felix j. oinas_the study of folklore in yugoslavia

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The Study of Folklore in Yugoslavia Author(s): Felix J. Oinas Source: Journal of the Folklore Institute, Vol. 3, No. 3, [Special Issue: The Yugoslav-American

Folklore Seminar] (Dec., 1966), pp. 398-418Published by: Indiana University PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3813809Accessed: 23-10-2015 08:05 UTC

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FELIX J. OINAS

The Study of Folklore in Yugoslavia

During my stay in Yugoslavia in the winter and spring of 1965,1 I had an opportunity to get acquainted with a number of leading Yugoslav folklorists and with the folklore scholarship being pursued there. My interest in Yugoslav folklore research concerned the period after the second World War. In the following I shall survey briefly this period to acquaint English-speaking readers with the main trends and the works that reflect the interest and the level of research.2 Though there are a couple of recent surveys of Yugoslav folklore available,3 nothing has so far been published, to my knowledge, in English. My sketch is limited to the Serbo-Croatian language area (Croatia, Serbia, Bosnia, Hercegovina, and Montenegro), whereas Macedonia is completely, and Slovenia partly, omitted. As is to be expected, only the works published in Yugoslavia have been considered.

The practice of folklore in Yugoslavia, as everywhere else, has been diminishing and retreating to the localities situated further from the cultural centers, because of the encroachment of education and modern communication techniques. Nevertheless, Yugoslavia is still a promised land for folklorists. The patriarchal mode of life with the large family (zadruga) system, which continued to exist up to the second World War, created favorable conditions for the practice of folksongs and folktales. Furthermore, the temperamental Mediterranean peoples' natural in-

1 I should like to express my gratitude to the United States Office of Education for the Fulbright-Hays grant that enabled me to do research in Yugoslavia. 2 I am very much indebted to Professor Tvrtko Cubelid and Dr. Maja Boskovic- Stulli for their encouragement and help. 3 Maja Boskovicovd-Stulli, "Studium lidov6 slovesnosti v Jugoslavii (1945-1958)," Cesky lid, 46 (1959), Nos. 1 and 2, 36-38, 82-85; N. Kravcov, "Sovremennaja fol'klo- ristika Jugoslavii," Sovetskaja etnografija, 1963, No. 5, 137-146; B. Putilov, "Novejsie trudy jugoslavskix ucenyx ob epose," Sovetskaja etnografija, 1966, No. 3, 159-166.



THE STUDY OF FOLKLORE IN YUGOSLAVIA

clination to express their joys, sorrows, and grief in songs has contributed to the preservation of folklore tradition. Thus it was possible, even as late as 1965, to hear the telling of fascinating stories and the singing of beautiful songs perhaps more melancholy than cheerful in Medjimurje (to the north of Zagreb), on the Adriatic islands, and in the neighborhood of Ni? in Serbia, which I had a chance to visit. Probably the best pastures of folklore in Yugoslavia are Montenegro, Krajina in northwestern Bosnia, and Macedonia, some of which I had visited formerly.

The main centers for the collection and study of folklore in Yugoslavia are the folklore institutes in Croatia and Bosnia: Institute for Folk Art (Institut za narodnu umjetnost) in Zagreb, Croatia, and the Department of Folklore at the Provincial Museum (Zemaliski muzej) in Sarajevo, Bosnia. In the other states are various institutes and committees of a wider scope which include also the study of folklore: in Belgrade, Serbia - the Ethnographic Institute (Etnografski institut), the museum of Dositej Obradovic and Vuk Karadzic, and a special committee of the Academy of Sciences for the publication of folk songs; and in Ljubljana, Slovenia - the Ethnography Institute of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts and the Institute for Folk Music (Glasbeno-Narodopisni institut). Also ethnographic museums organize the collection and study of folklore within the area of their immediate interest. Of special importance is, finally, the activity of folklore professors, who are affiliated with the departments of ethnology, literature, or Slavic philology at the major universities.

