood of a monastic audience

for the verse Life had been emphasized by a number of scholars,including Cynthia Edelstein Cornell, Zacharias P. Thundyil and ThomasR. Post. The so-called 'Exeter Book' - Codex Exoniensis - (Thorpe, 1842)was presented to that cathedral's library by bishop Leofric in 1046.

7. Discussed by Olsen (note 6). See also Olsen, 1981: 53-4; Ryan, 1993, II:109.

8. Birch, 1881: 66-9; the reference to Bartholomew is at 67. The original isfound in the manuscript BL, Harley Ms 1117, fol. 65.

9. The Guthlac Roll contains eighteen six-inch roundels, perhaps sketchesfor painted glass. It is edited in Warner, 1928.

10. Bartholomew's feast day had moved forward by then to 24 August. TheRoll is discussed, together with other imagery of the saint at Crowland,particularly in sculpture, by Henderson, 1986.

11. Baring-Gould, 1914: 9, 260. The flaying of Bartholomew appears first in atenth-century Greek version of his legend.

12. Flagellant processions appear to have begun in Italy in the thirteenthcentury (Cross and Livingstone, 1974: 516-17).

13. Kurtz, 1926: 104-46. Bartholomew continued to be associated with devil

150 Graham Jones

combat into the later Middle Ages. Demons claiming to be Bartholomewharassed Angela of Foligno (1248-1309) and Christine of Stommeln(1242-1312), and even the Apostle's own wet-nurses in a fourteenth-century retable now in Tarragona Cathedral museum. I am grateful toProfessor Joy Schroeder for the first two examples.

14. Olsen, 1981: 48. It has been thought likely that both verse Lives werewritten in eastern Mercia, most probably Crowland, with a westerncentre (such as Hereford, Worcester or Glastonbury) as a suggestedalternative (Roberts, 1979: 71).

15. Brodie, 1965: 10, 138. Probably a hand-bell, it is now lost.16. Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 389, cited in Birch, 1881: xxi. Shook

(1961) viewed this combination against the patristic traditions ofpsychopomps (Bartholomew's role here and in apocryphal texts) andthe motif of the otherworld journey.

17. Matthew 10:3; Mark 3:18; Luke 6:14; John 1:43-51; 21:2. Holzmeister,1940.

18. On the social uses of the wild fig tree, see Kitto, 1879-82: 291.19. On Jacob and Bethel, see Kippenberg, 1971: 188ff.20. The apocryphal accounts of Bartholomew were printed by the

Bollandists, AASS: Aug. t. 5 (Venice, 1741): 7-108, and summarizedin Butler, 1956: 3, 391-2. On Bartholomew's preaching and Passio, seeAB 14 (1895), 353-66; for the apocryphal Gospel of Bartholomew seebelow, note 22; and for a fragmentary Passio in which the Apostle ismartyred by drowning see Budge, 1913: 231-2. See also the notes tothe following section. On the apocryphal fulfilment of Christ'sprophecy, see James, 1954: 186. Goulder (1977) has argued that theevents of John 1 were central to the Christology of a proto-Gnostic butalso incarnational Samaritan or Hebrew church, as opposed to theJewish church of Jerusalem. Suppression of this movement, which atfirst enjoyed a near-monopoly in Egypt and eastern Syria, impliedexclusion of its literature from the orthodox canon, but not, perhaps,before apocryphal accounts of Nathanael-Bartholomew had enteredGreek and Coptic traditions.

21. It exists in a Greek version probably from the fifth century, and in Latinprobably from the sixth or the seventh (Wilmart and Tisserant, 1913).

22. James, 1954: 173-80, c.4, w.7-71. A similar account appears in a Copticgospel fragment of the fifth century or later (Lacau, 1904, and James,1954: 149).

23. A tenth- or eleventh-century Coptic version, BL, Oriental 6804, derivingfrom a Greek exemplar of which nothing is known, was printed,translated and discussed in Budge, 1913: xv-xxix, plates 1-48, 179-230,and summarized in James, 1954: 181-6.

24. This part of the text attempts to identify Bartholomew. 'He protested: "Iam the least of you all, a humble workman. Will not the people of the citysay when they see me, Is not this Bartholomew the man of Italy, thegardener, the dealer in vegetables? Is not this the man that dwelleth inthe garden of Hierocrates the governor of our city? How has he attainedthis greatness?"' James, 1954: 186 commented: In St John we read of[Nathanael] being "under the fig-tree" ... this was probably enough tosuggest to the Coptic author of the Book that he was a gardener.'Gardening is a common hagiographic motif for cultivation of desertplaces and hence alludes to hermitage.

25. James, 1954: 467-9, confirmed the view of Max Bonnet (Tischendorf et


a/., 1898) that the Prankish Latin compilation was the original of theGreek Passion of Bartholomew (known from a single manuscript of 1279,printed in Tischendorf, 1851). The earliest manuscript of the Latincompilation is of the eighth or ninth century.

26. On the texts employed see R. Lipsius, 'Abdius', in Smith and Wace, 1900:I, 1-4, especially 4. The Ambrosian Preface, which survives only from thetenth century, is now said to be based on 'les Actes apocryphes desApotres' (Moeller, 1980-81: 161: xciv-v; 161C: 274; 161D: 425). Afurther Preface for Bartholomew's feast day was composed for theMozarabic church in Toledo, Spain, by the ninth century (Moeller, 1980-81: 161: xxxiv-v; 161C: 465-6. Janini, 1982: xxxii-iii, 296-301). Lateradaptations included the thirteenth-century Legenda Aurea of James ofVoragine (little altered from the Pseudo-Abdias), most recentlytranslated by Ryan, 1993, II: 109-15. Ethiopic texts were translatedand printed by Malan, 1871 and Budge, 1899, 1901, and Arabic texts byLewis, 1904. James, 1954: 471ff.

27. The Apostle is not martyred by flaying, however. This was to be a lateraddition to the legend; see James, 1954: 468.

28. On these deities, see Gehman, 1944: 45-6, 53-4, and with their cities,see Moscati, 1973: 57-68.

29. The Christian Apostle had been clothed, therefore, in the mantle ofElijah but also that of King Josiah, who threw down Solomon's altar ofAstaroth.

30. King Astriges's name appears to resonate with that of Astaroth, a neatapposition.

31. The description of the pantheon by Philo of Byblos was propagated inEusebius's Praeparatio Evangelica I (Sirinelli and Des Places, 1974).

32. Van Dam (1988): I, 33. The resting place at Lipari was also known to theauthor of the Greek Acts of Bartholomew (Tischendorf, 1851: 259). Aprevious resting place from c.507 in Daras in Mesopotamia was reportedby Lector (1618-22), pt.505. The prevalence of islands in associationwith Bartholomew - Lipari, the island in the Tiber at Rome, and hereCrowland - resonates with the themes of desert and solitude.

33. Colgrave, 1956: 110-13. Beccel was said to be present at Guthlac'seventual natural death. Redin, 1919: 85, took Beccel's name (Beccelmusin the Guthlac Roll) to be from Celtic bekko-s, 'little' (and thus comparableto modern Welsh bachgen, diminutive of bach, 'little', thus 'little one'), orperhaps a hypocoristic form of a compound with Beorn- or Beorht-.

34. Henry of Avranches, Vita Sancti Guthlaci Confessoris (Russell andHeironimus, 1935), quoted by Henderson, 1986: 88. Was the contest talea substitute for, or accompaniment to, a foundation charter endowingCrowland with its lands? One of the unique fragments in Henry ofAvranches's Vita Sancti Guthlaci Confessoris (Russell and Heironimus,1935) is the story that Guthlac's sister, Pega, herself a solitary at what isnow Peakirk, not far from Crowland, appeared to her brother in the formof the Devil. Guthlac was not deceived.

35. Henderson, 1986: 81, has pointed out that a similar vision, culminating inrescue by the Apostle, was had by Rahere, founder of St Bartholomew'sHospital, Smithfield, London. It is described in Webb, 1921: 42-3.

36. Olsen, 1981: 53-4, and on ofermaecg, 18 (following Robinson, 1968).37. Gelling, 1988: 160, Figure 11; Wilson, 1992: 5-21.38. Brook and Leslie, 1963-78: I, lines 1-7, p. 2-3.39. Such a context can be seen also on the European mainland. Budak, 1998:

152 Graham Jones

241-9, especially 244, has shown that Bartholomew's patronage waschosen for the ninth-century reconsecration of refurbished Dalmatianroyal churches of late antique origin.

40. As noted in the variant of the Old English prose Life of which a fragmentsurvives in the Codex Vercellensis and is edited in Goodwin, 1848.

41. Olsen, 1981: 33, who also quotes Karl P. Wentersdorf: The battle for thetumulus represents ... the unremitting campaign by the church tosuppress the lingering remnants of heathendom.'

42. Moore, 1879: 133, reprinted in Birch, 1881: facing xlii.43. Paul's Life was associated with that of Guthlac at Canterbury, as

mentioned earlier.44. Male, 1960. On the issue of the temple's early Christianization, I am

grateful to Dr Michael Jost for his advice, based on his unpublished PhDthesis (Jost, 1998).

45. De Vaux, 1966: 47, note 28.b.46. Moeller, 1980-81: 161: xciv. See note 26 above.47. A specific personal link between a British church in north Wales and

Lyon in Gaul (perhaps the monastery of lie Barbe), probably datable to540 (Knight, 1995), can now be added to other epigraphic and ceramicevidence for continental contacts, for which see a summary in Thomas,1994: 5, 197-208. On the context within which transmission of literarytexts could take place between Gaul and Britain, see Williams, 1912:179-88; on Irish scholarship and contacts with Merovingian Gaul see,respectively, Bieler, 1952, and James, 1982; and on the likely assumptionby the British church of responsibility for public (Latin) education seeCharles-Edwards, 1998: 75-82. Columbanus's teacher was himself apupil of 'a certain learned Greek' and also taught Mo-Chuaroc, 'whom theRomans styled doctor of the whole world' (6 Croinfn, 1995: 177).

48. Birch, 1881: xvi. The names of three Thorney saints, the male hermitsTancred and Torthred, and the female Tova, are known, supposedlykilled by the Danes in 870 (Farmer, 1997: 460), but these appear to beGermanic names.

49. Apostasy among British as well as English Christians must beconsidered.

50. For a description of Bartholomew as a gardener see foonote 24.

12 'Life, learning and wisdom':the forms and functions ofbeguine education

Penelope Galloway

Beguines were, and are, laywomen seeking to lead religious lives.51

The first beguine communities appeared in France, Germany and theLow Countries in the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries.52

These communities could take a variety of forms, ranging fromindividual women living alone to virtual townships, known asbeguinages, separate enclaves containing streets, gardens, churches,even cemeteries, isolated from the surrounding city by a highencircling wall. This chapter is particularly concerned with theeducation of and the impact of learning on these religious women,considering the extent to which the majority of beguines had access tolearning and the forms of learning they encountered. This will be doneby means of a local study, focusing on the impact of learning on thebeguine houses of Douai and Lille, cities now in France but whichwere, for most of the medieval period, part of the county of Flanders.53

In the Middle Ages larger beguine communities played a significantrole as educational establishments. The type of education thesebeguine houses provided, both for members of their communities and,more frequently, for local children generally, will be considered here.However, in order to examine the education beguines themselvesreceived, one must look beyond their schools. Many women joinedbeguine communities, or chose to live independently as beguines, laterin life. Beguine communities also tended to restrict entry to those oversixteen years of age. In order to discern the type of educationexperienced by and the skills required of these women we willconsider the types of tasks and roles they performed within beguinecommunities. This chapter examines the type of education beguineshad and what purposes it served. It will also assess the various wayswomen used the education they received in the beguine houses ofDouai and Lille.

The relative proximity and similar size of these two cities, which,with neighbouring Orchies, constituted la Flandre gallicante, did notpreclude significant differences in the development of the religiouscommunities within their walls. In the range and number of its beguine

154 Penelope Galloway

communities Douai is unsurpassed in northern France: records survivefrom nineteen institutions, ranging from small convents to twobeguinages (Galloway, 1998: 67). The beguinage of Wetz was primarilyknown as a hospital (AHD, Wetz Hospital, 1/784, October 1245) whilethe community at Champfleury was home to around one hundred womenand constituted an entire parish (AMD, FF861, February 1272).However, even this community was dwarfed by Lille's beguinage,popularly known as the hospital of St Elizabeth.54 This seems to havebeen one of the largest beguine communities in Europe incorporatingsubstantial grounds including herb and vegetable gardens55 andindividual houses,56 even employing a chaplain.57 The size of thisbeguine house is less surprising in view of the fact that it was the onlysuch community in the city.

Beguine schools were by no means the exclusive providers ofeducation in this region, particularly in Douai. The majority of thistown's population, including some of its beguines, was involved in thecloth industry in some capacity, and this had important implications forthe level and amount of education available to residents of the city.58

The international market for Douai's cloth meant that merchants in thecity were engaged in business across Europe; this required areasonable level of education. Complicated business deals involvinglarge amounts of money needed at least basic skills in reading, writingand mathematics. From at least the end of the twelfth century, Douaicontained small schools teaching children to read, write, count andrecite catechism (Rouche, 1985: 70).

One of the most unusual features of the cloth industry in Douai isthe number of opportunities it provided for women. They had access toskilled work, much of it high status. Women appear to have beeninvolved in every aspect of the drapery trade from weaving to sellingcloth.59 This virtual parity of opportunity in the workplace had animpact on the education and training of girls. In the Middle AgesDouaisiens made no distinction between sons and daughters in termsof school and apprenticeship (Rouche, 1985: 70).

Lille was never as dependent on textiles as Douai (Nicholas, 1992:111). Fertile soil in the area made it, like Douai, a grain exporter butits development and prominence was due more to the frequentpresence of the government of the counts than to economic factors.60

When Flanders became part of the duchy of Burgundy, Lille continued toplay an important role as an administrative centre. In 1386 Philip the Boldreorganized the administration of his duchy into two main territories. Asingle combined council and accounting office at Lille was responsible forthe government of Flanders, Artois, Rethel and the other northern lands(Vaughan, 1962: 126-39). This administrative function also required aneducated populace and schools similar to those found in Douai may alsohave emerged in Lille around the same period.

Broadening our scope, we may now consider the role beguinecommunities played in the provision of education. Beguine commu-nities across Europe established for themselves a place in the life of

Beguine education 155

their towns through the provision of a range of social services for thecommunity as a whole. Almost all substantial beguine communitiesacted as hospitals and many also maintained schools within theircompounds (McDonnell, 1969: 271-2; Galloway, 1998: 262-319). Weknow this from the vitae of various religious women who attendedbeguine schools. The Life of Beatrice of Nazareth tells how her father, awealthy patrician and the founder of three nunneries, sent his daughterto a beguine school in Leau, after her mother died (Henriquez, 1630:1). Ida of Leau also spent her childhood in beguine houses beforebecoming a Cistercian nun at the age of sixteen (Henriquez, 1630:109F, 110A). On entering the convent of La Ramee, Ida was swiftlyplaced in the scriptorium because of her skill with a pen, the benefit ofa beguine education (Henriquez, 1630: 109-10, 113).

What sort of education was provided in a medieval beguine school?The foundation documents for beguine houses in Brussels speak of thebeguines 'raising children', which might suggest a caring rather thaneducational role (McDonnell, 1969: 272). According to ErnestMcDonnell, the pre-eminent historian of beguines, these schoolswould have taught elementary subject matter and a substantial amountof religious instruction (McDonnell, 1969: 272). A fourteenth-centurydescription of the beguines of Gent attested that:

they have such respectable manners and are so learned indomestic affairs that great and respectable persons often sendthem their daughters to be raised, hoping that, to whatever estatethey may later be called, whether in the religious life or inmarriage, they may be found better trained than others.61

One result of this expertise in domestic training is that beguinesappear to have been in demand as maids or companions, duties theyperformed in return for money or bed and board.62 These women couldbe employed within or outside beguine communities. Marie de la Tour,a beguine in St Elizabeth's in Lille, mentions Isabiaus dou Maressiel,her companion (ADN, B 1528/2493, July 1283). Records from Douaiinclude references to a beguine named Bietris, who lived with oneAgnes le Cuveliere.63

Most scholars have assumed that beguine schools were onlyintended to educate girls. Their reasoning is that the majority ofbeguinages had clearly established regulations advocating thatbeguines avoid contact with all laymen over the age of seven.64

However, we know that in certain cases these regulations weresuspended. Numerous beguine communities in Douai were founded bymen - the beguinage of Wetz, the convents of St Thomas, Pilates, leHuge, Souchez, and those of Philippe le Toilier, Werin Mulet andLanvin le Blaier - and in some cases these men actually lived in thehouses they established.65 The most significant example of thisphenomenon is Gervais Dele Ville, who founded the beguinage of Wetzin 1245 on the understanding that he and his wife would live in thecommunity until their deaths (AMD, GG191, 1247).


Douai was not unique in this respect. One beguine convent in Arrascontained seventy-two women and one man (Delmaire, 1983: 152).There were also a few men resident in the beguinage of St Elizabeth ofLille in the later Middle Ages. Jean le Roux was given the use of ahouse in the beguinage for his lifetime on 16 September 1458 (AHL,Lille Beguinage, B32, 16 September 1458) while on 13 January 1501properties within the beguinage were rented to Jean Grassier (AHL,Lille Beguinage, B38, 13 January 1501) and to David de Bauvins (ADN,B 334, 13 January 1501, fol. 20v). If adult men were permitted toreside in beguine communities, it would appear more likely that boyswere attending beguine schools. We know that in Germany beguinesran elementary schools for girls and boys in Mainz, Cologne andLiibeck (Opitz, 1988: 313).

However, unlike the system in operation in more conventionalreligious communities (discussed by Susan Boynton, Chapter 2 andIsabelle Cochelin, Chapter 3), beguine schools were not establishedprimarily to train young beguines. Some women who later becamebeguines may well have attended beguine schools, but the schoolsthemselves were open to all, not designed simply to educate oblates.This is due, in part, to the restrictions imposed by beguine houses onacceptance of girls younger than sixteen. The practice of acceptinggirls under this age appears to have been officially frowned upon inbeguine communities.66 When Christine of Stommeln ran away fromher home at the age of nine to join the beguines of Cologne, thewomen urged her to return to her parents, and refused to allow herentry into their community (McDonnell, 1969: 445). However, therewere exceptions. One example is that of Jeanneton of Burgundy, whoentered the beguinage of Lille at the age of nine (ADN, 162H 9/7, 21June 1439). Jeanneton was the daughter of John the Fearless, Duke ofBurgundy, and, on her father's death she was placed in the beguinagein Lille at the request of her sister-in-law, the Duchess of Burgundy,Isabella of Portugal. Jeanneton's age was unusual enough to becommented upon both by Isabella and by the mistress of thebeguinage, who had qualms about accepting her (ADN, 162H 9/7).The mistress described Jeanneton as 'a young child' and initiallyrefused her a place on account of her youth.67 Isabella stated thatJeanneton should be admitted to the Lille community 'notwithstandingher youth'.68 It is unclear what sort of provision was made forJeanneton's education, as the beguinage of Lille does not appear tohave contained a school as such. However, the extent to which themistress of the beguinage demurred about accepting this child, even atthe request of the Duchess of Burgundy herself, suggests that it was avery unusual occurrence.

We can see that beguines had a role in the provision of education fortheir local communities, but not necessarily a significant role in theprovision of education for beguines. What sort of education, ortraining, did the majority of beguines receive? This question is difficultto answer, partly because of a lack of source material. It is


unsurprising that we find little evidence of beguine education andaccess to learning in Douai and Lille. Beguines were encouraged to bedevout, but not intellectual; the most important thing was for thewomen to be humble and obedient to their priests, rather than learned.This is stressed in the vitae of the first beguines. Jacques de Vitry inhis vita of Marie of Oignies, who is often described as the mother ofthe beguine movement, goes to considerable lengths to emphasize thatMarie was not learned.69 Just before her death Marie sang for threedays and nights and Jacques details that:

She expounded the Holy Scriptures in a new and marvellous wayand subtly explained many things from the Gospels, the Psalmsand the Old and New Testaments which she had never heardinterpreted. She uttered many things about the Trinity and fromthere she descended to the humanity of Christ, the blessedVirgin, the holy angels, the apostles and the other saints whofollowed them.70

But Jacques is keen to note that this does not reflect learning onMarie's part. He places a prominent disclaimer on her behalf, beforedescribing the song itself, saying:

She did not have to compose it or discover the meaning or have toponder the rhythmical arrangement, but the Lord gave it to her justas if it had been written out before her at exactly the same time as itwas spoken. She ... did not have to deliberate over it, nor did shehave to interrupt her song in order to arrange its parts.71

Marie had to be established as merely the vehicle of God, acting not ashis spokeswoman but as his voice. This interpretation of eventsensured that her role was perceived as passive. Marie's deathbedanalysis of these passages of the Scriptures was presented by Jacquesas divine revelation rather than something she had learned (seeMuessig, 1998: 150-3). Thus, she could not be accused of attemptingto transcend her status as a devout member of the laity. This sense ofrespectability, of remaining within clearly defined boundaries ofacceptable behaviour, is also apparent in archival documents fromFrench Flanders. In 1328 William, Bishop of Tournai, embarked on aninvestigation into the way of life followed by the beguines of Lille. Hisreport describes the women as 'going devoutly and frequently tochurch, reverently obeying their priests'.72 Emphasis is placed,throughout this document and many others in the archives of Douaiand Lille, on the beguines being dependent on and obedient to theirlocal priests.73 The women's devotion is continually reinforced. In1400 Philip the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, established a committee toinvestigate the state of the beguinage in Lille (ADN, 127H 5950). Theresulting report described the atmosphere of the community as'devout throughout'.74

Many churchmen were ambivalent about educating beguines anddownright suspicious about the uses to which the women would put


their education. Gilbert of Tournai spoke for many in his contributionto the Second Council of Lyon in 1274 (Stroick, 1931: 61-2). Hecriticized beguines for translating and writing commentaries on theScriptures, saying, They have interpreted in ordinary French idiomthe mysteries of the Scripture which are scarcely accessible to expertsin divine writing/75 Gilbert was tapping into a tradition of uneaseconcerning the orthodoxy of beguines and the ways in which thewomen used their education; from the first, beguines were vulnerableto accusations of heresy and they became particularly associated withthe Heresy of the Free Spirit.76 The example of Marguerite Porete, abeguine burned at the stake in Paris in 1310 for her refusal torenounce the heretical ideas outlined in her book, The Mirror of SimpleSouls, resonates here.77

This 'fear' of the way beguines might use their education is alsoapparent in papal documents. The beguines of St Elizabeth's in Lilleand of the beguinage of Champfleury in Douai were subject toepiscopal investigation in the 1320s as a result of papal decreesfollowing the Council of Vienne. In 1321 and 1328 Pope John XXII sentto the bishops of Arras-Cambrai and Tournai copies of the decree Cumde mulieribus,78 an amended and abbreviated form of Pope Clement V'sCum de quibusdam mulieribus (Tanner, 1990: I, 374). This decreeemphasized the security and acceptability of those communities of'simple beguines who lead honest lives, attend church frequently, obeytheir priests' and (most significantly for our purposes) 'do not involvethemselves in debates or in errors'.79 These women, John averred, hadnothing to fear from investigation. The beguines of Champfleury weregiven episcopal endorsement in November 1323 (ADN, 30H 18/286).In 1328 the bishop of Tournai embarked on an examination of thebeguinage in Lille and, satisfied as to the orthodoxy, good intentionsand devout lifestyle of the women in the beguinage, in that they did notengage in such debates or perpetuate such errors,80 he undertook toprotect the community.81 These attitudes and actions demonstrate thatbeguine education was a source of controversy and, at the very least,had to be handled carefully.

Keeping this in mind, we can begin to examine the scarceinformation available concerning beguine learning in Douai and Lille.This leads us to two questions: What was a beguine education for?What were the beguines educated to do? By examining the tasks thewomen performed we can have some idea of the skills required ofthem.

There is a little evidence of beguines in Douai and Lille acquiringknowledge as learners rather than teachers. The foundation docu-ments of the beguinage of Champfleury in 1245 mention the provisionof a cleric to instruct the women in 'the discipline of letters orscholarship', presumably reading and writing, but to what level?82

Perhaps this knowledge was passed on in a school within thecommunity. Sources concerning the festivities organized for the feastof St Elizabeth of Hungary, the patron saint of the beguinage of


Champfleury, speak of sermons and of clerks debating in front of thebeguines (ADN, 30H 16/227). The inclusion of sermons and debatesbetween clerks in the description of the festivities indicates thatbeguines in this community did have some access to clerical learning,even perhaps, in view of the close associations between Champfleury'sbeguines and the local Dominican convent, monastic learning (Gallo-way, 1998: 162-77). The beguines of Champfleury were not uniquelyprivileged in being able to attend sermons. The fourteenth-centurystatutes of the beguinage of St Elizabeth in Ghent decreed that thewomen of this community were obliged to be present at all sermons intheir church (Bethune, 1883: 89-92).

The area of learning in which the beguines of Douai and Lille doappear to be at variance with the practices of beguines elsewhere is inthe accumulation of books. Douaisien and Lillois beguines receivedmany donations of candles, clothing and cash, but their patrons seemless interested in providing the women with texts of any description.However, this may say more about the priorities and values of thebeguines' patrons than those of the women themselves. Certainly, thisis not typical of all beguine communities. In the neighbouring city ofTournai, beguine houses were regularly provided with books bypatrons. Lotars Noires's will from 1 March 1349 stated, 'I give mybook of the Apostles to the large beguine convent, but they are neitherto sell nor exchange if,83 while Simon Thiebault donated 'a book of thesuffering and Passion of Our Lord Jesus Christ, the text of which is AdDeum vadif .M Beguines in Tournai also received a bequest ofAugustine's Soliloquies and Meditations (Lauwers and Simons, 1989:23).

By contrast, my on-going examination of hundreds of wills anddonations from Douai and Lille has provided no examples of beguinesthere being given any sort of book.85 There are no libraries orscriptoria in the beguine communities of French Flanders. On the fewoccasions when detailed information on personal property is available,such as the 1425 inventory of the possessions owned by Agnes deMaissin, a beguine from Lille, no reference is made to books (ADN, B7760/157368). The absence of any sort of references to devotionaltexts used in the beguine houses of Douai and Lille appears to reflectthe fact that theirs was not a method of devotion focused primarily ondevotional texts or manuals.86

However, this does not mean that the beguines' devotional routinedid not require them to learn anything. The rules of the beguinages ofBruges and Gent suggest that most beguines were expected to learn torecite the liturgical hours (Bethune, 1883: 18-19, 89-92; Hoornaert,1929: 37-59). The most detailed set of regulations from a beguinehouse, in terms of the opus Dei, is that of the beguinage of Brugeswhich details the prayers said and even the beguines' responses(Hoornaert, 1929: 37-59, 79). All the prayers of this community weresaid in Latin and mistresses of the individual convents were chargedwith teaching the novices in their care the responses for the offices of


the opus Dei and the prayers to be said at mealtimes (Hoornaert, 1929:32). In the beguinage of St Christopher in Liege the rest of the opusDei, after morning mass, would be marked by the beguines in their ownhomes or at work, where one woman would read to the others from aPsalter.87 There was also an emphasis on reading at the beguinage inGent. The 1354 Rule of St Elizabeth's beguinage in Gent stipulatesthat the women were obliged to read 'three psalms of Our Lady withoutfair each day.88

The pattern of devotion found in Liege is comparable with that seenin documents from the beguinage of Lille, which refer to the beguinesas praying at the appointed hours.89 These prayers were to be recitedin the beguinage chapel.90 The beguines of Champfleury in Douai alsokept the liturgical hours in their community's parish church.91 Even insmaller beguine communities which did not have their own church, thewomen had to learn prayers. Bernard Pilates decreed that the tenwomen resident in the beguine convent he established in Douai wereto learn the Pater Noster and Ave Maria, in order that they might recitethem before an image of the Virgin each day (AMD, GG191/290/524,12 September 1362).

Clearly, participation in the devotional life of their communityrequired some learning. In what other forms of education did thewomen participate? If we expand our definition of the word 'education'from formal learned activities such as reading to encompass a broaderrange of experiences which contribute to an individual's developmentor formation, we find much more evidence of beguines engaged indevelopment of skills. This is apparent in a number of different areas,most notably through the work the women did.

In view of the significance of the cloth industry to the city of Douai itis unsurprising that we find beguines working in this trade. Onereference from Douai mentions an enigmatic 'beguine de la draperie'(Espinas, 1933-49: 35) and the only sources available concerning ruralbeguines from the hamlet of Hornaing, situated between Douai andValenciennes, come from their involvement in the cloth trade.92 Thebeguines of Wetz also appear to have been involved in the cloth tradeto some degree, perhaps working for Jaquemon de Tournay, aDouaisien merchant in the early fourteenth century (AHD, WetzHospital, 2/877, 7-8 April 1313). This work, weaving and dying cloth,required training in the form of apprenticeships. We should rememberthat, as they contained members of the laity, beguine houses were notstrictly speaking church institutions and the women within them werethus, in the sphere of economic activity, subordinate to guildregulations.93 This may well have included the obligation to trainapprentices. There are no records from Douai and Lille of anyproblems arising between beguine communities and guilds. Thoseguilds which did exist in Douai were far more concerned withattempting to eradicate the involvement of strangers (that is, anyonewho was not from Douai) in the cloth trade (Galloway, 1998: 289).Artisans and small producers in the town had no guilds (Howell, 1993:


103). The guilds of Douai and Lille do not appear to have restricted theinvolvement of women in the various trades (Galloway, 1998: 289).

Beguines also worked within their own communities as nurses,teachers, accountants, almoners and in many other roles. In Lille somebeguines acted as merchants, selling their community's produce.Accounts mention fruit and vegetable goods that the women had sold(ADN, B 7730, 1417-18). Clearly the women in Lille produced for theirown community but the surplus was put on the market. Beguinecommunities also made investments and some women managed thecommunity's financial and business affairs. Beguine houses kept theirown accounts and the beguinage of Champfleury had a separateaccounts office, staffed by the women themselves (ADN, 30H 16/227,March 1478). Aelys Hazarde, a resident of the beguinage of Lille, actedas receiver or accountant for her community until 16 December 1409(AHL, Lille Beguinage, E2, 16 December 1409). Women also acted asreceivers in other beguine houses. The first reference to an externalreceiver for the beguinage of Wetz is not found until 1503.94 Until thistime the task had been performed by a succession of beguines.

One role within a beguine house which definitely required a certainlevel of education and particular skills was that of the mistress. InFrench Flanders the overall mistress of each beguine community wasknown as the souveraine. In the beguine convents, such as thoseestablished by Werin Mulet and Bernard Pilates in Douai, thesouveraine was the only mistress.95 In the beguinages, she was incharge of the entire community, including those women who chose andcould afford to build their own houses within the community'scourtyard.96 Poorer beguines lived in convents within the beguinage(each of which was governed by a mistress) all of whom were subject tothe souveraine?1

The souveraines of the beguinages of Champfleury and Wetz inDouai and of St Elizabeth in Lille were public figures, appearing in arange of documents as the legal representatives of their communities.For example, in 1422 the souveraine of the beguinage of Lilleappointed Jean Deleforterie to the position of bailiff of the fief ofBondues.98 The souveraine was also in charge of the common funds,advancing money as necessary to particular convents and payingexpenses occasioned by the upkeep of buildings (ADN, B 7730). Otherresponsibilities included investing the inheritance of the beguineconvents in her care, arranging the rental of property, and purchasingland and property. She put her personal seal, as mistress and, onoccasion, as a private individual, on some documents.99 The souverainealso made decisions regarding who was to be accepted into thecommunity and who could be ejected from it100 and dispensed charityfor poor beguines (AHL, Lille Beguinage, B20, 24 May 1371).

In some communities, such as Champfleury, a council of the mostsenior beguines advised the souveraine in these matters. She was alsoassisted by her second-in-command within the beguinage, the mistressof the hospital.101 Erembourc Dauby is described as the 'mistress and


prioress of the beguine hospital of Wetz', on behalf of which shepurchased land.102 She is also found in documents ceding the right to awaterway and providing capital for investments.103 The extent to whichbeguines managed their own affairs without external assistance is initself a tribute to the skills they developed and the training theyacquired. However, the significance of the beguines' actions is largelydependent on the scale of the enterprises in which they were engaged.In order to appreciate the difficulty of the tasks the women performedand, by implication, the amount of training required to discharge themeffectively, we have to examine the context in which beguinecommunities in Douai and Lille functioned. How important were theyin their local communities?

Through the consideration of the wealth of the beguinages in Douaiand Lille it is possible to discern the important positions the beguinesheld in their local communities as employers, landlords and land-owners. In order to manage these various enterprises efficiently over aperiod of 300 years, as we know they did, the beguines of Douai andLille must have benefited from a sort of education, whether theyattended a beguine school or not. Successive generations of beguinesdeveloped or were trained in skills to suit their duties andresponsibilities, presumably going on to train those who followedthem. The various beguine communities of Douai and Lille appear tohave maintained specific strategies concerning their investments andfinancial transactions. As early as 1258 the beguinage of Champfleurywas buying up houses and land in and around Douai. This does notsimply imply fields but also access paths, gates, canals and ditches.104

In the first decades of its existence the beguinage of Wetz also soughtto expand its territory. In June 1266 the beguines bought land whichadjoined the territory of the hospital (AHD, Wetz Hospital, 2/853).This community also had a mill.105 The same phenomenon of territorialexpansion may be seen in documents from the beguinage of Lille.106

These investments secured for the beguinages an influential role as alocal landowner and, as the beguines themselves did not farm or use allof this property but instead rented it to others, as a landlord.

The beguines of Wetz in Douai presented their annual accounts tothat city's council on 12 August 1264, noting that they had 'in land andin investments', after having paid the rents the community owed, onehundred and four pounds and nineteen shillings income per year.107

This was generated from the rental of houses and land, and from thecultivation of various crops (AMD, AA92, 12 August 1264), of whichthe beguines received a certain proportion.108 The accounts demon-strate that, by their willingness to receive payment in money, produceand kind, the beguines of Wetz were active members of Douai's urbaneconomy. Presumably any produce they did not require themselveswould be sold or given to the poor. The beguinage held both rural andurban properties in and around Douai ranging from arable land to townhouses.109 The community archives include documents recordingseventy-one sources of income spanning the period 1238-1493.


Investments were not exclusive to the larger beguine communities.Even a community as small as the beguine hospital of Harnes, aboutwhich we know virtually nothing, has a book dated 1453 listing itsproperties which extends to twelve pages (AMD, GG191/181-190,1453).

The most detailed records of properties owned by and incomeavailable to beguines comes from the beguinage of Lille in 1417-18.no

The beguines here received rental income from other religiousinstitutions,111 from both male and female individuals (ADN, B 7730),and even on one occasion from children.112 In total, the beguines ofLille received income from 106 separate sources in Lille itself,including one undefined financial investment, houses, gardens, rightsto fish in the river, rights to the use of their mills, twenty-three piecesof land and various tax exemptions (ADN, B 7730). These totals do notinclude the outlying territory of Bondues, where the beguinage hadsubstantial holdings from which they received fifty pounds eighteenshillings (ADN, B 7730). Clearly, the beguinage was a significantlandlord in Lille, with fifty-three tenants in one term of the year alone,many of whom rented more than one property or right from thebeguines (ADN, B 7730). The women also appear to have receivedmoney from the sale of produce, selling twenty pounds and nineteenshillings of wheat alone in this year (ADN, B 7730). The recordsinclude such varied items as butter, cheeses and prunes.113 Theseexamples from Douai and Lille demonstrate the scale of the beguines'involvement in the local economy and the range of their activities. Thishas obvious implications for the types of skills the women had to acquireand to demonstrate. Figure 12.1 shows Lille's beguinage's accounts inthe latter part of the fifteenth century, providing some details of itsfinancial position. In order to put these figures into context, it is worthnoting that in this period the population of Lille's beguinage was limitedto thirteen women (ADN, 127H 5950, 25 June 1402).

It is difficult to determine how much this is worth without havingsome kind of frame of reference. This is why in this chapter I havecommented on the large number of tenants and the wide variety ofenterprises in which the beguines were involved, rather than relying

Year Income Expenditure

24 June24 June24 June24 June24 June24 June24 June24 June

1487-231488-231489-231490-231491-231492-231493-231494-23

JuneJuneJuneJuneJuneJuneJuneJune

14881489149014911492149314941495

405395380351349557384314

1.1.1.1.1.1.1.1.

3 s.4 s.8 s.18 s.13 s.4 s.12 s.5 s.

7 d.8 d.6 d.0 d.4d.2 d.3 d.9 d.

354406261318308430425434

1.1.1.1.1.1.1.1.

2 s.1 s.1 s.

15 s.17 s.19 s.15 s.15 s.

10 d.9 d.10 d.10 d.9d.9d.Od.8 d.

Figure 12.1 Accounts from the beguinage of St Elizabeth in Lille,1487-95.


exclusively on figures. A context for these figures is provided by DavidNicholas's calculations that in Flanders in the period 1365-89 a masterartisan with two children would require approximately seven poundsgross annually for a comfortable living. A master carpenter in Gent hadto work 210 days to earn this sum.114 This comparison serves todemonstrate the scale on which beguine communities were functioningand the extent to which they were flourishing under a system whichgave the women themselves significant responsibilities.