The study of folklore in Yugoslavia has been primarily in the hands of philologists. Of the earlier scholars, Tomo Maretic and Pavle Popovic received their basic training in philology, but were active also as folklorists. It is therefore not surprising that they, in their academic lectures and in research, treated "folk literature" in the framework of philology. They had hardly any contact with the living folklore tradition, but based their study on the Vuk Karadzic collection. This trend, which has continued at several universities to the present, is represented by such scholars as Vido Latkovic (who died recently), Svetozar Matic, Nikola Banasevi6, Vojislav Jovanovic, and Vojislav Djuric. Some of them have shown strong antagonism toward fieldwork.

A new trend, characterized by treating folklore as living tradition, made its appearance in the folklore institutes after the second World War. These institutes began organizing extensive field collections. This

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trend was initiated by Matija Murko, a professor of Slovene origin in Prague, who undertook several successful field trips to Yugoslavia. It is possible that the collecting expeditions to Yugoslavia organized by Milman Parry and Albert Lord may have also contributed to it.

The difference in approaches between the scholars working at universities and those centered around institutes has not yet been overcome. The former still adhere to the bookish lore and to Vuk Karadzic, whereas the latter base their studies on materials collected on field trips. It is heartening to note that during recent years university professors have be- come aware of the fine results of the work done in the institutes and are becoming more lenient toward the new approaches. Also some younger professors have been appointed (such as Tvrtko Cubeli6 at Zagreb and Kiril Penusliski at Skoplje) who are enthusiastic field collectors. All this may, in the not too distant future, lead to the victory of the modern trends.

Serbo-Croatian folklore was exceptional among smaller nations in Europe in that it comparatively early attracted the attention of a number of great poets. It was especially the touching and beautiful ballad "Hasan- aginica" that attracted Walter Scott, Goethe, and Puskin. The interest shown by these famous men of letters toward "Hasanaginica" was studied, at a large scale, before the second World War (by M. Murko, M. Cur6in Camille Lucerna, etc.); however, some contributions have been made even after the war. J. Milovic has given a summary of his own former studies (written mostly in German) concerning the interest of Goethe and his contemporaries in Serbo-Croatian folk poetry.4 M. Curcin has tried to date Goethe's translation of "Hasanaginica" more precisely on the basis of Goethe's mood at a certain period and of the similarity of some motifs in Goethe's poetry,5 an endeavor termed as not successful by a reviewer.6 T. Cubelic has a study of the translation of"Hasanaginica" by Scott, Goethe, and Puskin now in preparation.

The interest in the collection and study of folklore in Yugoslavia has been traced back to Ossian. Mira Jankovic showed how the influence of the "Songs of Ossian" on Fortis, Herder, and Kopitar reached

4 Jevto Milovic, "Goethe i srpsko-hrvatska narodna poezija," Filozofski fakultet u Zadru, 1956/1957 (Zadar, 1958), pp. 67-84. 6 M. (urcin, "Intimna pozadina Geteove prerade 'Hasanaginice'," RJAZU, 304 (1955), 81-104. 6 Milos Djordjevic in PKJIF, 21 (1955), sv. 3-4, 363-364.

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Serbia and there gave impetus to Vuk Karadzic's collecting activity.7 The main attention of Yugoslav folklorists interested in the history

of their folklore scholarship has naturally been concentrated on Vuk Karadzic. Vuk (as he is usually called) assumes the role in Yugoslavia comparable to that of Jacob Grimm in Germany and Elias Lonnrot in Finland. He was the creator of the Serbian literary language, the initiator of collecting and an actual collector of folklore, and the compiler of the most extensive and most valuable folklore collections in Serbia. Interest in the work of this giant has, instead of abating, shown signs of a steady growth. In 1957, a society for the study of Vuk and Dositej Obradovic (the founder of the new Serbian literature) was created at their museums in Belgrade, and a yearbook for the publication of studies about them was established. (So far six volumes have been published.8) The year 1964, the centennial of Vuk's death, rocketed the interest in him higher than it had ever been before.

The most comprehensive work on Vuk published in recent years is a biography by Miodrag Popovic.9 The work follows the life and work of Vuk against the broad historical and cultural background of his time. Written in a style reminiscent of a novel, it gives a trustworthy picture of Vuk as a human being - of his ceaseless fight against poverty, his family cares, his relations with friends and enemies, and his superhuman capac- ity for work. Considering the fact that Vuk was a cripple (he had an artificial left leg since his youth), the reader of Popovic's work cannot but have the highest admiration for the extent of Vuk's achievements. Since Popovic is not a folklore scholar, his discussion of Vuk as a folklorist is less meritorious.

It is impossible to list here articles written on Vuk during the recent decades. I shall mention, for the sake of example, a few of them. N. Banasevic discussed the singing tradition in Vuk's family - that of his uncle Joksim and his father - in an article10 that provoked a sharp criticism from S. Matic.11 The data showing Vuk's interest toward Serbian

7 Mira Jankovic, "Ossian kao poticaj za sakupljanje narodnih pjesama kod juznih slavena," ZN2O, 38 (1954), 177-221. 8 Kovcezic. Prilozi i gradja o Dositeju i Vuku, I - (Belgrade, 1958 -). 9 Miodrag Popovic, Vuk Stef. Karadzic, 1787-1864 (Belgrade, 1964). 10 N. Banalevic, "Vukov rod i pesnicko predanje o Kosovskim junacima," Kovdezi6, 11 (1959), 32-41. 11 S. Matic in ZMS, VIII (1960), 234-236.

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songs were gathered and published by B. Marinkovic.'2 Matic dealt with Vuk's attitude toward the ekavski songs.13 An article by Banasevic discussed Vuk's view concerning a number of aspects of the epic song, such as his application of the term junacke pjesme (heroic epic songs), the distinction made by Vuk between the good and bad songs, the greater significance attached by him to the so-called old songs, the various types of singers, and Vuk's classification of the heroic songs.14 Some articles have been written defending Vuk against various accusations. Vuk had been accused, for instance, of publishing folksongs sometimes without indicating the source from which he had received them. V. Latkovic, in a study of the problem,15 came to the conclusion that "Vuk did not conceal from anybody from whom he had heard epic songs or from whom he had received the written texts of them."

One of the most interesting questions involving Vuk is the editorial changes he made in the texts. Like other collectors of folklore of the first half of the nineteenth century, including the brothers Grimm, Vuk subjected folksongs and folktales to considerable editorial changes before publication. Especially his editorial practices have provoked numerous articles from folklorists. The prevailing trend has justified Vuk's editorial procedure. Zivomir Mladenovic, in his study on Vuk as the editor of folksongs,16 ends with the following interesting conclusion: "To the question: did Vuk have the right to change, to such an extent, the texts of folksongs which he published, we have to answer that he doubtlessly had this right, because he carried within himself the highest standard for the beauty of our folk poetry and that in the name of this standard he corrected only those verses which had deficiencies. He considered it his duty to intervene wherever the folksong verses were not complete, supposing correctly that this incompleteness must have arisen either from unskillful recording or from bad singing." Miljan Mojasevic

12 Borivoje Marinkovic, "Prva Vukova interesovanja za srpske narodne pesme," Knjiievnost i jezik, 1958, br. 9, 445-456. This article was published afterwards as an introduction to a collection of Karadzic's writings, Vuk Stef. Karadzic, 0 srpskoj narodnoj poeziji, ed. B. Marinkovic (Belgrade, 1964), pp. 7-30. 13 S. Matic, "Vukov odnos prema ekavskim pesmama narodnim," Nas jezik, IX (Belgrade, 1958-1959), sv. 3-4, 93-101. 14 N. Banasevic, "Ranija i novija nauka i Vukovi pogledi na narodnu epiku," PKJIF, 30 (1964), sv. 3-4, 171-190. 15 V. Latkovic, "Vukov 'racun od junackih pesama'," Kovez~ie, 11 (1959), 42-60. 11 Zivomir Mladenovic, "Vuk kao redaktor narodnih pesama," Kovcezi6, I (1958), 64-93.