In conclusion, this survey gives some idea of the various tasks whichbeguines performed and the sort of education they must have had. Forsome of these roles, training is perhaps a more appropriate word thaneducation to describe the process the women must have undergone.Their experience as would-be market traders, gardeners, nurses andcellarers is perhaps best described as apprenticeship, such as thatexperienced by beguines in the cloth trade in Douai. However, liketheir fellow beguines who acted as accountants and scribes, thesewomen had to acquire skills ranging from herbal lore to arithmetic. Itis clear that the beguines of Douai and Lille, particularly those residentin beguinages, were significant contributors to the urban economy,acting as employers, landlords and landowners. The successful level atwhich they performed these tasks is testament to the quality of theireducation, however the term is defined.

Notes

1. There are a few beguines still living in communities across Belgium.2. For general background, and details of the extensive bibliography

available concerning beguines, see McDonnell, 1969; Southern, 1970a;Simons, 1989; Ziegler, 1992.

3. Other aspects of beguine life in these cities are considered in Brassart,1867: 135-42; Simons, 1982: 180-98; Delmaire, 1983: 121-60; Galloway,1997: 92-115; 1999: 107-27.

4. The first document we have concerning the Lille beguinage is a sale ofland to hospitale beghinarum earumdem, ADN, B 1528/826, March 1245.

5. trots bouniers et deus cens de terre ... por herbregier ou por gardegnier,ADN, B 1528/835.

6. Ke quesconques lieus et place doudit beghinage soit otroiies a quelconquespersones ... // edefices de celui lieu doive revenir et demorer ou communproufit dou dit beghinaige, ADN, B 1528/2005, 20 April 1278.

7. Countess Margaret established the revenues and obligations of thechaplain in a document from July 1245; Hautcoeur, 1894: I, 294.

8. Medieval Douai is considered in Brassart, 1842, 1877; Duthilloeul, 1861;Dancoisne, 1866; Rouche, 1985. For further examination of Douai'scloth trade, see Pirenne and Espinas, 1906-24; Espinas, 1913; Chorley,1987: 349-79; Howell, 1993: 85-119.

9. For further discussion of opportunities for women in the Douaisien clothtrade, see Howell, 1986: 166-7. Guild regulations from Douaiconsistently used feminine as well as masculine forms for those involvedin the cloth trade. AMD, reg. AA95, c.1250, fol. 20r-v.


10. Further information on Lille may be found in Duthilloeul, 1850;Vaughan, 1962; 1966; 1970; 1973; 1975; Trenard, 1970; Duplessis andHowell, 1982: 49-85; Howell, 1986.

11. Et inter hec omnia, ita sunt in moribus composite ac rebus domesticiserudite, quod magne et honeste persone filias suas eis consueverint traderenutriendas, sperantes quod ad quemcumque statum forent postmodumvocate, sive religionis, sive matrimonii, invenirentur ceteris aptiores(Bethune, 1883: 75). Translation from Amt, 1993: 266.

12. One such housekeeper is found in the household of The Goodman ofParis whose manual is translated in Amt, 1993: 325. The original is inBrereton and Ferrier, 1981.

13. Cis wers est Agnies Le Cuveliere et Bietris, se compaingnesse, beghines,AMD, FF661, October 1269.

14. A French translation of these rules is found in the archives of thebeguinage of Lille at AHL, Lille Beguinage, E3 and ADN, B 20040/19915,undated and 1354. The originals are printed in Bethune, 1883: 18-19,89-92.

15. For Wetz, see AMD, GG191, 1247. For St Thomas, see AHD, StThomas's Hospital, 1/2, 23 March and 7 November 1377. For Pilates,see AMD, GG191/290, 1362. For the convent of le Huge, see ADN, 51H13/72, December 1305. For Souchez, see AMD, FF862, 1338. For leToilier, see AMD, reg. AA94, 16 September 1312, fol. 53r-v. For Mulet,see AMD, reg. AA94, c.1280 copy, fol. 43r-v. For Anselm Creke, seeAMD, FF862, March 1328. For Lanvin le Blaier, see AMD, GG190, pre1337.

16. See AHL, Lille Beguinage, E3; ADN, B 20040/19915.17. Un josne enfant, ADN, 162H 9/7, 21 June 1439.18. Que non obstant son jone aage, ADN, 162H 9/7.19. For further discussion of this see Bynum, 1982 and Coakley, 1991a: 222-

46 and 1991b: 445-61.20. Quaedam etiam de diviniis Scripturis, novo et mirabili modo exponens; de

Evangelio, de Psalmis, de novo et de veteri Testamento quae numquamaudierat, multa et subtiliter edifferens. A Trinitate vero ad Christi descendithumanitatem, dehinc ad beatam Virginem, ab hinc de sanctis angelis et deApostolis, et de aliis sequentibus Sanctis multa pronuntions (Jacques deVitry, 1707: 663; translation from King and Feiss, 1993: 123).

21. Nee deliberabat an sententias inveniret, nee morabatur ut inventas rithmicedisponeret sed velut ante se scriberentur, dabat ei Dominus in ilia hora quidloqueretur (Jacques de Vitry, 1707: 662; translation from King and Feiss,1993: 121-2.

22. Devote frequentant ecclesias, prelatis suis reverenter obediunt, AHL, LilleBeguinage, C2.

23. For example, see Item, que toutes soient chacun jour tant celles de la courtcomme dhospital aux heures acoustumees en la chapelle pour dire leursoroisons et prier pour leurs fondeurs et bienfaiteurs ainsi que tenues y sont,ADN, 127H 5950, 25 June 1402.

24. Devotement entretenir, ADN, 127H 5950, 25 June 1402.25. Habent interpretata scripturarum mysteria et in communi idiomate

gallicata quae tamen in sacra Scriptura exercitatis vix sunt pervia, Stroick,1931: 61.

26. The Heresy of the Free Spirit is explored in greater depth in Lerner,1972; Schmitt, 1978; Lambert, 1992.

27. For a modern translation of this work see Porete, 1993.


28. For Champfleury: ADN, 30H 18/296, August 1323 and for Lille: AHL,Lille Beguinage, C2, 16 March 1328.

29. Beguinas simpliciter nuncupatas que per virtutum odoramenta currenteshoneste vivunt, devote frequent ecclesias, prelatis suis reverenter obediunt etse in premissis disputationibus et erroribus non involvunt, AHL, LilleBeguinage, C2, 16 March 1328.

30. Mulieres in villa Insulensi ... beguine vulgariter et communiternuncupantur, esse et fuise bone vite, conversationis honeste ac devotefrequentare ecclesias et quod se disputationibus et erroribus de quibus inlitteris domini nostri fit mentio non involvunt, sed adeo honeste etlaudabiliter vixerunt et adhuc vivunt, pro nulla super hiis fuit nee estsuspitio aut infamia contra ipsas, AHL, Lille Beguinage, C2.

31. Non permiteas eas vel ipsarum aliquam in personis et bonis earumdemoccasione perhibitionis et abolitionis hujusmodi quosque de statu earumfuerit aliter per sedem apostolicam ordinatum ab aliquibus molestari,molestatores, si qui fuerint, per censuram ecclesiasticam, AHL, LilleBeguinage, C2.

32. In litteralibus disciplinis, ADN, 30H 17/250.33. Je donna me livres des Apostles au grant convent des beguines devant les

freres meneurs, par si que elles ne le puissent vendre ne enwagnier, de laGrange, 1897: 73.

34. Un livre de la souffranche et Passion Nostre Seigneur Jesus Christ dont letexte est tel Ad Deum vadit, de la Grange, 1897: 738.

35. In Douai alone, 1077 wills are found in chirograph: AMD, FF861 (1228-79) to AMD, FF888 (1495-1500); and 620 in register: AMD, FF444(1415-28); AMD, FF450 (1495-1500).

36. For further discussion of the devotional practice of the beguine houses ofDouai and Lille, see Galloway, 1999.

37. Statutes transcribed in Hoyoux, 1961: 156.38. Trois psaumes de Nostre Dame sans faillier, AHL, Lille Beguinage, E3.

Another copy may be found at ADN, B 20040/19915.39. Item, que toutes soient chacun jour tant celles de la court comme dhospital

aux heures acoustumees, AHL, Lille Beguinage, E3, 25 June 1402.40. En la chappelle pour dire leurs oroisons et prier, AHL, Lille Beguinage, E3.41. Al eure que on dist le premiere messe a saint aubin sans avenir le messe et

offisse deum de le parroche de campflori devant dit, ADN, 30H 18/284,1313.

42. The beguines of Hornaing are listed in an assize document from 1304which is part of BMD, Ms 1096 piece 38.

43. For further details on beguines and guilds see McDonnell, 1969: 270-7.Guilds are discussed in Epstein, 1991.

44. The echevins (town council) of Douai nominated Jean de Caudoy to act asreceiver. AHD, Wetz Hospital, 1/843, 30 October 1503.

45. Werin Mulet was himself the souverain of the community he established;see Galloway, 1998: 91. The convent of Lanvin le Blaier in Douai had ademoiselle souveraine (AMD, GG190, pre-1337); that of Pilates had asouveraine (AMD, GG191, 12 September 1362).

46. In the regulations of the beguinage of Champfleury tout governe par unseul kief a li ki es fort une feme beghine ki soit eslite pour fiet deo plussouffisans de le cort... a estre maistresse, ADN, 30H 17/268.

47. AHL, Lille Beguinage, E3 and ADN, B 20040/19915. Original printed inBethune, 1883: 18-19, 89-92. See also ADN, 30H 17/268.

48. Nous maistresse du beghinage de lospital Sainte Ysabiel ... et tous li


couvens de ce meisme lieu ... Savoir faisons que nous plainement confiansdes sens, loyaulte et bonne diligence de Jehan Deleforterie, icellui avons fait,ordonne, commis et establi et par teneur de ces presentes faisons, ordonnons,constituons et establissons bailli de nostre terre, jurosdiction et seignourie... enle paroisse de Bondues, ADN, B 7759/157236.

49. AHL, Lille Beguinage, B6 (10 March 1375) provides an example of apersonal seal.

50. AHL, Lille Beguinage, E3. Copies at ADN, B 1528/1940; ADN, 162H,16371, fol. 135r-v.

51. ADN, B 1528/2493. See also AHL, Lille Beguinage, B13 (21 September1362); AHL, Lille Beguinage, B15 (5 November 1383); AHL, LilleBeguinage, B37 (18 December 1387); AHL, Lille Beguinage, B32 (16 July1390); AHL, Lille Beguinage (5 November 1393); ADN, 162H 303/2867(14 June 1394).

52. Maistresse etporveresse de Vhospital de Saint-Spirit, AMD, GG190, July 1270.53. AMD, FF664, January 1279; AMD, FF665, 10-30 April 1289. See also

AHD, Wetz Hospital, 3/894, September 1270.54. For example, rentes foncieres pecunaires, I'une sur une maison, I'autre sur

une porte et sur un chemin, AMD, FF659, June 1258.55. Le moelin des Wes, 29-30 November 1270.56. ADN, B 1528/1215 (24 April 1259); ADN, B 1528/1294 (February 1262).

See also AHL, Lille Beguinage, B13 (21 September 1361); ADN, 162H(22 April 1367); ADN, 162H (25 February 1368).

57. En rente et en terre, AMD, reg. AA92, 12 August 1264, r-v. Otheraccounts and receipts for this community at AHD, Wetz Hospital, 4/910,1312-1646. Abbreviated accounts from 1329 at AHD, Wetz Hospital, 4/911; accounts from 1343-44 at AHD, Wetz Hospital, 4/912.

58. 5 muis, 2 rasieres, une coupe de terre et encore 4 bonniers et un quaregnonde terre et sunt le muis, 7 ras et une coupe de bleit par an et une rasiered'avaine, AMD, reg. AA92, 12 August 1264. The quittance presented bythe souveraine of the beguinage of Wetz in respect to the community'saccounts from 1340 notes that the house received des rentes de Vhospitaldes Wez ... en capons, dousiens, mars, fiertons, auiwes et coreuwees, eskuesen I'eskevinage de douay et en autre maniere, en quelconques lieu que ce soit,AMD, FF673, 16 January 1340.

59. See AHD, Wetz Hospital, 3/851-70, 881-6, June 1264 to 24 October1496.

60. ADN, B 7730. Accounts from Lille are also at ADN, B 3685, 1369-77.61. De lospital le contesse sur leur heritage qui u la poticarie empres le porte

dudit hospital 4 sols 3 deniers, ADN, B 7730.62. des bons enfans, ADN, B 7730.63. De bure, de frommages, de menus grains verdins, fruis, prunes, poireaux,

oingnons, oings de pourceaulx en cest an tout despendu pour che, II livres,ADN, B 7730.

64. Nicholas, 1987: 123. The only statistics available from Douai and Lilleare those provided by Martha Howell, who states that the day wages of amaster artisan in the building trades in Douai was 8 sous parisis in thelate fourteenth century and 10 sous in the mid- and late-fifteenth century;see Howell, 1993: 94.

13 Franciscan educationalperspectives: reworkingmonastic traditions

Bert Roest

The current emphasis in studies on mendicant education is on theorganization of mendicant studia, their links with the universities andtheir embrace of the university scholarly curriculum. This emphasishas lead to a relative neglect of elements of mendicant education thatfall outside the scholarly curriculum at the mendicant schools, andstands in the way of an understanding of the relationship between thecurricular studies and other educational aspects of the mendicantreligious life. Mendicant mysticism and spirituality have receivedserious scholarly attention for more than a century. Yet the studies onthese aspects of mendicant religious life are done relativelyindependently from studies on mendicant schools and studies onmendicant speculative theology. The latter tend to postulate adichotomy between monastic and scholastic learning. Whereasmonastic learning would have centred on the acquisition of wisdom(sapientia), through the process of reading-meditation-contemplation,scholastic learning would have been directed towards science(scientia), through the process of reading-disputation-preaching.The speed with which the mendicants gained access to the university,as well as the role of the mendicants in the pastoral offensive of thethirteenth century (which asked for well-educated doctrinal preachersand inquisitors), makes it easy to depict these orders as well-organizedbodies of professional students. It should not be forgotten, however,that these orders remained religious movements. Each of themsubscribed to a religious Rule, and inherited many traditions andreligious concepts from older monks and regular canons.

In this chapter, I limit myself to one of these movements, theFranciscans. To provide a proper context for the pursuit of learning inthis order, it seems most productive to concentrate on someFranciscan educational perspectives and the way in which Franciscaneducators inherited, applied and reworked received monastic educa-tional ideas. Since a thorough treatment of these matters wouldrequire a book-length exposition, this chapter only touches on twoareas: the religious formation of novices and friars in Franciscan

Franciscan educational perspectives 169

communities, and the persistence of wisdom ideals transgressing thescholastic view of theology and reaching back to older notions ofreligious education.

The scholarly context: access to the schools

Although the Franciscan school system did not emerge as quickly as itsDominican counterpart, developments were well under way duringFrancis of Assisi's last years. Important study houses were establishedin Bologna (1220-23), Montpellier and Toulouse (between 1223 and1225), Oxford (between 1224 and 1229) and Paris (c.1230). Alongsidethese study houses more elementary theological schools appeared inmany of the larger Franciscan settlements, notably in the Italian,southern French and English provinces.

A variety of sources indicates that a multi-levelled study organiza-tion began to emerge from the 1230s onwards. By the end of thethirteenth century the educational organization of the Franciscanorder in nearly all order provinces had developed into a veritablehierarchically structured network of schools.1 Besides the manyschools in individual friaries meant for the lifelong instruction offriars by the community lector, most or nearly all provinces had so-called studia particularia at the custodial and the provincial level.These custodial and provincial schools were intended to provide youngfriars after their novitiate with training in the arts and theology. Everyprovince was further entitled to send a selected number of its friars toone of the studia generalia of the order for more advanced theologicalstudies.

Religious formation of novices and friars

It is commonly assumed that the character of the Franciscanmovement changed radically with the clericalization of the order andthe access to the schools. Historians like to single out pivotaldevelopments to illustrate the quick transgression from a band ofpenitents to a well-organized movement of professional clerics. Themost well-known are the deposition of Elias and the suppression of theuneducated lay element in 1239; the educational reforms under Albertof Pisa and Haymo of Faversham; and the final push towards an orderof learned clerics under the leadership of Bonaventure (ministergeneral between 1257 and 1273).2

These developments notwithstanding, the religious life of individualfriars and the organization of the Franciscan communal life afterc.1260 were not geared solely to scholarly and pastoral activities. Forthis, we can begin with a closer look at Franciscan novice training andthe subsequent religious education of friars outside the schools.

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Novice training

The Franciscan Rules of 1221 and 1223 already pay attention to theacceptance of new postulants, in accordance with the bull Cumsecundum (1220) of Pope Honorius III (1216-27) (Sbaralea, 1759-68:I, 60; cf. Bernarello, 1961: 37). Those who wanted to join the orderordinarily were expected to absolve a novitiate period which lasted ayear. During this period, the postulant had to be initiated in the basicsof the Franciscan way of life.3 After the end of the novitiate, the novicecould be admitted to the profession of obedience and be allowed toexchange his novitiate clothes for the friar's habit.4

The Franciscan order began as a movement for adults. Neither theRules nor early Rule commentaries paid much attention to the influx ofyoung postulants.5 Looking at subsequent constitutions, it would seemthat matters changed very slowly. The 1260 Narbonne constitutionsstill took eighteen years as a minimum age for incoming friars.Younger boys from fifteen years or older could only be accepted inexceptional circumstances. Only the 1316 constitutions lowered theage of admittance to fourteen. The 1325 statutes of Lyon and theFarinarian constitutions of 1354 finally repeated this minimum age. Inaddition, these later constitutions mentioned oblates. These could bepresented by their parents at a younger age (Oliger, 1915: 394-400; cf.Moorman, 1952: 106-7).6 Other sources, however, such as Franciscanchronicles and saints' lives, as well as accusations by Parisian secularmasters, tell a different story, indicating that legislation and practicecould differ significantly. Based on such 'non-official' evidence, we candeduce that from the 1240s onwards it became more common toreceive fourteen-year-old postulants, and even much younger childrenand oblates (cf. Oliger, 1917: 271-88; Mollat, 1955: 195-6). Only thefifteenth-century Observants were far less eager to accept oblates(pueri oblati) and mere children.

The influx of adolescents motivated the friars to take the novitiateperiod very seriously.7 Hence we see the emergence of the novicemaster around 1240, followed shortly by the youth master (magisteriuvenum), responsible for younger friars under the age of twenty. Inaddition, it became customary to select one or two friaries within eachcustody to take care of incoming novices.8 These centres often housedthe custodial schools, where young friars could receive additionaltraining in the arts and theology after their novitiate. Young friarswould be under continual surveillance, first by the novice master andthereafter by the magister iuvenum and the student master (themagister studentium, who was responsible for the scholarly progress ofstudents) (Brlek, 1942: 67).