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gives an account of the stylization of Serbian folktales by Vuk.17 He is more factual and thus less emotional about Vuk's editorial changes than Mladenovic. It turns out that Vuk's folktale collection of 1853 contained fifty tales; eleven of them had been listened to by Vuk first and only afterwards had been written down from memory; thirty-nine had been sent to him by various correspondents of differing degrees of literacy. "Out of the different styles, Vuk made one, single folktale style, with the intention that this style would be the model of Serbian prose."

Maja Boskovic-Stulli, dealing with the question of the authenticity of folktale texts,18 is of a stronger critical mind. After having emphasized that the changes (which sometimes made the texts of tales less traditional) were necessary for Vuk for various reasons, among others, for providing a model for the Serbian literary language, she continues: "But we must not make fetishes of esteem and love; we must not consider his [i.e., Vuk's] way of publishing of folktales the best model also for us."

Among the general problems of Yugoslav folklore, the question of the ethnically mixed areas and border regions is especially fascinating. Yugoslavia, as a multinational state, has experienced an acute antagonism between different nationalities. M. Boskovic-Stulli gives interesting examples19 of the tendency of Serbian and Croatian scholars to designate their collections either Serbian or Croatian, respectively, and to stress the superior role of their particular nationality in folklore creation. She further reiterates the endeavor of some scholars to publish Croatian folklore as "Italian." Her personal attitude is that the national boundaries of folklore are fluid and that folklore should not be used for any national-political purposes. In another article20 devoted to the same problems, Boskovic-Stulli showed that Jagic laid special emphasis on the Serbian share in the Serbo-Croatian epic.

Among the individual genres, the study of the heroic epic songs has received much attention in Yugoslavia, perhaps more than all the other genres combined.

17 Miljan Mojasevic, "O Vukovoj stilizaciji srpskih narodnih pripovedaka," ZEM (1953), 300-315. 18 Maja Boskovic-Stulli, "O narodnoj prici i njezinu autenticnom izrazu," SE, XII (1959), 102-107. 19 Maja Boskovic-Stulli, "Neka metodoloska pitanja u proucavanju folklora granicnih i etnicki mjesovitih podrucja," RK, IV (1957), 201-211. 20 Maja Boskovic-Stulli, "Neka pitanja nase narodne poezije i Vatroslav Jagic," Pregled, X (Sarajevo, 1958), br. 6, 555-565.

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The Yugoslav epic songs fall clearly into two verse types: (a) the long verse, the so-called bugarstice verse, having fourteen-eighteen, usually fifteen-seventeen syllables in a line, and (b) the so-called deseterac, with ten syllables in a line. The relationship between these two verse types and their chronology still belong to the disputed questions of Yugoslav folklore. It has been pointed out that the vocabulary and the syntax of the epic bugargtice differ from the vocabulary and syntax of the popular poetry, a fact which has led to the conclusion that bugarstice was used originally in art poetry. Some scholars (A. Schmaus, M. Gavazzi) main- tain that the bugarstice is older than the deseterac verse, whereas others (e.g., T. Cubelic) represent the opposite view.

Gavazzi found a tale and a song in the Gradisce area (east of Austria), inhabited by the Christians who emigrated there in the sixteenth century from the southwestern portion of Croatia. Since both the tale and the song appear as bugarstice songs in southern Croatia, Gavazzi concludes21 that the bugarstice must have been in use in Croatia before the departure of the Croatians to Gradisce. Schmaus applied the analysis of style (the double epithet) in his study on bugarstice,22 and, likewise, concluded that the bugarstice is older than the deseterac. Cubelic maintains that bugarstice songs constitute in their form, language, and way of expression a special group, which is different from all other folksong groups. Since bugarstice songs appear in a restricted area and in a definite period of time (sixteenth-eighteenth centuries) and since their language is close to the old written language, Cubelic concludes that "literarily educated people directly participated in the creation of bugarstice."23

One of the most important general works on the Yugoslav epic is

Matija Murko's Tragom srpsko-hrvatske narodne epike (In the Foot- steps of the Serbo-Croatian Epic).24 This work is a report of Murko's field trips in Yugoslavia from 1930 to 1932, supplemented with factual material drawn from literature. It gives a broad picture of the state of the Yugoslav epic, from the "biological" point of view, between the two World Wars. The author concentrates especially on the singers, but dis-

21 Milovan Gavazzi, "Dva motiva iz narodne poezije gradiscanskih hrvata," ZRFF, I (1951), 203-220. 22 Alois Schmaus, "Stilanalyse und Chronologie (Bugarstica und Zehnsilberepik)," RK, VI (1959), 111-116. 23 Tvrtko Cubelic, Lirske narodne pjesme. Antologija, 4th ed. (Zagreb, 1963), 31. 24 Matija Murko, Tragom srpsko-hrvatske narodne epike, I-II (= JAZU, Djela, 42) (Zagreb, 1951).

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cusses also other aspects of the epic in considerable detail. Whereas Murko's work was hailed in some quarters enthusiastically, there were others (e.g., N. Banasevic), who subjected it to severe criticism, evidently because of their different attitudes toward field work.25

Since the Serbo-Croatian heroic epic is centered around historical events and historical personages, the question of the relationship between history and the epic has been always acute. For Tomo Maretic, a linguist and folklorist at the beginning of this century, the value of an epic song depended upon its faithfulness to the historical event depicted. The present Yugoslav scholars have been interested primarily in establishing only the historical prototypes of the epic heroes; but some of them have gone further to study the changes in the attitude toward the historical events and heroes and in faithfulness to the historical truth.

The late Stjepan Banovic studied extensively the historical background of different events and persons depicted in folksongs.26 He proved the historical identity of many popular heroes of the Yugoslav epic, including some heroes of the Moslem songs. Risto Kovijanic attempted to identify the famous blacksmith Novak in Serbian epic songs with a historical

person,27 but his arguments are not sufficiently conclusive. More inter-

esting is a study by Vido Latkovic on folksongs as the mirror of the past.28 Latkovic views the historical songs in the perspective of time. The songs recorded right after their creation have a much more faithful description of an event than those recorded later. On the other hand, the artistic value of the song increases, according to Latkovic, with the lengthening of time between its creation and recording.

Salko Nazeic6 published a book-length study of the hajduks' fights in the neighborhood of Dubrovnik and of the folksongs about them.29 The greater part of the work is devoted to the description of the historical events. Nazecic finds that the majority of the epic songs about hajduks were historical and were created immediately after the event. He, like

Latkovic, observes the process of de-historization as time goes on. Nazeic6 emphasizes especially the trend toward the idealization of hajduks in the songs in later times. This, he says, was in concord with the change of

25 See M. Bogkovicovd-Stulli, "Studium lidove slovesnosti ...," p. 82. 26 See V. Zganec, "Stjepan Banovic," NSF, 1963, sv. 7, 315-316. 27 Risto Kovijanic, "Novak kovac," NSF, 1962, sv. 2, 81-90. 28 Vido Latkovic, "Narodne pjesme kao ogledalo nage proslosti," S?, I (1946), br. 4-5, 277-285. 29 Salko Nazecic, Iz nage narodne epike (Sarajevo, 1959).

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FELIX J. OINAS

the people's attitude toward the hajduks: the people forgot their brigandage and began idealizing them as freedom fighters against the Turks.