Interesting for my present purpose is the emphasis in sourcesconcerned with novice training. Franciscan novices were not expectedto devote their probation time to rigorous studies of philosophy ortheology. Instead, they should devote their novitiate to learn the divineoffice and to internalize fully the basic principles of their chosen


vocation. This vocation was identified as the life of evangelicalperfection. It comprised complete discipline over body and mind,which had to be geared towards poverty, humility, obedience, self-negation and the love of God. To implement the internalization ofthese requirements, Franciscan novices were subjected to forms ofcommunal religious instruction, manual labour and exercises in privatereading, prayer and meditation (cf. Barone, 1978: 229).

To facilitate all this, specific manuals and treatises began to appear.Of fundamental importance was a group of writings that have comedown to us under the collective title De exterioris et interioriscompositione hominis. This conglomerate contains a Formula decompositione hominis exterioris ad novitios, a Formula de interiorishominis reformatione ad proficientes, and De septem processibusreligiosorum. All of these works were written by David of Augsburg(c. 1200-72), who was novice master of the Regensburg friary in the1240s. They were originally intended to guide novices and young friarsin Regensburg and other friaries in the Strasbourg Province. Thesethree treatises, both together and separately, soon found their way allover Europe, occasionally in combination with other works by thesame author. All of them became the objects of reworkings andtranslations between the thirteenth and sixteenth centuries. Theybecame instrumental in the dissemination of 'Franciscan' religiousideas among male and female religious and lay communities alike.

Inspired by Gregory the Great's (c.540-604) theme of three levelsleading to religious perfection (which was also taken up in William ofSt Thierry's (c.1085-1148) Epistola ad fratres de Monte Dei), David ofAugsburg's Formula deals with the edification of exterior man, bymeans of simple behaviour guidelines and instruments to strengthenthe virtues and to avoid vice. The complementary Formula de interiorishominis reformatione ad proficientes and De septem processibusreligiosorum explain the subsequent stages of religious perfectionfrom the viewpoint of interior man. The Formula stresses the reformof the powers of the soul - reason, memory and will - which arehampered by sin. Through their spiritual reform, man's soul once morecan become a true image of God.9 De septem processibus religiosorumprovides a sevenfold progression of spiritual man, leading toperfection. Though initially also presented as a further step in novicetraining, this treatise refers in its more elevated spiritual stages to themature religious.10

Of comparable importance to David's instruction manuals was theSpeculum disciplinae of Bernard of Bessa (fl. c.1260), Bonaventure'strusted secretary and socius. Bernard's Speculum disciplinae, which fora long time was ascribed to the minister general himself (as wasDavid's De exterioris et interioris compositione hominis}, also concen-trates on the discipline of body and mind to arrive at a state ofevangelical perfection.11 Bernard argued, in accordance with Hugh ofSt Victor's (fH41) De institutione novitiorum, that the exercise ofdiscipline formed the foundation of the proper religious life.12 His

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treatise therefore opens with the preparatory conditions for disciplin-ary training.13 An internalization of these preparatory conditions, ofwhich humility is the most pressing,14 would strengthen the stamina ofthe student of discipline.

The second section of the first part of the Speculum disciplinae dealswith discipline itself. This section, which fills an additional twenty-fivechapters, defines the essence of discipline (once more with recourseto Hugh of St Victor),15 and touches on the ways in which discipline canbe maintained in all the different aspects of the religious life. Theseways range from prayer, confession and participation in the DivineOffice, to eating habits, bodily care, corporal exercise and thecomportment toward guests and strangers.16 At the very end, theSpeculum disciplinae contains six additional chapters with generalRules by which a friar must always abide. These are Rules with respectto the friar's relationship with God, his attitude towards his fellowfriars and incoming postulants, and his dealings with received goods.17

Comparable themes are also emphasized in other works for novicetraining, such as Bonaventure's influential Regula novitiorum, whichwas meant to provide a solution to the acknowledged necessity to takethe novitiate period more seriously (Bonaventura, 1898a: 475-90). Ifwe can rely on John Capistran's 1452 letter of instruction to AlbertPuchelbach, the guardian of the Neurenberg friary, it seems thatfifteenth-century Observants dealing with the novitiate exhibited manyof the same concerns.18

These and comparable works of initiation trained novices to see alltheir daily occupations, including basic activities such as eating andsleeping, as a point of departure for spiritual exercises.19 Theincumbent friar should always give his undivided attention to all hisoccupations - never should he give in to leisure (otium).2Q Throughthese reiterative daily activities he would acquire the knowledge andthe right disposition to live a proper religious life.21

The vision of religious life portrayed in these Franciscan works fornovice training was very much inspired by older monastic ideals, whichultimately went back to the spiritual educational programmes ofAugustine, Gregory the Great, Benedict of Nursia, and Cassiodorus(see Leclercq, 1975, 1990; Riche, 1982; Gehl, 1984). In that respectthere was a strong continuity between early and later medieval manualsfor novice training and their Franciscan counterparts. This also isrevealed in the immediate sources of David of Augsburg, Bernard ofBessa, et al. Aside from the Bible (the Psalms and the Gospels inparticular), the major immediate sources for these authors were Williamof St Thierry's Epistola adfratres de Monte Dei, the spiritual writings ofBernard of Clairvaux, and De institutione novitiorum of Hugh of St Victorand Gerard Ithier. It shows that, with the transformation of theFranciscan fraternity to a more regulated religious community, theFranciscan life of evangelical perfection was not simply exchanged for alife of professional scholarship, but modelled ideologically more alongthe lines of later medieval monastic spirituality.22


Subsequent religious education

After absolving their novitiate, the intellectually more promising friarswould embark on curricular studies in the custodial schools andbeyond. Yet, apart from these curricular studies, all young friars wouldcontinue to be immersed in the daily liturgical activities and religiousexercises of their community.23 Both novices and young friars neededto get well acquainted with the various formulas of the Divine Office,the Mass, and the accompanying Psalms, antiphons, hymns, readingsand responses. This included a thorough instruction in the use of thebreviary and the other liturgical books, in musical training, and in thephysical acts (genuflections, prostrations, processions, vigils) con-nected with the manifold liturgical moments (Dijk, 1969; Costa, 1982).The friars were immersed in the intense liturgical rhythms of the day,the week and the year. In the context of these liturgical celebrations,friars would be exposed to thematic sermons that not only reiterateddoctrinal matters but also dealt with issues pertaining to religiousvirtue.24

The daily schedule of novices and friars included hours for bodilypenance,25 private reading, meditation and prayer. Such activitiestraditionally were presented as necessary pendants to the communalliturgy.26 Ignatius Brady has shown that 'mental' prayer was anintrinsic part of the Franciscan religious life from the very beginning.It was regarded as spiritual food that nourished the soul.27 Theimportance of this element of private devotion shines through inFrancis's own De religiosa habitatione in eremo, in the sections ofFranciscan saints' lives devoted to the teachings and the religioushabits of Franciscan saints, as well as in many important educativewritings of subsequent Franciscan authors.28

The friars should make themselves thoroughly acquainted with thebiblical books and devotional texts in their hours of private reading andprivate meditation by committing these texts to memory in aruminative process. This reading process was complementary to thestructured exegesis in the order's schools of theology. In their hours ofprivate reading, Franciscan friars over the years not only learned byheart the Psalms and large portions of other biblical books, but also arange of other inspired writings that in one way or another testified toGod's might and benevolence. These private readings provided themwith additional tools for their hours of prayer and meditation after theMidnight Office and in the early morning (the hours of silence),29

opening their souls to the contemplation of spiritual truth. In addition,the concentration of the friars on these texts and their virtuousmessage reduced the danger to succumb to alien influences inmoments of solitude.30

In the context of these various communal and private reading andmeditation exercises functioned a wealth of Franciscan spiritual works,ranging from concise guidelines for spiritual edification to lengthytreatises on evangelical perfection. Nearly all of them describe ways in

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which the theological virtues can be strengthened and in which thesoul can be made ready to receive sanctifying grace as a prerequisitefor the gift of true wisdom in the act of contemplation.

Very influential were David of Augsburg's prayer guides,31 as well ashis De septem processibus religiosorum mentioned before. As influentialwere Bonaventure's manifold spiritual writings for the order, such ashis famous Itinerarium mentis in Deum and his De triplici via(Bonaventura, 1891b; 1898f: 3-18). These works unfold a progressin wisdom which is presented as a gift of the Holy Spirit. Theyelaborate influential monastic conceptions of hierarchical ascentinspired by Gregory the Great, William of St Thierry and, in particular,Pseudo-Dionysius (c.500). Such conceptions subsume all ascetical,devotional and doctrinal teachings to the goal of perfect knowledge ofthe Divine and the union with God through love (Ruh, 1993: 412-31).As such, these Franciscan spiritual writings provide a programme ofreligious instruction valid for all friars, including those who studiedand taught at the higher study houses of the order.

Many of these more elevated spiritual and sometimes outrightmystical texts rework Bonaventurean and Pseudo-Dionysian spiritualthemes. For instance, this is the case with De laude Domini novi saeculiand De investigatione Creatoris per creaturas of the Franciscan lectorfrom Minister Bertram of Ahlen (f after 1315) (Bihl, 1947; cf. Ruh,1978), as well as with the connected treatises of Berthold Kule, whowas active as lector in Cologne in the early fourteenth century.32 In thesame category we can place the Liber soliloquiorum of the Regensburglector Werner of Ratisbonne (| after 1290) (Fez, 1724; Bonmann,1937), and the Septem itinera aeternitatis of Rudolf of Biberach(c.1270-1316). The latter, a learned, mystical compilation, presentsthe ascent of the soul to the inner secrets of God, a process that wouldrestore the human soul as image of God (Rudolf of Biberach, 1985).33

These and other systematic works stand next to a moreheterogeneous text corpus that goes back to the oracular sayingsand proverbs of Francis's early followers. Very popular in this regardwere the so-called Dicta beati Aegidii, allegedly derived from Giles ofAssisi's oral teachings concerning prayer, devotion and the experienceof the Divine (Ruh, 1993: 403ff). Over the centuries, many of thesetexts were translated, excerpted and reworked, to function in (maleand female) Franciscan houses and in tertiary communities as guidesto spiritual exercises.

Persisting ideals of religious wisdom

Another way to evaluate the context of studies in the Franciscan life isprovided by more extensive Franciscan writings on the objectives andmethods of learning. For this, we can have recourse to authors withdistinguished academic and para-academic careers, such as Bonaven-ture, Gilbert of Tournai (c. 1210-88) and Matthew of Aquasparta


(c.1240-1302), to name but a few. Because of limitations of space andexpertise, I will concentrate on Bonaventure's ideal of religiouseducation and his vision of the relationship between formalized studiesand other forms of religious learning.

Bonaventure had to defend the Franciscan position at the universityat Paris against the seculars, who found fault with the mendicantdominance in the theology faculty and attacked the Franciscans forharbouring heretical Joachimist views (see in particular Dufeil, 1972;Douie, 1974). He had to defend the Franciscan pursuit of learningagainst spiritually inclined friars, who were afraid that the access tothe schools was leading to the destruction of Franciscan simplicity (cf.also Bonaventura, 1898d: 451). He also saw himself forced to attackthe so-called Latin-Averroists or radical Aristotelians in Paris, whoclaimed an autonomy of philosophical studies that Bonaventure wasnot willing to accept (Dales, 1989). These three intertwinedmotivations tied in with his own deep-felt convictions concerning thenature of theological knowledge and true wisdom, and concerning theFranciscan way of life as an expression of evangelical perfection.34

Against those critics who found fault with the Franciscan presence atthe universities and the Franciscan pursuit of learning, Bonaventureunfolded a salvation-historical rationale that was closely bound up with hiseschatological view of the Franciscan movement. While distancing himselfconvincingly from those Joachimist views that threatened the existingecclesiastical order, Bonaventure was convinced that the Franciscans hadcome near the end of time as a God-sent salvation army. In his eyes, thehistory of the Franciscans was an analogous antitype of the history of theChurch itself, which had started with a few simple fishermen, but now hadlearned doctors in its midst. Hence, the change of the movement from agroup of simple men to an order of learned doctors able to defendChristian orthodoxy was in accordance with divine providence.35

Eventually, Bonaventure would develop these notions in hisCollationes in Hexaemeron into a full-blown theology of history, inwhich he stressed the concordances between the process of salvationin the course of time and the progressive insight in divine truth.36

Bonaventure's overall eschatological vision provided him not onlywith arguments to support the Franciscan access to the schools, butalso with arguments to embed the curricular studies in a widerperspective of Franciscan spirituality. Bonaventure indicated thatFrancis had established the Franciscan order with a three-fold goal: toimitate the life of Christ on earth, to engage in apostolic activities inthe world, and to contemplate God in a mystical way. These threeactivities together formed the active and contemplative elements ofevangelical perfection according to the message of the Gospels and therule of Francis. Bonaventure made clear that the mendicant ordersboth followed and distinguished themselves from previous monasticmovements, and that they prefigured a future order of spiritual men (ofwhich Francis already had been a true exemplar) to come after thedeath of Antichrist.37

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The imitation of the life of Christ, the first and foremost goal ofminorite life, asked for an uncompromising embrace of poverty andhumility. The third goal (the mystical contemplation of God) asked fora submission of body and soul to the discipline of asceticism, prayerand meditation. The second goal, the apostolic mission, asked for thestudy of Scripture as well as the ancillary arts and philosophicalsciences.38 Study itself therefore was part of a larger whole: oneimportant but limited way to fulfil the sapiential nature of man who wascreated to know and to love his creator. Study should be seen in thecontext of the apostolic mission of the order and man's objective tocontemplate divine truth. As study was a foundation for the apostolicmission and for mystical contemplation, the spirit with which it wastaken on should be fully informed by a desire for God and compassionfor one's fellow men. Only then one could hope to reap the proper fruitof these studies, namely wisdom and love (see Bonaventura, 189la:420).

Bonaventure's own definition of wisdom made clear that study inand of itself should be more than just a proficient use of logicaltechniques and forms of formal reasoning. True wisdom was a lightdescending from God in man, making the soul deiform and a house ofGod, fully open towards eternal truths and the eternal forms.39 Thisdefinition of wisdom as the proper fruit of study shows to what extentthe final aim of study in the Bonaventurean vision is dependent upongrace and the correct disposition of mind and soul. This presupposes aholy life according to the Franciscan precepts of poverty and humility.The definition also shows to what extent study is itself an essentialelement to engage in a fruitful mystical contemplation of God. Hence,in Bonaventure's presentation, the three goals enshrined in theFranciscan ideal are fully intertwined: the transition from mereknowledge to true wisdom requires the practice of sanctity.40

Bonaventure could advocate the scientific stature of speculativetheology and the use of other sciences to perfect this science (indeed,his academic writings forcefully confirm this). At the same time hecould negate the pursuit of the sciences for their own sake.

These and comparable themes also emerge in other Bonaventureanwritings in which the sanctifying aspects of the pursuit of Christianperfection are central, such as the sermon De sancto Dominico, theItinerarium mentis in Deum and the Legenda major.41 These writings,in one way or another, all make clear that Christian perfection consistsof the comprehension of truth and the practice of virtue. Thecomprehension of truth is dependent upon the theological andspeculative virtues, which are purified in faith, illuminated in scienceand perfected in contemplation. The practice of religious virtues,which will make man clement, constant, humble and prudent, willfurther ensure that the knowledge of truth will bequeath to man truewisdom (Berube, 1976: 4-8, 260ff). Both the comprehension of truthand the acquisition of true wisdom therefore are dependent on a life ofChristian perfection. The model for this life is given by the


mendicants, and in particular by Francis of Assisi, who had followedthe example of the suffering Christ to the very end. Francis ispresented as the perfect imitator of Christ, who by means of his loveand emulation of the Saviour, his fervent prayer, and his ecstaticmeditation of the Scriptures received a spiritual intelligence of thedivine word, which transgressed philosophical and theological spec-ulation. In the final instance, constant prayer, meditation and theexercise of the virtues would enable man to exceed the knowledgeobtained by the discursive methods of philosophy and theology.42 Thisnot only downplayed the importance of curricular studies, but also, inprinciple, legitimized the access to a spiritual intelligence by thosewho were denied access to the schools to begin with, like the PoorClares and the beguines.

Conclusion

Comparable educational perspectives can be found in a wide range ofother Franciscan writings not mentioned in this chapter. They werecomposed either for the instruction of novices and friars, or for theinstruction of Poor Clares, tertiaries and the lay population at large.We are, in fact, dealing with a heterogeneous corpus varying from basictexts for beginners in devotional exercises to deep-probing works ofspeculative mysticism. Texts like these fuelled the devotional andmystical discourse of Franciscan textual communities that comprisednot only the learned clerical friars, but also a varying cloud of fellowtravellers. Most importantly for our present purpose, the spiritualeducational programmes put forward in these texts (which reachedback to influential Cistercian and Victorine educational models)embedded the pursuit of studies in a wider, fundamentally religiouscontext.43

Notes

1. See Felder, 1904; Brlek, 1942, as well as my forthcoming book onFranciscan education.

2. On this movement of clericalization see in particular Landini, 1968.3. In the early Franciscan movement, the initiation of new postulants was

done by Francis himself. Cf. Thomas of Celano, 1926-41: 41.4. For more details concerning the legal aspects of these matters, the way

in which they were dealt with in canon law, the Rules of 1221 and 1223,and in subsequent Franciscan Rule commentaries and order regulations,see Boni, 1996: 211-64.

5. In contrast with the Poor Clares, the 1253 Rule expressively providesregulations for girls under twelve who are being accepted. See Oliger,1915: 394.

6. The pueri oblati should be distinguished from mature oblates, who wereadults who offered themselves with their possessions to a monastery or a

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friary, in order to live a religious life in service of that religiouscommunity.

7. Boys coming in at a very young age - say nine - would not immediatelyhave entered the novitiate stage. They first would receive a rudimentaryeducation in the Franciscan grammar schools before entering theirnovitiate at a time deemed appropriate by the guardian and the novicemaster.

8. This is confirmed by the Narbonne Constitutions of 1260. Cf. Bertinato,1954: 80ff; Bernarello, 1961: 38-9.

9. David informs us that: Interior reformatio in spiritu mentis consistit, quiaet interior homo et imago Dei est mens rationalis... interior autem homo...renovatur et proficit in similitudinem eius, ad cuius imaginem creatus est.David of Augsburg, 1899: 88.

10. See in particular Bernarello, 1961: 24-6; Ruh, 1993: 526-31.11. Bernard of Bessa (1898): 583-622. Cf. Bernarello, 1961: 39f.12. Nam, ut ait Hugo de sancto Victore, usus disciplinae ad virtutem animum

dirigit, virtus autem ad beatitudinem perducit; ac per hoc, inquit,exercitium disciplinae esse debet inchoatio, virtus perfectio, praemiumvirtutis aeterna beatitudo. Bernard of Bessa, 1898: 583.

13. Praeparatoria sunt per modum principii, medii et postremi depositiovetustatis, stabilitas mentis adversus tentationes diaboli et subiectionishumilitas. Primum praeparationem inchoat, secundum continuat, tertiumvero consumat. Servanda erit ubique maiorum et minorum paragraphorumdistinctio ad seriei et ordinis evidentiam ampliorem. Bernard of Bessa,1898: 584.

14. In the first section of the Speculum disciplinae, the depositio vetustatisand the constantia mentis both receive a small chapter. The subjectionishumilitas, however, receives a fuller treatment in four chapters.

15. Disciplina est, ut ait Hugo, conversatio bona et honesta, cui parum est malanon agere, sed studet etiam in his quae bene agit, per cunctairreprehensibilis apparere. Item, disciplina est omnium membrorum motusordinatus et dispositio decens in omni habitu et actione. Bernard of Bessa,1898: 591.

16. Bernard of Bessa, 1898: 591-614.17. Principalia huius opusculi expedita, secundaria haec pauca epilogat et

supplet quaedam, ut novi discipuli Christi, qualiter ad Deum, ad se, adproximum et ad res etiam, quas aliquando servare vel tractare contingit, sehabeant; quibus differentiarum indiciis de sua conversione discernant;qualiter denique ipsi ad professionem recepti se gerere debeant, vel breviterin aliquibus instruantur. Pars Secunda, Quae de Generali exhortationeloquitur. Bernard of Bessa, 1898: 615-22; 615.

18. Albert had just received no fewer than thirty-four novices in theaftermath of Capistran's preaching tour through the German lands.Albert was asked to ensure that the novices learned how to sing (withoutspending too much time on it), to meditate, to confess their sins and toengage regularly in mental prayer: 1. Placet mihi, quod Novitii discantcantare; magis tamen placeret, ut discerent plorare et orationi vacare; quiaquotidie cantare parit nobis Fratrum penuriam, mentem vagam deducit, etadeo tempus consumit, ut nullus vestrum evadere possit in officiopraedicandi darns et peritus; 2. Item, quod Magister saepenumero horteturNovitios suos, docatque meditari Passionem Christi, propriam miseriam,diem mortis, infernales poenas, propria peccata perpetrata, et gloriam postpoenitentiam eis repromissam', 3. Item, quod Novitii bis saltern in


hebdomada confiteantur, revelando malas phantasias et cogitationes, uttentati ad vomitum non redeant; 4. Item, quod singulis diebus faciantcoronam beatae Mariae virginis cum septem meditationibus; 10. Item, quodinstituatur pro Novitiis una hora pro oratione mentali, ut discantsemetipsos cognoscere ... et alias devotas Orationes faciant quotidie.Wadding, 1932: XII, 183-5. Cf. Nicholas Glassberger, 1887: 342.

19. Et sicut Bernardus dicit: 'Cum comedis, non totus comedas, sed attendaslectioni, si fueris in loco, ubi legatur; si vero non legitur, ibidem cogita deDeo, ut uterque homo sit propria refectione refectus. Bonaventura, 1898e:481; In lecto autem sic positus, donee somnus te occupet, dicas Psalmos, velaliud utile meditare, vel quod utilius est, imaginare lesum in crucependentem. Quod si sollicite cogitabis, vix aut numquam poterit te diabolusmolestare. Bonaventura, 1898e: 483.

20. Stude semper expendere tempus tuum aut in oratione, aut in lectione, aut inbona meditatione, aut in servitiis. Bonaventura, 1898e: 476a; In his ergomaxime exerce te, scilicet in frequenti et ferventi oratione et lectione et inservitiis, et per ista tria tota vita tua decurrat, ut semper ores, aut legas, autservias, et potissime senibus, forensibus et infirmis; et perfectis servitiis, nonstes cum Fratribus otiosus, sed statim vade ad cellam, ut ibi ores vel legas, etsta in ea quotidie usque ad Tertiam. Bonaventura, 1898e: 484; Numquamotio turpeant, sed semper aut lectioni, aut orationi, vel officio addiscendo,aut aliis, non quae ipsi elegerint, sed quae iniuncta fuerint, faciendisintendant. Bernard of Bessa, 1898: 617.

21. Scientiam, quae ad institutionem recte et honeste vivendi pertinet, multismodis hominem colligere et comparare sibi oportet: partim ratione, partimdoctrina, partim exemplo, partim meditatione sanctarum Scripturarum,partim assidua inspectione operum et morum suorum. Bernard of Bessa,1898: 591.

22. For a more detailed analysis of these and other works of David ofAugsburg, Bernard of Bessa and Bonaventure see in particular Bertinato,1954 and Bernarello, 1961, mentioned before. These scholars alsodiscuss the monastic sources used by these Franciscan authors, and withthe main characteristics of the Franciscan life of evangelical perfectionrising up from their works. See also Heerinckx, 1933.

23. According to the third chapter of the Regula non bullata (1221), theclerical friars would absolve their liturgical obligations in accordancewith their clerical status, whereas the lay friars had to say the Creed andthe Pater Noster twenty-four times. The third chapter of the Regulabullata of 1223 indicated that clerical friars would absolve the DivineOffice according to the ordo sanctae romanae Ecclesiae.

24. We can, for instance, refer to the many sermons de sanctis held inFranciscan communities in which the moral and theological virtues ofFranciscan saints were dealt with in depth.

25. Bernarello, 1961: 51ff. To my knowledge a thorough study on Franciscanactivities of bodily mortification has not yet been undertaken.

26. Monastic authors maintained that not only personal prayer andmeditation were rooted in the biblical message, but also the Mass andthe Divine Office. Cf. Wilmart, 1971: 13-25.

27. Cf. Bougerol, 1977: Sermo I Domin., I in Quadr.: Sicut corpus indigetrecreari et sustentari cibo materiali, sic spiritus cibo spirituali, qui quidemcibus est verbum Dei quod reficit spiritum.

28. Thus the Speculum disciplinae insists that the novice (both during hisnovitiate and throughout his life as a friar) should spend at least one hour

180 Bert Roest

a day in mental prayer (Brady, 1951). The emphasis on mental prayerand meditation shines through many Franciscan saints' lives.

29. Concerning these hours of silence after Compline usque post Pretiosa, seeBihl, 1941: 56.

30. Lectionibus quoque divinis est anima nutrienda ... De quotidiana lectionealiquid quotidie in ventrem memoriae dimittendum est, quod fideliusdigeratur et sursum revocatum crebrius ruminetur, quod propositoconveniat, quod intentioni proficiat, quod detineat animum, ut alienacogitare non libeat. Bernard of Bessa, 1898: 594.

31. Namely his Tractatus de omtione and his De septem gradibus orationis.32. Among his works we count the Tractatus de pulchritudine anime et eius

deformatione, the Tractatus de extrema hora, De revelatione filiiperditionis, De tempore mortis eiusque incertitudine, and De iudicio proprieconscience. Cf. Bihl, 1947: 3-31.

33. For its abundant use of monastic and patristic authorities, and regardinghow the work was received until the eighteenth century, see Schmidt,1992.

34. Cf. also Bonaventura, 1898a. The best introduction to these aspects isprovided by Berube, 1976: 97-162, 258-82.

35. Quodsi verba philosophorum aliquando plus valent ad intelligentiamveritatis et confutationem errorum, non deviat a puritate aliquando in hisstudere, maxime cum multae sint quaestiones fidei, quae sine his nonpossunt terminari... hoc est, quod me fecit vitam beati Francisci maximediligere, quia similis est initio et perfectioni Ecclesiae, quae primo incepit apiscatoribus simplicibus et postmodum profecit ad doctores clarissimos etperitissimos. Bonaventura, 1898c: 335-6.

36. The logical and eschatological outcomes of these concordances would bethe direct contemplation of the Divine by the beatified. Bonaventure'sunfinished Collationes in Hexaemeron breaks off before this is fullyaddressed. Cf. Ratzinger, 1959.

37. In ordine contemplantium sunt tres ordines ... Intendunt autem divinistripliciter, quidam per modum supplicatorium, quidam per modumspeculatorium, quidam per modum sursumactivum ... Primo modo suntilli qui se totius dedicant orationi et devotioni et divinae laudi ... utCirsterciensis [ordo], Praemonstratensis, Carthusiensis, Grandimontensis,Canonici Regulares. Secundus est qui intenditper modum ... speculativum,ut illi qui vacant Scripturae ... Huic respondent Cherubim. Hi suntPraedicatores et Minores. Alii principaliter intendunt speculationi ... etpostea unctioni. Alii principaliter unctioni et postea speculationi. Tertiusordo est vacantium Deo secundum modum sursumactivum, sc. exstaticumseu excessivum. Quis enim iste est? Iste est ordo seraphicus. De isto videturfuisse Franciscus. See Bonaventura, 1891a: 440. For Bonaventure'svision of Francis as the forerunner of the seraphic order of spiritual men,see Clasen, 1962; Roest, 1998: 206-9.

38. See Bonaventura, 1898b: 338-9, and also his De reductione artium adtheologiam, which not only affirms that all human sciences can nourishtheology, but also demonstrates how the multiformis sapientia Dei, quaelucide traditur in sacra scriptura, occultatur in omni natura (Bonaventura,1891c, no. 25). The liberal arts and the natural sciences perfect man inhis intelligible being. For him these disciplines are a Lumen exterius,scilicet artis mechanicae; Lumen inferius, scilicet cognitionis sensitivae;Lumen interius, scilicet lumen cognitionis philosophiae (quod illuminat adveritatis intelligibiles perscrutandas) [which can be divided into the


logical, natural and moral disciplines]; Lumen superioris, scilicet lumengratiae et sacrae scripturae (Bonaventura, 1891c). The first three lightspertain to the level of natural inventio. The fourth pertains to theinspiration that leads to salvation. All forms of inspired knowledge feedtheology, in the sense that they facilitate proper theological knowledge.Cf. Gneo, 1969. The Augustinian concept of the sciences as handmaidensof theology is also clearly expressed in Bacon's Opus majus. Cf. Berube,1976: 56f; Lindberg, 1987. Bacon was more optimistic about theexploration and use of these sciences than Bonaventure.

39. Sapientia est lux descendens a Patre luminum in animam et radians inearn, facit animam deiformem et domum Dei. Ista lux descendens facitintellectivam speciosam, affectivam amoenam, operativam robustam. SeeBonaventura, 1891a: 329. On the role of illumination in mid-thirteenth-century religious epistemology see Berube, 1973: II, 627-54; 1976: 201-57.

40. Non est ergo securus transitus a scientia ad sapientiam; oportet ergomedium ponere, scilicet, sanctitatem. See Bonaventura, 189la: 420. Cf.also his remark Transitus autem a scientia ad sapientiam est exercitium:excercitatio a studio scientiae ad studium sanctitatis, et a studio sanctitatisad studium sapientiae. See Bonaventura, 1891a: 420.

41. Berube, following Ratzinger and Bougerol, postulates that Bonaventure'slater writings increasingly stress the spiritual and mystical aspects ofreligious learning, gradually moving away from the more rationaliststance in his Sentences Commentary. Cf. Berube, 1976: 102ff, 258ff.

42. Bonaventura, 1926-41: 605: Ad tantam autem mentis serenitatemindefessum orationis studium cum continua exercitatione virtutum virumDei perduxerat, ut, quamvis non habuerit sacrarum litterarum peritiam perdoctrinam, aeternae tamen lucis irradiatus fulgoribus, Scripturarumprofunda miro intellectus scrutaretur acumine ... Legebat quandoque inlibris sacris, et quod animo semel iniecerat, tenaciter imprimebat memoriae,quia non frustra mentalis attentionis percipiebat auditu quod continuaedevotionis ruminabat affectu ... Nee absonum, si vir sanctus Scripturaruma Deo intellectum acceperat, cum per imitationem Christi perfectamveritatem ipsarum gestaret in opere et per sancti Spiritus unctionemplenariam doctorem earum apud se haberet in corde. In the Itinerariummentis in Deum and De triplici via, this vision is reworked into aprogramme of spiritual ascent through the practice of virtues, prayer andmeditation, to the contemplation of the divine. Cf. Berube, 1976: 281.

43. I would like to express my thanks to the Royal Dutch Academy of Artsand Sciences for the financial support that made this research possible.In addition, I would like to acknowledge my appreciation of Dr CarolynMuessig's initiative in organizing such a wonderful conference onmonastic education.

14 Monastic educational culturerevisited: the witness ofZwiefalten and the Hirsaureform

Constant J. Mews

In The Love of Learning and the Desire for God, originally presented as aseries of lectures for young monks in Rome in 1955-56, Dom JeanLeclercq, OSB, argued with elegance and literary flair that monasticculture in the Middle Ages was characterized by a contemplative focus,fundamentally different from that pursued in non-monastic schools. Inhis view, the cloister fostered a theology that was contemplative incharacter and quite distinct from the pastorally oriented theologytaught in urban schools. Monks acquired their religious formation, heheld, not from a scholastic using the quaestio, but under the guidanceof an abbot or spiritual father within a liturgical context (Leclercq,1982a: 2).1 Leclercq's thesis of a great divide between monastic andscholastic culture has a seductive simplicity. It interprets the confronta-tion between Abelard and Bernard of Clairvaux as epitomizing the tensionbetween two very different ways of doing theology: one contemplative andmystical, the other based on the quaestio (Leclercq, 1982a: 208-9). Whilenot denying the legitimacy of scholastic theology, Leclercq did notdisguise his preference for the thought of the cloister as less affected bythe concerns of the moment' (Leclercq, 1982a: 224). In a paper written in1981, he commented that while scholasticism was of only 'temporary'interest, the literature of monastic theology would have an enduringlegacy because of its appeal to 'human experience' and its 'enduringbeauty' (1982b: 87).2 Leclercq did much to promote the study of twelfth-century monastic authors as providing an alternative to what he fearedwas the potential aridity of scholastic theological discussion, just as thewritings of his friend, Thomas Merton, helped renew interest incontemplative spirituality in the second half of the twentieth century.

Leclercq's argument that underpinning the diversity of individualmonastic writings there was a single underlying 'monastic theology',quite distinct from that of the schools, is problematic. The centralfigure whom he presented as the embodiment of this 'monastic

The witness of Zwiefalten and the Hirsau reform 183

theology' was Bernard of Clairvaux. Certainly, the disputes withAbelard and Gilbert of Poitiers in which Bernard became embroiledlend support to the notion that Bernard may have perceived themeditative values of the cloister as under threat from a questioning,analytic spirit. Leclercq's division between scholastic and monastictheology is much less able, however, to come to terms with thewritings of Anselm of Bee, who makes extensive use of the quaestio tounravel knotty questions both of language and of theology. What are weto make of monastic interest in the thought of Hugh of St Victor, whosimilarly combines the quaestio with monastic ideals of contemplation?

Bernard's distinct interpretation of the monastic life cannot betaken as representative of monastic educational culture as a wholeduring the twelfth century (or in any other period, for that matter).Texts of scholastic theology were frequently copied in monasticlibraries. The 1472 library catalogue of Clairvaux, for example,contained a large collection of libri speculative theologie, includingthe earliest known copy of the Four Books of Sentences of PeterLombard (Troyes, Bibliotheque municipale 286), produced at Clair-vaux c.l 159, only a few years after the work had been completed.3

While Abelard's writings never circulated as widely as those ofBernard, a significant proportion survive in Benedictine libraries.4

Gilbert of Poitiers was another non-monastic author whose difficultieswith Bernard of Clairvaux in 1148 did not stop his writings fromcirculating in monastic as well as non-monastic libraries.5 Otto ofFreising, who had been the first Cistercian abbot of Morimond beforebecoming a bishop, gently criticized Bernard for not understanding thesubtlety of Gilbert's theology, and was celebrated for being one of thefirst scholars to introduce new texts of Aristotle into Germany.6 PeterClassen has already observed how many early scholastic texts are to befound in monastic libraries in Bavaria and Austria, where the survivingdeposit of twelfth-century manuscripts is particularly rich (Classen,1959). The concept of 'monastic theology' imposes a degree of culturaluniformity on twelfth-century monasticism which is difficult to sustainfrom the evidence of manuscripts and library catalogues.

The Hirsau reform

The emphasis that Leclercq placed on the Cistercian movement ofmonastic reform, as well as on rhetorical claims that there was a greatspiritual divide between the world of the cloister and of the schools,inevitably placed a great deal of emphasis on the situation in Francewhere this rivalry became particularly pronounced in the twelfthcentury. Much less well known to English-speaking students is thereform movement promoted in south-western Germany by William ofHirsau (c.1026-91). Brought up at St Emmeram, Regensburg, underthe influence of Otloh (1010-C.1070), William was remembered by hisbiographer as having the rare quality of being both learned and

184 Constant ]. Mews

religious (Wattenbach, 1856: 22, 219).7 He composed dialogues onboth music (in which he criticized the opinions of Boethius and Guidoof Arrezo) and astronomy.8 After becoming abbot at Hirsau in 1069,William asked his friend Ulrich of Zell to send him the customs ofCluny, on which he based his own Constitutiones Hirsaugienses(William of Hirsau, 1881: 927-1146).9 Although William's reformsare often described as 'neo-Cluniac', they differed in some importantways from those of Cluny. William never adopted the full complexitiesof its elaborate liturgy or its system of subordinating houses to theauthority of a single abbot. Abbeys influenced by Hirsau were free toadapt a kernel of common liturgical practices according to their ownneeds.10 William had a horror of being venerated for his abbatialdignity, and was much involved in promoting the religious life throughhis preaching to women as well as men (Kusters, 1985: 102-14).

Our understanding of the educational culture promoted by Williamat Hirsau, and at the houses influenced by his reforms in the lateeleventh and early twelfth century, has been severely impaired by thedestructive wars that ravaged monastic communities in south-westernGermany in the seventeenth century. Our problems are compoundedby the fact that for much of our knowledge of the Hirsau reform we arelargely dependent on the testimony of Johannes Trithemius (1462-1516), the bibliophile abbot of Sponheim, sometimes accused of beingan unreliable historian.11 Only by patiently exploring those manu-scripts that do survive and matching them against his testimony can welearn to evaluate what he has to say.