Concerning the question of the origin of the Yugoslav heroic epic, the Soviet Russian theories have been transplanted to Yugoslavia. A significant role in this transfer was played by Nikolaj Kravcov, an expert on Yugoslav folklore in the Soviet Union. In 1933, Kravcov outlined his theory of the origin of the Yugoslav epic in the military aristocracy.30 This was in line with the theory of the origin of the heroic epic prevailing in the Soviet Union at that time. However, after this theory was declared erroneous in the Soviet Union in 1936 and was replaced by the theory of the popular origin of the epic, Kravcov returned to the problem of the Yugoslav epic. In an article published in Russia,31 Kravcov emphasized the historical character of the Serbian epic. He did not mention his former theory, but his repeated references to the people32 and his silence about the military aristocracy showed clearly that he had abandoned his former theory and was following the official Soviet viewpoint.

Vojislav Djuric took up Kravcov's former theory of the aristocracy as the creator of the epic in 1949 and again in 1950 and subjected it to a detailed and crushing criticism,33 although Kravcov himself had evidently discarded it. The same criticism was reprinted, with hardly any changes, by Djuric in his anthology of popular heroic songs four years later.34 While criticizing Kravcov, Djuric went to another extreme, "looking for and proclaiming the democratic and high moral qualities of folksongs practically everywhere, even there where they have not so much been expressed, overlooking a whole series of other important peculiarities of folk poetry."35

The theory of the popular origin of the Serbo-Croatian epic has been generally accepted by Yugoslav folklorists. Kravcov reiterated his new

80 N. Kravcov, ed., Serbskij epos (n.p., 1933), pp. 15 ff. 81 N. I. Kravcov, "Serbskij epos i istorija," Sovetskaja etnografija, 1948, No. 3, 90-107. 32 Cf. Kravcov's statement: "The Serbian epic ... is historical in its recreation of the basic aspects of the people's life and of these aspirations and ideals with which the people have lived" (p. 100). See also pp. 92 and 98. 33 Vojislav Djuri6, "Neka pitanja tumacenja narodne epike," SS, IV (1949), br. 8-10, 60-92; "Narodna knjizevnost," Predavanja sa kursa za nastavnike srpskog jezika i knjizevnosti (Belgrade, 1950), pp. 101 ff. 34 Vojislav Djuri6, Antologija narodnih junackih pesama (Belgrade, 1954), pp. xvii- xxxv. 35 Maja Bogkovicov,-Stulli, "Studium lidove slovesnosti ...," p. 37.

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ideas in an article published in Yugoslavia recently,36 in a clear and emphatic way: "The Serbo-Croatian epic is traditional, for it was created by the people; in it are expressed the popular views and ideals, because in it are represented, from the popular point of view, the events of people's history and the popular heroes, and because it embodies the popular ideas of peace, patriotism, and humanism."

The question of the connections between the Yugoslav and the Homeric epics has continued to fascinate both the classical philologists and folklorists. Among the former ones, Milos Djuric has acquired a special reputation in this field. In an article that summarizes the results of his research,37 Djuric lists some twenty features common to both the Yugo- slav and the Homeric epics. Some of these features (e.g., the use of orna- mental epithets, formulas, numbers three, four, seven, nine and the formulaic description of the arrival of the morning) are of the kind that cannot be used for proving any "connections" (veze) between these epics, despite Djuric's efforts to do so. N. M. Simic connects echoes from Greek mythology with a motif in the Yugoslav epic (the competition between a mortal and a supernatural).38 But even more surprising than the references to these farfetched similarities are Simic's arguments about the superiority of the Yugoslav epic to the Homeric epic.39