One of the many German monastic houses which may have beeninfluenced by the Hirsau reforms is the Abbey of St Disibod, officiallyfounded in 1108 by archbishop Ruthard with monks from the Mainzabbeys of St James and St Alban. Its Hirsau affiliations, oftensuspected, have recently been confirmed by Felix Heinzer, who hasobserved that a liturgical manuscript from Disibodenberg (Engelberg,Ms 103) incorporates the Hirsau liber ordinarius.12 St Disibod is mostwell-known for the fact that Hildegard spent the first forty years of herlife there as a recluse, initially under the tutelage of Jutta (1092-1136)and Volmar, the monk deputed to be her magister (see CarolynMuessig, Chapter 8). While we know very little for certain about thekind of educational culture to which Hildegard would have beenexposed at St Disibod, we can gain some idea of the type of monasticculture valued there by the extended attention its chronicle gives toBee as a centre for both the liberal arts and sacred studies underAnselm. The chronicler lists all the writings of Anselm, including aletter that he believes had been sent to William of Hirsau.13

The Library of Hirsau

Although relatively few manuscripts from the abbey of Hirsau havesurvived, it is evident from William of Hirsau's monastic constitutions


that great importance was attached to the maintenance of the libraryand the work of transcription.14 A twelfth-century library catalogue,transcribed by Johannes Parsimonius (1525-88), fourth evangelicalabbot of Hirsau and edited by Gottfried Lessing in the eighteenthcentury, is particularly valuable in allowing us to glimpse itscharacter.15 Parsimonius seems to have had access to importantmanuscripts of Hirsau not known to Trithemius.16 The cataloguebegins with the rubric:

Books of the most distinguished authors of the Church of thelibrary of Hirsau, copied by hand with great labour and greatestexpense and assembled almost all in the time of the aforemen-tioned father William [1069-91] and his successors, Bruno[1105-21], Volmar [1121-57] and Manegold [1157-65], withoutdoubt an incomparable treasure.

The first part lists various authors chronologically: Josephus, Origen,Tertullian, Cyprian, Hilary, Augustine, Jerome, Orosius, John Chry-sostom, Athanasius, Cassian, Cassiodorus, Isidore, Bede, Alcuin,Raban Maur, Haimo, Anselm of Canterbury, Peter Damian, Hermann[of Reichenau], Bernold [of Constance], William of Hirsau and finally 'acertain monk of Hirsau known as Peregrinus'. A second list follows,mentioning various glosses on biblical books, Hugh [of St Victor], Desacramentis in two volumes, Letters of Popes Gregory II and IV, twovolumes of canons, books of canons and papal decrees; Prosper, Decontemplativa vita; Didymus, De spiritu sancto; Paschasius, De corporeet sanguine Domini] and finally Various chronicles and historical books... and in sum truly many books whose titles and authors I have notwanted to write down'.

While many of these Hirsau volumes have not survived, many of thesame authors are present in the Library of Zwiefalten, a community ofboth monks and nuns, founded in 1089 as an early offshoot of Hirsau.The Abbey expanded significantly under the governance of abbotUlrich I (1095-1139). From around 1100 there was a separatecommunity of women under their own magistra at Zwiefalten, a fewhundred metres from the men's community. By 1138, Berthold reportsthat Zwiefalten counted some seventy monks, one hundred and thirtylay brothers and sixty-two nuns (Pertz 1844: 10, 160). Karl Loffleridentified no fewer than 285 surviving manuscripts from this abbey, allbut four of them preserved in the Wiirttembergische Landesbibliothek,Stuttgart; this research is reproduced by Kramer in her inventory ofmedieval libraries (Loffler, 1931; Kramer, 1989: I, 866-72).

Just over one hundred can be dated to the twelfth century. (Theother great period of scribal activity was in the fifteenth century.) Whatmakes this collection particularly valuable is that a significant numberof them carry inscriptions written in the characteristic hand of itschronicler and librarian, Ortlieb, enabling them to be dated to before1140. Some idea of the relative levels of literacy in the male and femalecommunities is suggested by the fact that the twelfth-century

186 Constant J. Mews

necrology (Cod. Hist. 2° 420) mentions just two scribes: (fol. 4v)Mahtilt de Nifen conversa congregationis. Ista multos libros sancte Marieconscripsit, and (fol. 15v) Albertus monacus nostre congregationis.Scriba.17 The statement that Mathilda of Nifen 'wrote many books of StMary' is of particular interest for what it implies about levels of literacyin the female community. Not all the nuns may have been as skilled incopying as Mathilda. Nonetheless, it is noteworthy that the author ofthe obituary saw fit to single out the contribution of a female conversaas well as that of a monk. The variety of hands that copy thesemanuscripts suggests that there must have been more than just twoscribes active in the twelfth century (Loffler, 1931: 8).

The only manuscripts of Zwiefalten that have so far received criticalattention are those with art historical interest.18 There can be nodoubt, however, that it possessed an exceptionally well-endowedlibrary. Certain codices copied before the twelfth century seem to havebeen brought to the Abbey at its foundation.19 If the twelfth-centurymanuscripts are extracted from Kramer's list, we can derive a goodpicture of its library. As no printed catalogue of the Codices Theologici inthe Landesbibliothek has ever been produced, it is likely that furtherresearch will uncover more treasures. Nonetheless, even a preliminaryglance at the twelfth-century manuscripts of Zwiefalten reveals a numberof the authors mentioned in the Hirsau catalogue, as well as many others:

Karlsruhe, Badisches Generallandersarchiv, 65/11962 Isidore (frag-ment), c.1150/65

Karlsruhe, Badisches Generallandersarchiv, Aug. LX Antiphonale,c.1165/1200

Stuttgart, WLB, Bibl. 2° 56-58, c. 1120/1200Stuttgart, WLB, Bibl. 2° 65 Evangelium secundum Marcum Passionale,

cum glossis, s.XIIStuttgart, WLB, Bibl. 2° 66 Evangelium secundum Lucam cum glossis,

S.XII/XIII

Stuttgart, WLB, Bibl. 2° 67a-b Gilbertus Porretanus, In Psalmos, etc.,c.1160/70

Stuttgart, WLB, Bibl. 2° 68 Evangelium secundum Lucam, etc., s.XIIStuttgart, WLB, Bibl. 2° 70 Evangelium secundum Matthaeum cum

glossis, s.XIIStuttgart, WLB, Bibl. 2° 72 Epistolae Pauli cum glossis, c.1160/1200Stuttgart, WLB, Bibl. 2° 74 Ezekiel cum glossis, etc., s.XII/XIIIStuttgart, WLB, Bibl. 2° 76 Evangelium secundum Lucam cum glossis,

S.XIIStuttgart, WLB, Bibl. 2° 77 Exodus, cum glossis, s.XII/XIIIStuttgart, WLB, Bibl. 2° 78 Numeri, cum glossis, s.XIIStuttgart, WLB, Bibl. 2° 79 Evangelium secundum lohannem cum

glossis, s.XIIStuttgart, WLB, Bibl. 2° 81 Evangelium secundum Matthaeum, cum

glossis, s.XIIStuttgart, WLB, Bibl. 4° 33 Lectionarium, c. 1125/35Stuttgart, WLB, Bibl. 4° 34 Biblia, s.XII

The witness of Zwiefalien and the Hirsau reform 187

Stuttgart, WLB, Bibl. 4° 36 Graduate, c.1125/35Stuttgart, WLB, Brev. 98 Psalterium, etc., c.1125/35Stuttgart, WLB, Brev. 100 Psalterium, etc., C.1125/S.XVStuttgart, WLB, Brev. 109 Rituale, a. 1137/43Stuttgart, WLB, Brev. 123 Graduate, etc., 1140/50Stuttgart, WLB, Brev. 126 Evangelistarium, c.1150/60Stuttgart, WLB, Brev. 128 Collectarium festivale, c.1140/50Stuttgart, WLB, Hist. 2° 409 Eusebius, Historia ecclesiastica, etc.,

c.1110/25Stuttgart, WLB, Hist. 2° 410 Orosius, c. 1160/70Stuttgart, WLB, Hist. 2° 411 Frutolf of Michelsberg and Ekkehard of

Aura, Chronica, c. 1160/70Stuttgart, WLB, Hist. 2° 415 Annales Zwifaltenses c.1162Stuttgart, WLB, Hist. 2° 416 Ps-Hegesippus, Historiae, c. 1130/40Stuttgart, WLB, Hist. 2° 420 Necrologium Zwifaltense, a. 1196/1208Stuttgart, WLB, Hist. 4° 156 Ortlieb, De fundatione Monasterii

Zwifaltensis, s.XIIStuttgart, WLB, Poet, et phil. 2° 33 Isidore, Etymologiae, c. 1130/40Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 188 Gregory of Tours, Libri VIII

miraculorum, etc., c. 1130/40Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 189 Didymus interprete Hieronymo, etc.,

1125/35Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 190a-f Gregory the Great, Moralia in Job,

c.1090/1110Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 191 Cassian, c.1090/1110Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 194 Anselm of Canterbury, Cur Deus Homo,

etc., s.XIIStuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 201 Augustine, Homiliae, s.XII/XIIIStuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 203 Homiliae, s.XIIStuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 204 Peter Comestor, Historia scholastica,

etc., post a. 1173/s.XIIIStuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 205 Chrysostom, Homilae, etc., s.XIIStuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 206 Ps-Bede, In psalmos, etc., s.XIIStuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 207 Augustine, c. 1100/20Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 209 Martyrologium, etc., s.XIIStuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 210 Ambrose, Hexaemeron, etc., c.1100/1110Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 211 Gregory, Homiliae, etc., s.XIIStuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 212 Augustine, Sermones, c.1125/35Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 214 Ambrose, De officiis, etc., c.1130/40Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 215 Augustine, De virginitate, etc., s.XIIStuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 216 Augustine, Confessiones, c.1125/35Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 217 Haymo, In Apocalypsim, c.1115/25Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 218 Glossarium biblici, etc., c.1130/40Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 220 Bede, In Cant. Canticorum, etc., c. s.XI/

XIIIStuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 221 Jerome, Adversusjovinianum, etc., s.XIIStuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 222 Augustine, De doctrina Christiana, etc.,

s.XII


Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 223 Augustine, Degenesi ad litteram, c.1100/20

Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 224 Vitae patrum, etc., c.1120/25Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 225 Bede, Homiliae, s.XIIStuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 226 Haymo, In XII Prophetae minores,

c.1115/25Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 227 Augustine, Homiliae, s.XIIStuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 228 Haymo, In epistolas Pauli, c.1115/25Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 229 Bernard of Clairvaux, In Cant.

Canticorum, etc., s.XIIStuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 230 Paterus, In vetus et novum testamentum,

etc., S.XI/XIIStuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 231 Augustine, De consensu evangelistarum,

s.XIIStuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 232 Paterus, In vetus testamentum; Ps-

Paterus, Ex operibus Gregorii Magni, c. 1130/40Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 141 Annales Zwiefaltenses, etc., c.1111/96Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 188 Smaragdus, Diadema monachorum, etc.,

c.1100/20Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 209 Gregory the Great, etc., c.1120Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 210 Gregory Nazianzene, Orationes, etc.,

s.XIIStuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 213 Defensor pacis, Liber scintallarum, etc.,

s.XIIStuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 216 Sermones, etc., s.XIIStuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 217 Ambrose, De mysteriis, etc., c.1100/15Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 223 Gregory the Great, Dialogi, s.XIIStuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 226 Cassian, etc., s.XIIStuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 232 Institutio canonum Aquisgranesium,

etc., c.1130/40Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 233 Cassian, De vitiorum remediis, etc., s.XIIStuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 234 Anselm of Canterbury, Orationes, etc.,

S.XI/XIIStuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 243 Bede, Super Acta apostolorum, etc.,

c.l 130/40Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 244 Jerome, In Matthaeum, etc., c. 1115/25Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 245 Augustine, Retractationes, etc., c.1100/

15Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 247 Augustine, Contra Mendacium, etc.,

c.1125/35Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 248 Isidore, Synonyma, etc., s.XIIStuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 250 Bede, De tabernaculo, c. 1090/1110Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 251 Ephraem the Syrian, Sermones, etc.,

c.1110/15Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 252 Gregory the Great, Homiliae, etc., s.XIIStuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 253 Miscellanea theologica [including: Ivo of

Chartres, Sermo V, Hildegard, Epistulae] Bernard, De gratia et liberoarbitrio; Isidore, De ecclesiasticis officiis], s.XII


Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 254 Gregory the Great, Regula pastoralis,etc., c.1100/35

Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 255 Raban Maur, In IV libros Regum, c.1130/40

Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 256 Augustine, De peccatorum mentis, etc.,c.1100/20

Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 257 Augustine, Enchiridion, etc., c.1110/15Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 258 Augustine, De gratia et libero arbitrio,

etc, c.1090/1110Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 259 Excerpta patrum, etc., c.1100/15Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 260 Augustine, Sermones, s.XIIStuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 261 Augustine, Ex variis operibus (exc.),

c.1000/15Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 262 Honorius Augustodensis, Gemma

animae, etc., s.XII/XIIIStuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 263 Jerome, In Genesim, etc., c.1130/40Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 8° 51 Ivo of Chartres, Sententiae, Inevitable, De

offendiculo [three works also in Munich, Bayerische Staatsbi-bliothek, Clm 13105]; ps-Bede, Oraculum de interitu Romae; Bede,De die judicii, etc., c.1125/35

Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 8° 54 Augustine, De opere monachorum, etc., s.XIIStuttgart, WLB, Theol. 8° 56 Basil of Caesarea, Regula monastica,

c.1125/35Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 8° 64 Regula Augustini, etc., s.XIIStuttgart, WLB, Theol. 8° 65 Ambrosius Autpertus, Sermo de

cupiditate, etc., c.1120/25Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 8° 66 Jerome, In Danielem, s.XIIStuttgart, WLB, Theol. 8° 67 Augustine, De vita Christiana, etc., s.XIIStuttgart, WLB, Theol. 8° 68 Institutio puerorum, etc., s.XII

This is an impressively wide-ranging collection. Zwiefalten ownednot just familiar historical authors like Eusebius, Orosius andJosephus, but also a copy (Hist. 2° 411) produced c.1160-70 containinga treatise De sibyllis (fols. lv-4), the chronicles of Frutolf ofMichelsberg and Ekkehard of Aura (fols. 5v-180, 183-207), andexcerpts from Otto of Freising (fols. 209-2Iv) and Bernold ofConstance (fols. 221v-2). It was also rich in theological texts, oftencopied alongside more well-known authors from the past. Thus Theol.4° 257, copied c.1110-15, contains on fols. 83v-85 Alger of Liege,Libellus de libero arbitrio after Augustine's Liber de fide et enchiridionad Laurentium (fols. l-36v) and his Enchiridion (fols. 37r-83v)(Borries-Schulten, 1987: 43, no. 13). Theol. 4° 259 contains not just ananthology of patristic texts (fols. 1-73), and Ambrose, De bono mortis(fols. 75-102), but also Bernold of Constance, De veritate corporis etsanguinis domini (fols. 102-30) (Borries-Schulten, 1987: 45, no. 16).

A number of texts would have been of particular relevance to thefemale community at Zwiefalten. Thus Theol. 4° 217 (1100-15)contains an important collection of writings of Ambrose relating tovirginity and widowhood, notably the De virginibus, De virginitate, De


viduis, Exhortatio virginitatis, De institutione virginis (Borries-Schulten,1987: 45, no. 17). Theol. 2° 224 (1120-25) contains ascetic texts forboth men and women: the Vitae Patrum; Martinus de Braga, Formulahonestae vitae; ps-Sixtus (Rufinus), Sententiae; Pelagius, Epistula advirginem devotam; Nicetas de Remesiana (?), De lapsu virginisconsecratae] Isidore, Synonyma; Ambrosius Autpertus, De conflictuvitiorum et virtutum (Borries-Schulten, 1987: 56, no. 33). Theol. 4° 232contains Carolingian rules for both canons and nuns: the Institutiocanonicorum Aquisgranensis (fols. l-74v) and the Institutio sanctimo-nialium Aquisgranensis (fols. 75v-129) (Borries-Schulten, 1987: 89,no. 59). Historical writing was well represented: Hist 2° 411 (1160-70)contains a treatise De sibyllis (fols. lv-4), the chronicles of Frutolf ofMichelsberg and Ekkehard of Aura (fols. 5v-180, 183-207), excerptsof Otto of Freising (fols. 209-2Iv) and of Bernold of Constance (fols.221v-22).

As at Hirsau and at Disibodenberg, the writings of Anselm seem tohave been accorded honour at Zwiefalten. Theol. 2° 194 contains hisCur deus homo, De conceptu uirginali, De processione spiritus, andEpistola de sacrificio azimi et fermentati, while Theol. 4° 234 containsthe Meditationes et orationes (Loffler, 1931: 54, no. 155; Borries-Schulten, 1987: 126, no. 16). It also owned glossed copies of all themajor books of the Bible. More research is needed to establishwhether these are copies of the Glossa ordinaria, a literary projectinitially stimulated by the exegetical activity of Anselm of Laon.

One Zwiefalten manuscript from the early twelfth century (Bibl. 2°206) contains on fols. 1-188 a commentary on the Psalms, printed byHeerwagen in the early sixteenth century as a work of Bede, but in factan innovative scholastic Psalm commentary of the late eleventh orearly twelfth century. Whether or not 'pseudo-Bede' is in factManegold of Lautenbach, as Wilmart suggested, there can be nodenying that this is one of a new breed of Psalms commentaries thatfocuses on analysing the meaning of individual words (Borries-Schulten, 1987: 126-27, no. 79). The manuscript also containsBernold of Constance, De vitanda excommunicatorum communio (fol.40), Hugh of St Victor, De quinque septenis (fol. 188rb-vb), and Decretapontificum (fols. 189r-90v).

A manuscript possibly copied before 1140 (Theol. 4° 262) includedHonorius Augustodunensis, Gemma animae (fols. l-63v), Hildebert ofLavardin, Defide et spe (fols. 64-99vb) and Alcuin, Dialogus de rhetorica(fols. 100-1), followed by a chart showing the various divisions ofphilosophia into physics, ethics and logic, as well as the subdivisions ofeach of these disciplines. By the late twelfth century Zwiefalten hadacquired Peter Comestor's Historia scholastica (Theol. 2° 204) andnumerous glosses on Scripture. The combination of texts within asingle manuscript undermines the idea that there is a sharp cleavagebetween texts of 'scholastic' and 'monastic' theology. Thus Theol. 4°253, copied in the second half of the twelfth century, begins with asynthesis of scholastic theology, associated with the school of Anselm

The witness of Zwiefalien and the Hirsau reform 191

of Laon: 'Principium et causa omnium deus, ante iam eternaliter inomnibus inuariabiliter, et omnia interminabiliter' (fols. l-19rb)(Borries-Schulten, 1987: 119, no. 71). The subsequent texts havebeen jumbled in rebinding the manuscript. An extract about penance(fol. 20ra-vb) and a sermon of Ivo of Chartres (fols. 20vb-26va) arefollowed by our earliest surviving copy of the letters of Hildegard ofBingen (fols. 27-59, 75r-v, 76-93v), Bernard of Clairvaux's De gratiaet libero arbitrio (fols. 60-75), and Isidore's De ecclesiasticis officiis(fols. 94-101). The juxtaposition within a single manuscript of writingsof Hildegard, Ivo, Bernard and of an early 'scholastic' text blurs anynotion that there is a sharp divide between 'monastic' and 'scholastic'theology.