The best contributions to the theme under discussion were made by Stjepan Banovic and Albert Lord.40 BanoviB showed, with careful con- sideration, that all the basic motifs in the song "How Primorac Ilija Shoots the Suitors of His Wife" occur in Odysseus' disposal of Penel- ope's suitors. Lord, on the other hand, found reminiscences of garac Mehmedagha's going from one place to another in the stages of Tele- machus' journey to Pylos and then to Sparta. Lord assumed that this tradition may have been continuous in the Balkans since Homeric times. 36 Nikolaj Kravcov, "Juznoslovenski, srpsko-hrvatski i srpski epos," NSF, 1962, sv. 3-4, 179-185, esp. 179. 37 Milos N. Djuri6, "Veze Homerove poezije s nasom narodnom i umetnickom poezijom," GSAN, I (1949), sv. 3, 508-511. The expanded version of the same in ZRSAN, X=ZRIPK, I (1951), 165-216. 38 N. M. Simic, "Anticke paralele: Narodne pesme Kraljevic Marko i Vila," 2iva antika, V (Skoplje, 1955), sv. 1, 68-72. 39 "Although in both examples ... the poetic and the ethic concept of our [i.e., Yugoslav] song surpasses by far that bloodless fragment of the Homeric song" (p. 69). Another similar passage on p. 72. 40 Stjepan Banovic, "Motivi iz Odiseje u hrvatskoj narodnoj pjesmi iz Makarskog Primorja," ZNZO, 35 (1951), 139-244; A. Lord, "Homeric Echoes in Bihac," ZNZO, 40 (1962), 313-320.

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The study of the structure of the Yugoslav epic has been pursued suc- cessfully by the Austrian scholar Alois Schmaus. In his book, Studije o krajinskoj epici (Studies on the Krajina Epic),4' Schmaus studied in great detail the special tendencies appearing in the development of the epic in Krajina (northwestern Bosnia). The epic of the Moslem population in Krajina differs from the epic of the remainder of Yugoslavia in that it shows traits, although just at the initial stage, characteristic of long epics, such as Nibelungenlied or Kalevala. Schmaus showed, utilizing the methodology worked out by A. Heusler, H. Schneider, etc., that the Krajina epic is characterized by the broadening of the epic songs cross- wise, rather than lengthwise, that is, building up the cross-section of a song rather than stringing the songs mechanically one after another. The action in the Krajina epic is developing toward double-strandedness: it takes place, for example, in the hero's and the enemy's camps. Charac- teristic is also the so-called center (sredina, Schauszene): a person, having occupied a central position, gives account of everything that is going on in range of his vision.

In a small structural study,42 Schmaus gives examples of the functioning of the principle of dominance in Yugoslav folklore. He shows how in the area where the epic dominates (central areas of Yugoslavia), the ballads and lyric songs acquire typically epic traits; whereas in the area where the epic-lyric dominates (peripheral areas of Yugoslavia), the epic loses much of its narrative character.

The structural approach has been applied also by some Yugoslav scholars, notably by Maja Boskovic-Stulli and Tvrtko Cubelic.43 Stulli seeks to answer the question: what happens to a fairy tale when it is recast into an epic song? She finds that, in addition to numerous external changes, there are basic changes affecting the structure. Whereas in tales the hero is in search of adventures, the corresponding epic songs stress the hero's exploits as the manifestation of his physical power and prowess. Cubelic, discussing the Yugoslav epic folksongs as a whole, emphasizes that there exists a natural and a literary uniformity in the Yugoslav folksongs as a definite literary form and a definite method of the oral expression; and that there exists a uniform problem in the sense

41 A. Schmaus, Studije o krajinskoj epici (RJAZU, 297) (Zagreb, 1953). 42 Alois Schmaus, "Gattung und Stil in der Volksdichtung," RK, IV (1957), 169-173. 43 Maja Boskovic-Stulli, "Sizei narodnih bajki u hrvatosrpskim epskim pjesmama," NU, I (1962), 15-36.

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of definite tradition, definite style, definite skill, and a definite artistic intention.44

The origin of the epic songs and the trends in the epic tradition have been the subject of a few studies. Veselin Iajkanovic's paper "On the Origin and Development of the Popular Epic Poetry"45 contains a number of highly hypothetical, questionable statements. Cajkanovic ad- hered to the ideas of the mythological school as late as the 1950's, maintaining that "Prince Marko replaced our ancient national god." Trifun Djukic illustrated the process of the creation of new songs and their dissemination among the people.46 Milenko S. Filipovic showed, with two examples, how two persons cooperated in the creation of epic songs; in both cases the songs spread and became popular.47 Svetozar Radojcic took up the question of the relationship between figurative art and folksongs.48 He went as far as to use church art for dating the creation of individual songs. As a reviewer rightly pointed out,49 the old frescoes and miniatures may have inspired some details in folksongs, but hardly the whole songs. Petar S. Vlahovic discussed the replacement of the epic songs in Vrsac, one of the cultural centers in Vojvodina, by the new songs and the revival of the old epic tradition by the immigrants from the epic areas, especially after the second World War.50