While we cannot tell how many of these manuscripts were actuallyread by the monks and nuns of Zwiefalten, the mention of both a maleand a female scribe in its obituary, coupled with the presence of somebooks directly relevant to religious women, suggests both parts of thecommunity benefited from its library. In her invaluable inventory ofauthors read in women's religious houses in the German regionbetween the eighth and mid-thirteenth centuries, Susann El Kholi hasidentified impressive libraries at a number of monastic communitiesfor women, notably at Hohenburg, Lamspringe and Lippoldsberg, aswell as at abbeys such as Admont which combined male and femalecommunities (El Kholi, 1997: 358-62.).20 Zwiefalten can certainly beadded to her list. El Kholi has demonstrated that the tradition of theliterate aristocratic women was well established in the eleventhcentury (El Kholi, 1998a; 1998b). Even if Hildegard professed that shewas not herself skilled in the art of writing, there is no reason to doubtthat she was brought up in an environment which attached muchimportance to a good library as a facility to which both men and womenhad access.

Conrad of Hirsau

A key figure for understanding the literary and intellectual culture ofthe Hirsau reform is the monk identified as Peregrinus in the Hirsaulibrary catalogue, and more often known as Conrad of Hirsau. WhileLeclercq devoted several pages of The Love of Learning to one specificcomposition of this author, the Dialogus super auctores (Huygens,1970) arguing that it exemplified what he considered were the twoessential features of monastic attitudes towards pagan authors -optimism coupled with belief in the importance of an allegoricalinterpretation - he did not observe that this work is known from onlythree manuscripts, all from the German region.21 It is the work of aschool teacher anxious to explain the differences between genres ofliterature. He summarizes the key features of all the major authorsstudied in the curriculum (Donatus, Cato, Aesop, Avian, Sedulius,luvencus, Prosper, Theodulus, Arator, Prudentius, Cicero, Sallust,


Boethius, Virgil, Lucan and Ovid) and then reflects on the functions ofgrammar, dialectic and rhetoric within the pursuit of philosophy as awhole. A guiding theme is that all these authors can assist in thepromotion of virtue. The treatise belongs to the same genre as theDidascalicon of Hugh of St Victor, a canon regular (of Germanextraction), but is very different in tone from any writing of Bernard ofClairvaux. To argue that Conrad's dialogue exemplifies a distinctlymonastic attitude towards pagan learning is potentially misleading,given the wide range of perspectives taken up within differentmonastic communities to this particular question.

There can be no doubt, however, that Conrad was a significant andoriginal writer. His biggest literary composition is the Speculumvirginum, an extended dialogue about the spiritual life betweenPeregrinus and a virgin of Christ called Theodora.22 Like the Dialogussuper auctores, it uses the quaestio within a monastic context, in thiscase to provide a way of explaining to women the core values of thespiritual life. The fact that books of Peregrinus are mentioned in theHirsau library catalogue supports the claim that he was indeed a monkof this community. In 1492 Trithemius identified him simply asPeregrinus,

a monk of Hirsau, a disciple and once listener of abbot William,German by nationality, most learned in divine as in humanwritings, subtle in talent and truly fluent in speech, brief andmost beautiful in words, but so rich and brilliant in teaching thathe seems not inferior to any of the ancients.23

By 1494 Trithemius was referring to him as Conrad, 'a monk of Hirsau,a philosopher, an orator, a musician and a distinguished poet'.24 Hecould by then have come across a fuller manuscript of the Speculumvirginum, such as that copied c. 1140-50 perhaps in part by the authorhimself (London, BL, Arundel 44, from Eberbach), in which the authorintroduces himself simply as C. In his De scriptoribus ecclesiasticis,completed in 1494, Trithemius identified the Speculum virginum bythe words Collaturo tecum o Theodora (from the opening of its twelve-book version).25 Trithemius also cited the incipits of his Didascalon(enabling Schepps to identify Conrad's authorship of the Dialogussuper auctores) and an as yet unidentified treatise on music and thetones (Musica est secundum cuiusdam). Trithemius repeated many ofthese details in his Chronicon Hirsaugiense (1495-1503),26 adding inthe Annales Hirsaugienses (1509-14) that Conrad was master of theschools at Hirsau and that he was buried in the main church of theabbey, having died in his eighties. This would suggest that Conradlived from £.1070 to £.1150 and thus could well have been a disciple ofWilliam of Hirsau.27

Independent evidence that Conrad was revered at Hirsau is suppliedby Parsimonius, who transcribed a large number of quotationsinscribed on a wall in the dormitory, including four of Peregrinus.28

Parsimonius also reports that Peregrinus was one of the many monks


and doctors or teachers of the monastery whose names were inscribedon the walls of the summer refectory, Peregrinus being found on thewall nearest to the kitchen.29 While this art work seems to date onlyfrom the late fifteenth century, the account that Parsimonius gives ofmonastic teachers at Hirsau seems to rely on written sources largerthan any familiar to Trithemius. Under the heading 'Succession ofillustrious monks and doctors or teachers of the monastery of Hirsauwho wrote various works' Parsimonius describes the literary achieve-ment of twenty-nine monks of the abbey, beginning with Luthbert, adisciple of Raban Maur. After the entry about Conrad of Hirsau, twoother monks are mentioned, Henry and James of Oppenheim, the lattera fifteenth-century monk of the Bursfeld reform (Lessing, 1974: VI,500-5). His entry on Conrad mentions a number of works unknown toTrithemius:

Conradus, qui et peregrinus, doctor egregius, scripsit plum perdialogum opuscula. Ad Theodoram sanctimonialem speculumvirginum libros 8. Homiliarum per anni circulum librum 1.Altercationem Fault et Gamalielis in Vetus et novum Testamentumlibros 2. Matricularium de vita spiritus et fructu carnis libros 2.Didascalon libros 2. De Musica et tonis librum 1. De laudibus S.Augustini librum 1. Vitam S. Paulini librum 1. Carmina in Joblibrum 1. In Psalmos librum unum. Threnos lib. 2. In Evangelialibrum 1. Epigrammata in Psalmos et prophetas librum 1. Vitam S.Benedicti duplici metro librum 1. In gradus humilitatis librum 1.Vitam S. Nicolai librum 1. Et alia multa.^

This Altercatio between Paul and Gamaliel, not referred to byTrithemius but published anonymously in 1537, is written as adialogue, and contains a number of phrases identical to other dialoguesby Conrad.31 It was copied at Hirsau in 1511 by Johannes Rapolt and isexplicitly introduced as a work of Conrad of Hirsau.32 Nothing is knownabout the other writings of Conrad listed by Parsimonius.

Conrad seems to have been a prolific author and remarkableeducator, interested in using the technique of literary dialogue toexpound a wide range of subjects, from the value of the pagan authorsto the religious life for women. His treatise De mundi contemptu velamore is a dialogue between a cleric or matricularius (the title given byTrithemius) defending the value of the monastic life against hisquestions.33 His fondness for dialogue as a literary technique echoesthat of William of Hirsau.

Conclusions

Much more still needs to be discovered about the educational cultureof Hirsau and the monastic houses that were influenced by its reforms.From this initial survey, however, it should be apparent that monasticcommunities influenced by the Hirsau reform placed great value on the


study of both secular and sacred authors. Leclercq's notion that therewas a sharp divide between the culture of the cloister and that of theschools runs the risk of elevating a rhetorical contrast, perhaps keenlyfelt in northern France in the twelfth century, into a universalprinciple. To argue that the quaestio had no place in a monasticeducational system does not represent the reality of the situation. Thetendency to discuss issues through questioning was part of a generalmovement that swept through all kinds of educational institutions,whether monastic or non-monastic, throughout the twelfth century.The educational culture fostered in monastic houses reformed byHirsau does not seem to have fostered a sense that there was anysharp differentiation between monastic and non-monastic authors.

A distinguishing feature of Hirsau reformed monasticism, at least inthe first half of the twelfth century, is the value attached to womenwithin the monastic community. The Speculum virginum of Conrad ofHirsau, presented as a dialogue about the spiritual life betweenPeregrinus and Theodora, may well have been written as much formonks occupied with preaching to women as directly for the womenthemselves. Yet in presenting Theodora as a questioning discipleeager to absorb the spiritual truths put forward by Peregrinus, Conradtransformed a literary genre that traditionally had been constructedsimply in terms of male masters and disciples discussing points ofdoctrine or philosophy. Although an enthusiastic writer of dialogues,Anselm of Canterbury never imagined a dialogue in which his disciplewas a woman.

We do not know if Zwiefalten ever owned a copy of the Speculumvirginum. Yet the fact that its obituary should record the achievementof a female scribe, Mathilda of Nifin, as well as that of a male monk, isin itself significant. It suggests that the practice of combiningsignificant communities of religious women alongside a malecommunity did result in shifting conventional attitudes and inpromoting a modest form of recognition of the contribution that theycould make. At Disibodenberg, where Jutta and Hildegard lived in theshadow of a larger male community, the encouragement which Volmargave to Hildegard, a woman whom he was deputed to teach, had far-reaching consequences. Volmar eventually gave up his role asHildegard's magister in order to dedicate himself to recording hervisions and her commentary on those visions. This was a form ofinstruction that simply was not possible within the urban schools.

While Hildegard has become widely known to English-speakingreaders over the last two decades, the dynamism of the Hirsau reformto which she was exposed is still relatively unknown, at least outsideGermany. The literary culture encouraged within religious housesinfluenced by this reform movement, characterized by keen awarenessof new trends in intellectual enquiry, is not easily categorized by thelabel 'monastic theology' developed by Leclercq in the 1950s. Thiscategory, invented as a counter to the equally vague label of 'scholastictheology', fails to come to terms with the great diversity of monastic


culture within the Middle Ages as a whole. The particular constellationof attitudes which Bernard sought to introduce into the monastic lifedid not represent the only way in which monks interpreted their way oflife. Conrad of Hirsau was a monastic schoolteacher with a verydifferent approach. He applied his didactic techniques to a range ofissues of interest to both women and men in the religious life. In thelate eleventh and early twelfth centuries (as in other periods), manymonks asked questions about the meaning and correct implementationof the way of life to which they were committed. Some were interestedin new reflection about the meaning of Christian doctrine, whethersuch ideas came from within a monastic environment or from outsideits confines. The vitality of monastic culture in the first half of thetwelfth century was characterized by a keen desire both to study thelegacy of the past and to search out new solutions to the questionswhich troubled them.

Notes

1. I am indebted to Felix Heinzer of the Wurttembergische Landesbib-liothek, Stuttgart for assistance with many aspects of this study, as wellas for telling me about the Zwiefalten manuscripts held in Stuttgart in thefirst place.

2. Constable, 1994, catches Leclercq's enthusiasm for the monastic life inthis sensitive essay.

3. This part of the 1472 catalogue is edited by Vernet, 1979: 164-88. Themanuscript of Lombard (I 33 in the 1472 catalogue) is reproduced on thefront cover of Colish, 1994.

4. Twelfth- or early thirteenth-century copies of the Theologia, Sic et Non,Sententiae and Ethica belonged to Benedictine abbeys at Admont,Hautmont, Anchin, Montecassino, Regensburg (St Emmeram, perhapscopied at Prufening), Tegernsee, St Gall, Ploermel, Brittany (StNicholas), Gottweig, and the Cistercian houses at Heilsbronn andHeiligenkreuz; see Barrow et al., 1984-85, esp. nos. 17, 35, 43, 51, 80,105, 163, 171, 178, 199.

5. See the list of manuscripts drawn up by Haring, 1966: 16-34.6. Waitz and von Simson, 1912: 1.48, 52-9 and Rahewin in Waitz and von

Simson, 1912, 4.12, 67-8, 74-85, 250.7. The article on William of Hirsau by Bischoff, 1953 is now superseded by

that of Worstbrock, 1998. There are important papers in Schreiner,1991.

8. For edition see Harbinson, 1975. Bernold of Constance reports William'sfame in reforming the practice of chant, Pertz, 1844: 5, 451: 'Hie inmusica peritissimus fuit, multaque illius artis subtilia, antiquis doctoribusincognita, elucidavit, multos etiam errores in cantibus deprehensos satisrationabiliter ad artem correxit. In quadruvio sane omnibus pene antiquisvidebatur praeminere.' Bultot, 1971: 17-27 discusses William's under-standing of the quadrivium.

9. See Jakobs, 1961. The chronology of this process is reviewed by logna-Prat, 1988: 69-70. See also Elvert, 1994.

10. Heinzer, 1992, identified the Rheinau liber ordinarius, edited by Hanggi,


1957 as that of Hirsau. In his important paper 'Hildegard und ihrliturgisches Umfeld', forthcoming in the proceedings of the musicologi-cal conference held at Bingen, 18-20 September 1998 and edited by WulfArlt, Heinzer observes that the Hirsau liturgy is characterized by adistinct relationship between identity and openness, allowing a distinctHirsau identity to be seen at the same time as a capacity for distinctregional identity.

11. In particular, the Chronica insignis monasterii Hirsaugiensis, in Freher,1966: 2, 1-235; see Arnold, 1971: 167-79.

12. Omlin, 1964. I am indebted to Felix Heinzer (note 10 above) for alertingme to this study and to the Hirsau connections of this manuscript.

13. Waitz, 1861: 14. See Freher, 1966: 2, 74-5; Mews, 1998: 97-8.14. Heinzer, 1991.15. See Kramer, 1989. The original of his notebook is now Wolfenbuttel,

Herzog August Bibliothek, Cod. 134.1 Extravagantes, fols. 2-194v. Acopy is held at Tubingen, Universitatsbibliothek Mh 164. 'Des KlostersHirschau. Gebaude, iibrige Gemalde, Bibliothek und alteste Schriftstel-ler', in Lessing, 1974, VI, 491-507, especially 498-9, reprinted inBecker, 1885: 219-20.

16. Parsimonius records valuable accounts of the early history of the abbeythat confirm and supplement the account of Trithemius, as copied from 'acertain manuscript of Hirsau'; Tubingen, Universitatsbibliothek Mh 164,fols. 2-8, Ex scripto quodam codice Hirsaugiensi qui reperitur interMonasterii Literas.

17. Necrologium Zwifaltense, in Baumann, 1983: 244, 253.18. Borries-Schulten, 1987. This includes an important chapter on the

palaeography of Zwiefalten manuscripts by Herrad Spilling, 3-8.19. Ninth-century codices include Augustine, De utilitate credendi, and De

gratia novi testamenti ad Honoratum (Theol. 2° 202), copied by scribescalled Thancolfus and Theodericus (wrongly listed by Kramer, 1989 asc.1100/15), a Psalter (Bibl. 2° 73), and a New Testament (Bibl. 2° 80);there is also a tenth-century Book of Gospels (Bibl. 2° 82).

20. I am indebted to the author for alerting me to her study.21. Dialogus super auctores, discussed by Leclercq, 1982a: 115-18.22. See Seyfarth, 1990.23. Trithemius, De illustribus viris ordinis sancti Benedicti, first printed in

Cologne in 1575, was not included in Freher's edition of the OperaHistorica, but I have consulted Berlin, Deutsches Staatsbibliothek, lat.oct. 395 (preserved after 1945 in Cracow, Jagellonian Library), fol. 29:Peregrinus monachus hirsaugiensis, Wilhelmi abbatis discipulus quondamauditor, natione teutonicus, vir arte tarn in divinis quam in humanisscripturis eruditissimus, ingenio subtilis et eloquio valde disertus, brevis etpulcherrimus in verbis, sed copiosus et nitidis in sententiis, adeo, nullipriscorum videatur inferior. Scripsit utroque stilo metri vis et prose variaopuscula de quibus et vidi subiecta. Opus quale et insigne quod per modumdialogi sub persona sui et theodore virginis Christi composuit cuius titulusest Speculum Virginum libri viii dialogorum, commentariorum in evangelialibri, in dialogum de vita spiritus et fructu mortis liber I, Dialogusmatricularii liber I, Dialogus cuius tituli est Didascalon liber I, In laudemquoque sancti Benedicti carmina et rithmos composuit, Omnia autemopuscula que soluta ratione et ordine composuit, in dialogi moremordinavit. Claruit eodem tempore quo Wilhelmus, anno domino millesimoC. This manuscript, which also contains other writings of Trithemius


from 1492, is not listed by Arnold, 136 and 282 (as note 29), but issimilar in contents to Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, cod. lat. fol. 410, writtenat Sponheim in 1492.

24. Catalogus illustrium virorum Germaniae (Mainz 1495); Freher, 1966: 1,136-7.

25. De scriptoribus ecclesiasticis (Basel 1494); Freher, 1966: 1, 276.26. Chronicon Hirsaugiense (written 1495-1503; Basel 1559); Freher, 1966:

2, 90-1.27. Trithemius, Annales Hirsaugienses (not printed), Munich, Bayerische

Staatsbibliothek, Clm 703, fol. 190: Claruit his quoque temporibus inhirsaugiensi cenobio Conradus monachus qui nomen suum ex humilitateoccultans peregrinum in suis se lucubrationbus nuncupat. Beati Wilhelmiquondam auditor atque discipulus, vir in omni sciencia scripturarumdoctissimus et non minus religionis observantia venerandus: qui subnomine peregrini scripsit multa preclara opuscula: de quibus extantsubiecta. Ad theodoram sanctimonialem opus insigne quod prenotauitspeculum uirginum li. viii. In evangelia per circulum anni volumenmagnum. De vita spiritus et fructu mortis li i. Et alius qui prenotaturmatricularius li i. Didascalon li i. De musica et differentia tonorum li. i. Delaudibus sancti benedicti carmine heroico li. i. Sermones quoque variosomelias simul et epistolas plures eleganter composuit: quorum mentionemfacere singulatim nimis prolixum foret ac tediosum. Multis annismonachorum scolis in hoc cenobio prefuit: et plures discipulos insignesatque doctissimos educavit. Obiit tandem octogenarius cum patribus suis inmaiori cenobio ut servus Christi sepultus.

28. Tubingen, Universitatsbibliothek Mh 164, fol. 40. Two are from theSpeculum virginum 9,11. 492 and 418-20; the other two are unidentified.

29. In the margin of fol. 27v of the Tubingen copy is noted: Isti sancti, inrefectorio estiuali, conspiciuntur, in pariete qui ad circuitum vergit', and inthe margin of fol. 31: In pariete Refectorii aestiualis, qui culinae estcontiguus.

30. Wolfenbiittel, Herzog August Bibliothek, Cod. 134.1, fols. 113-113v andTubingen, Universitatsbibliothek, Mh 164, fol. 35; Lessing, 1974: VI,505.

31. Altercatio Synogogae et Ecclesiae in Chuonrado Pelopus, 1537. SeeBlumenkranz and Chatillon, 1956; Bultot, 1965.

32. Stuttgart, WLB IV, 27, fol. 1: Conradus monachus Hirsaugiensis cenobiumin confinibus Suevie Ordinis Sancti Benedicti, natione Teutonicus Spirensisdiocesis, Vir divinis scripturis erudtiisimus, et in secularibus ualde peritus,philosophus, rethoricus, musicus et poeta insignis ... Ex hiis Ego lohannesRotensis cognomento Rapolt cucullatorum extremus codicem (qui ab eoin<ti>tulatur matricularius) reuisendo perlegi, ubi mira elegantia inPentateucum Gamalielis et Pauli Altercacionem dissent, verumtamen nonminus iuxta historicum, quam etiam moralem, anagogicum et tropologicumsensum intuenti granum e palea denudare uidetur, uti in hac abbreuiaturaper modum exercitii a mefratre I.R. elaborata contuenti patebit. Cf. Boesse,1975: 149-50.

33. Edition appears in Bultot, 1966. Also contained in manuscripts of thiswork (Oxford, Bodl., Laud Misc. 377 from Eberbach and Cologne) is thework described by Trithemius as De vita spiritus et fructu mortis(including Cum omnis diuinae paginae). See Bultot, 1963; Bernards,1967.

Abbreviations

AASS Acta Sanctorum. J. Bollandus et #/., (eds) 99 vols.,Antwerp and Brussels, 1643-.

AB Analecta Bollandiana. Brussels, 1882-.ADN Archives departementales du Nord, LilleAHD Archives de 1'hopital, DouaiAHL Archives de 1'hopital, LilleAMD Archives municipales, DouaiBL British Library, LondonBMD Bibliotheque municipale, DouaiBNF Bibliotheque nationale de France, ParisCCCM Corpus christianorum continuatio mediaeualis.

Turnhout: Brepols.CCM Corpus consuetudinum monasticarum. Siegburg:

Franz Schmitt, 1963-.CUL Cambridge University LibraryDCD Dean and Chapter, DurhamMGH SS Monumenta Germaniae Historica. ScriptoresNRO DCN Norfolk Record Office, Dean and Chapter, NorwichOxford, Bodl. Oxford, Bodleian LibraryPL Patrologiae cursus completus. Series latina. J.-P.

Migne, Paris: Migne, 1844-91.RB Benedict of Nursia, Regula Benedicti. (All references

are to chapters.)RB 1980 The Rule of St. Benedict in Latin and English

with Notes. T. Fry (ed.), Collegeville, Minn: LiturgicalPress, 1981.

WCL Worcester Cathedral LibraryWLB Wiirttembergische Landesbibliothek (Stuttgart)

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Index

Numbers which are italicized indicate a whole chapter dedicated to atopic; numbers which are in bold indicate an illustration.

Abelard 4, 45, 105-16, 182, 183and Heloise 105-16Historia calamitatum 105heresy 106hymns 105-16liturgy 105-16Planctus 106, 113Rule 105-16

Adam of Dore 47Adam of Petit Pont 61Êlfric Bata, colloquies 15-16, 20

n.46Îfwald, King of East Anglia 137,

144Aesop 191Êthelbald, King of Mercia 137Agobard of Lyon 7Alan of Lille 67, 68, 125Alberic of Monte Cassino 15Albert of Pisa 169Alcock, Simon 66Alcuin 185, 190Alexander of Nequam 45, 47, 61Alger of Liege 189Ambrose 63, 76, 78, 109, 110, 140,

189on virginity 189-90

Ambrosius Autpertus 190angels 120, 140

cherub 125, 126, 127Anselm of Canterbury 27, 183, 184,

185, 190, 194and Bee 184Cur Deus Homo 27, 190De conceptu virginali 190De processione spiritus 190Epistola de sacrificio azimi et

fermenti 190Meditationes et orationes 190

Anselm of Laon 105, 190-1Arator 191Argenteuil 106Aristotle 62-3, 96, 108, 183Arma Christi 120, 121ars praedicandi 66art 97

and education 117-35saints 120

Arundel, Thomas 66Ashford, John 66Augustine of Hippo 15, 47, 48, 63,

76, 78, 111, 172, 189Augustinian

canonesses 93-104canons 109customary 12, 95, 109Marbach Abbey 95St Victor of Paris 8, 48, 63, 87-8vows 94

Avian 191

Bartholomew, apostle 5, 136-52Bartholomew of Fame 146Beatrice of Nazareth 155Bede 2, 45, 46, 47, 48, 52, 63, 110,

111, 140, 185, 190beguines 153-67, 177

beguinages 153, 154books 159children 156Douai 5, 153-67hospitals 155Lille 5, 153-67Rules 159

232 Index

beguines - continuedschools 153-67sermons 159souveraine 161work 161-4

bellatores 29Benedict XII, pope 38

Summi magistri 38, 57Benedict of Nursia 1, 2, 127, 172Benedictine order 35-40, 41-55,

56-71admission 43art 118book production 65England 41-55, 56-71historians 50lectio divina 41libraries 41-55, 59, 60, 63, 183liturgy 74, 91-3novices 36, 43oblates 14and Oxford University 56-71saints 50statues 57see also Rules

Bernard of Bessa 171-2Bernard of Cassino 47Bernard of Clairvaux 1, 47, 87-8,

96, 106, 117, 172, 182, 183,191, 195

Apologia 117Sermons on the Song of Songs 87

Bernard of Cluny 8, 10, 11, 22,29

Bernold of Constance 185, 189,190

Berthold Rule 174Bibbesworth, Walter 61Bible 37, 41, 45, 47, 48, 51, 89, 96,

110, 160, 172, 190exegesis 72-86glosses 48, 190

body, and education 21-34, 172Boethius 63, 67, 184, 192Bonaventure 169, 171, 174, 175,

176Boughton, John 63Brinton, Thomas 56, 119Brito, William 45, 47Bromich, Richard 60Burke, Peter 21Bury, Richard 66Bury St Edmunds 120

Butler, Cuthbert 35, 39Benedictine Monachism 35

Bynum, Caroline Walker, DocereVerbo et Exemplo 2, 100

canon law 62, 64, 185canonesses 93-104Carruthers, Mary 26Carthusian order 120, 129

'miscellany' 120, 121Cassian, John 63, 185Cassiodorus 172, 185Cathars 73, 79, 81Cato 191Charland, T.-M. 49Chartham, William 52Chenu, M.-D. 76childhood, and education 7-20,

21-34Christine of Stommeln 156Cicero 67, 191Cistercian order 48, 87-9, 183

art 117scholasticism 183

classicism 68Cleeve Abbey 120Clement V, pope 158Cluniac order 3, 7-20

armarius 9, 10, 12, 28chapters 26customaries 7-20, 21-34, 184hagiography 21-34hierarchy 16, 23Liber tramitis 9, 16, 22, 28liturgy 7-20, 28novices 22oblates 7-20, 21-34Ordo cluniacensis 22, 28pederasty 27, 29, 33 n.19saints 26sign language 23

Columban 2Conrad of Hirsau 92, 185, 191, 192,

195Speculum virginum 75, 122, 123,

124, 192, 194convents

Argenteuil 106Hohenburg 89, 93Paraclete 4-5, 106-16La Ramee 155Rupertsberg 89, 91-3, 99scriptorium 155

Index 233

councilsLateran II 94Lyon II 158Reims 94Vienne 158

Coventry, Charterhouse 128, 130'St Anne Teaching the Virgin toRead' 130

Cranbrook, Henry 66Crowland 136, 138, 141, 147crucifixion 120, 121, 128customaries 39

see also Augustinians order;Cluniac order

Cyprian 185

David of Augsburg 171, 172, 174devils 72, 111, 136, 139, 140-1,

146, 147, 148, 149Didymus, De spirito sancto 185disciplina 28-9Dissolution of the monasteries 42,

44, 57, 118, 139distinctiones 48Divine Office 27, 37, 172, 173Donatus 45, 46, 61, 191Downside Abbey 4, 35-40, 149Durham 119

Eadmer 49Easton, Adam 56, 64Eberhard of Bethune 61Ekbert of Schonau 79Ekkehard of Aura 189, 190Elias 169Elias, Peter 61Elizabeth of Hungary 158-9Elizabeth of Schonau 79encyclopaedia 89, 96England, John 58Eusebius 189exorcism 141Eyton, Hugh 65

Farinarian constitutions 170Farley, William 58Fathers of the Church 24, 111Fawkes, Nicholas 65Felix 136, 137-8, 142, 146, 147

Life of Guthlac 137florilegia 15Fouke, Henry 60Francis of Assisi 169, 177

Franciscan order 5, 168-81Farinarian constitutions 170humility 176liturgy 173mysticism 168Narbonne constitutions 170novices 168, 170-4oblates 170Observants 172Poor Clares 177poverty 176, 177studia 168, 169

Frederick Barbarossa 89, 94Frederick of Swabia 94Frutolf of Michelsberg 189, 190Gelling, Margaret 142, 143, 145

Geoffrey of Lynn, Promptoriumparvulorum 36

Geoffrey of Vinsauf 61, 66geography 96Gesta Romanorum 52, 120Gilbert of Poitiers 183Gilbert of Tournai 158, 174Gilduin 88Giles of Assisi 174Glastynbury, William 57Goldston, Reginald 46grammar 14, 37, 38, 41, 44-7, 58,

61, 192treatises 15trivium 44

Gratian 64Graveney, Richard 58Greek 48Gregory I the Great, pope 2, 48,

52,63,64,72,76,78, 111, 117,171, 174

Gregory II, pope 185Gregory IV, pope 185Gregory of Tours 141Guibert of Gembloux 76, 90Guido of Arezzo 7, 184guilds 160-1Gunthorpe, John 60Guthlac 5, 136-52

hagiographyCluniac 21-34in England 137and Hildegard of Bingen 89-90

Hailes Abbey 118Haimo 185

234 Index

Hamo de Hethe 45Hanney, Thomas 46, 61Hatfield, John 59, 67Hauville, Jean 67, 68Hawkhurst, John 66Haymo of Faversham 169Heaven 140, 142Hebrew 48Hell 137, 140, 142Heloise 4, 105-16

and Abelard 105-16monastic life 105-16Paraclete 105-16

Henry of Estry 38Heresy of the Free Spirit 158Hermann of Reichenau 185Herrad of Landsberg 4, 87-104

Hortus deliciarum 89, 94-104Higden, Ranulph 46, 49, 50Hilary of Poitiers 111Hildebert of Sens 190Hildegard of Bingen 4, 72-86,

87-104, 184, 191, 194Expositiones evangeliorum 72-86and Jutta 89-91letters 89Liber divinorum operum 76, 78liturgy 91-3Ordo virtutum 72-86as prophetess 91, 99, 100Scivias 72Solutiones triginta octo

quaestionum 76as visionary 74, 75vita 89-90

Hirsau 182-97Johannes Parsimonius 185,

192-3library 185, 186reform 5, 182-97

history 50-1Hohenburg 89, 93Hohenstaufen dynasty 94Holcot, Robert 63homilies 72-86Honorius III, pope 170Honorius Augustodunensis 96, 190Horace 61Hotham, Walter 66Hugh of St Victor 47, 93, 172, 183,

185, 190Chronicon 14De fructibus carnis et spiritus 122

De institutions novitiorum 171,172

De sacramentis 185Didascalicon 93, 192

Hugh of Semur 25Huguccio of Pisa 45, 47, 61humility 176hymns, see music

Ida of Leau 155imitation, and education 28, 29industry, cloth 154, 160Ingram, William I 46lohannes Sacro Bosco 62Irenaeus of Lyon 111Isabelle of Portugal 156Isidore of Seville 2, 47, 63, 96, 190,

191luvencus 191Ivo of Chartres 96, 191

Jacques de Vitry 157Jaeger, Stephen, The Envy of

Angels 2, 87-8James of Voragine, Legenda

aurea 50Jeanneton of Burgundy 156Jerome 47, 63, 76, 140John XXII, pope 158John the Fearless 156John of Genoa, Catholicon 45, 47,

61Joseph, Robert 68Josephus 185, 189Jutta 89-91, 184, 194Juyner, abbot 120

Knowles, David 36, 42, 56

laboratores 29Langdale family 36Langham, Simon 56Langton, Stephen 63Lateran II, Council of 94Latin 37, 46, 61, 65-6, 96

dictionaries 37Lawrene, John 40, 64, 66Leclercq, Jean 182, 194

Love of Learning and the Desire forGod 1, 48, 49, 50, 182, 191

Legat, Hugh 66, 67, 68Leland, John 62Leo I the Great, pope 111

Index 235

letters 89liberal arts 62libraries, Hirsau 185-6Liebeshutz, Hans 81literacy 185-6liturgy

Sarum 38York 38see also Abelard; Benedictine

order; Cluniac order;Franciscan order; Hildegard ofBingen

logic 38, 58, 62, 63Lollards 65, 131Lucan 67, 192Lydgate, John 119-20, 131, 134Lyon II, Council of 158

McGuire, Brian Patrick 3Macrobius 108, 110magistra 72, 82 n.l, 89, 90, 91, 185Mai'eul of Cluny 25Manegold of Lautenbach 95, 190Marguerite Porete 158Marie of Oignies 157Marie de la Tour 155Martinus de Braga 190Mary Magdalene 108Mathilda of Nifen 186, 194Matthew, John 64Matthew of Aquasparta 174medulla 4, 35-40memory 26, 44, 122mercy, works of 124Merke, Thomas 66, 67Merton, Thomas 182monasteries

Disibodenberg 89, 90, 91, 184,190

double 89, 185see also Hirsau; Zweifalten

Moorlinch, John 65Murbach Statutes 8music 7-20, 44, 62, 75

hymns 14-15, 20 nn. 39 & 40, 37,96, 105-16

singing 29, 136theory 13-14, 184, 192

mysticism 168

Nalgod 26, 28Narbonne constitutions 170Nicholas of Lyre 63

novices 168, 170-4numbers 37

oblates 7-20, 21-34, 170Observants 172Odile 89Odo of Cluny 26

Life 26, 28opus Dei 38ordination 42Origen 76, 78, 185Orosius 110, 189Ortlieb 185Otloh 183Otto of Freising 183, 190Ovid 67, 192

Papias 45, 47, 61Paraclete, convent 4-5, 105-16Paschasius De corpore et sanguine

Domini 185pedagogy 87-104pederasty 27, 29, 33 n.19Pelagius 190Peregrinus, see Conrad of HirsauPeter Comestor 50

Historia scholastica 50, 190Peter Damian 24, 96, 185Peter Lombard 64, 96, 108, 183Peter the Venerable 22, 25

De miraculis 25-6Philip the Bold 154, 157philosophy 38, 58, 59, 62, 105, 106,

192, 194pilgrimage 131Pinnock, Osbern 45, 46Plato 96poetry 66, 68, 95, 119-20Poor Clares 177Porter, Roy 21poverty 176, 177prayer 47, 92, 97, 173, 174preaching 194

and art 119Premonstratensians 95Preston, John 60Priscian 46, 47, 61prophecy 81, 91, 99, 100Prosper 191

De contemplativa vita 185Prudentius 191

Psychomachia 75, 78Pseudo-Abdias 140

236 Index

Pseudo-Dionysius 174puberty 23, 31 n.5punishment, and education 27

quodlibets 64

Raban Maur 63, 185, 193Radcliffe, Nicholas 64, 65Ratylsdon, Thomas 58Regino of Prum 7Reims, Council of 94Relinde 89, 94, 95, 98, 99,

103 n. 23Renham, Henry 62Reynham, Stephen 66rhetoric 41, 61, 62Richard de Hambury 46Richard of St Victor 47Richard of Wallingford 62Richardis of Stade 83 n.14, 99,

100Riche, Pierre 2

Education and Culture in theBarbarian West 2

Ridevall, John 63Robert Joseph of Evesham 38Rodolf of Biberach 174Rolle, Richard 65Roscelin 105Rudborne, Thomas 57Rufinus of Aquileia 112Rules

of Augustine 94, 97of beguines 159of Benedict 1, 24, 32 n.9, 47, 64,

73-4, 137of canons 190of nuns 190

Rupert of Deutz 96

St Albans Abbey 118, 131, 133'Christ Appearing to Doubting

Thomas' 132saints, cults 26, 136-52Sallust 191schools

boarding 29cathedrals 33 n.17, 45, 88see also beguines

science 62scola 17 n.9, 22, 28, 90scriptorium 5, 155Sedulius Scotus 142, 191

Seen, John 67Sellyng, William 38, 68Senatus of Worcester 49Shakespeare, William, A Midsummer

Night's Dream 21shrines 147sign language 23sin 76, 133

tree of 122, 123Smalley, Beryl 72Smaragdus 51Socrates 96Solinus 67Southern, R.W. 106Speculum virginum, see Conrad of

Hirsaustabilitas 29Stone, John 51, 64Stourton, Edmund 64studia, Franciscan 168, 169Suger of St Denis 117Swalwell, Thomas 66

Tenxwind of Andernach 91-2Tertullian 185Theodulus 191theology 45, 47, 50, 58, 59, 60, 63,

64, 66, 105, 182Thomas Aquinas 112Thomas Becket 59-60Thomas de la Mare 65Thomas de Stureye II 47Thornden, William 63Trithemius, Johannes 184, 185,

192, 193

Ulrich I, abbot 185Ulrich of Zell 8, 10, 11, 22, 28, 29,

30, 184Undyrdown, Thomas 46universities 175

academic year 59Cambridge 4, 57monks 38, 44, 49Oxford 4, 56-71

Uthred de Boldon 47, 49, 56,64

Venantius Fortunatus 110, 112vernacular, and learning 14Vienne, Council of 158Virgil 67, 110, 112, 192virginity 29, 75

Index 237

Vitae patrum 52, 190Volmar 75-6, 91, 184, 194

Waldeby, John 60Waleys, Thomas 63Walter of Chatillon 67, 68Warder, John 58Watkin, Aelred 36Way, Albert 36Werner of Ratisbonne 174Westminster Abbey

chapter house 125, 126, 127'cherub' 125, 126'Christ in Judgement' 127

Westwyck, John 62Whethanstede, John 67, 68William of Champeaux 105

William of Hirsau 28, 29, 183-5,192, 193

Institutiones Hirsaugiensespreaching 184

William of Pagula 47

184

William of St Thierry 171, 172, 174William of Worcester 133Wimborne Minster 118Woodward, John 66Wulstan, Thomas 52Wybarn, Thomas 67Wyclif, John 65

Zweifalten 185library 5, 185-91, 194scribes 186, 191, 194scriptorium 5