Among the cycles of the epic songs, the Kosovo cycle has attracted much attention in recent years. This cycle had been considered the oldest in the Yugoslav heroic epic. But Svetozar Matic, one of the keenest and most versatile folklorists of Yugoslavia, advanced the idea that it was, in reality, of a very late origin.51 According to Matic, the Kosovo songs 44 T. Cubelic, "Svijet i oblikovni (struktumi) principi srpskohrvatske epske narodne pjesme," SE, XIX (1961), 135-148, esp. 139-140. 45 Veselin Cajkanovic, "O postanku i razvoju srpske narodne epske poezije." ZMS, VI-VII (1958-59), 81-96. 46 Trifun Djukic, "O postanky epske pesme u vezi sa dogadjajima," RK, VIII (1961), 435-438. 47 Milenko S. Filipovic, "Koautorstvo u narodnoj pesmi," NSF, 1962, sv. 3-4, 198-203. 48 Svetozar Radojcic, "O nekim zajednickim motivima nase narodne pesme i naseg starog slikarstva," ZRSAN, 36 = Vizantoloski institut, II (1953), 159-178; r6sume in GSAN, II (1950), sv. 2, 349-350. 49 V. L [atkovic] in PKJIF, XX (1954), br. 3-4, 363-364. 50 Petar ?. Vlahovi6, "Epske pesme i njihovi nosioci u Vrscu," GEMC, I (1961), 143-161. 51 S. Mati6, "Poreklo Kosovskih pesama kratkoga stiha," ZMS, I (1953), 7-25. This and a number of other studies were published subsequently in S. Matic's collection, Nas narodni ep i nas stih (Novi Sad, 1964).

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were created in the Srem monastery under the influence of the Serbian liberation movement at the end of the eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth centuries. Mati6's theory was based on the fact that all the Kosovo songs, except one, were recorded by Vuk in Srem, and that neither Vuk nor his correspondents had found them elsewhere. The appearance of the Kosovo songs in various places later was attributed by Matic to the influence of the folksong collections of Vuk and others.

Matic's theory was met with sharp criticism which was rather well substantiated on the part of N. Banasevic, V. Latkovic, N. Ljubinkovic, and others. But the problem of the origin of the Kosovo songs has not yet been solved. "The fact that the songs of this cycle differ essentially in their contents, style, the limited number of variants, etc., from other Serbo-Croatian epic songs remains an open and very significant problem facing the scholarship in the future as well."52

A number of studies have been published on individual epic songs or groups of them. Especially important are the studies of the late Ivan Gra- fenauer, a Slovene scholar. Grafenauer's field of specialization was legends and legendary songs, especially those centered around King Matjaz.53 He applied the cultural-historical method and endeavored to discern the ancient social and cultural substrata.

M. Boskovic-Stulli, in her study of the song of the old Vujadin,54 showed how different milieu and different periods of time can reshape the song tradition. In another study,55 she connected the figure of the strong herdsman, who had the courage to stand up even to the king, with the peculiar social-political conditions prevailing in the Dinarian area for centuries.

Matija Lopac studied folksongs of the type of "Dusan's Marriage,"56 which centered around the difficult tasks the hero had to overcome in order to obtain the bride. The author's attempt to find the explanation for the difficult tasks in marriage customs is not convincing. N. Banasevic discussed some knotty questions in a blind woman's version of the "Maiden of Kosovo."57 Radoslav Medenica presented a summary,

62 Maja Boskovicova-Stulli, "Studium lidov6 slovesnosti ...," p. 37. 53 Ivan Grafenauer, "Slovenske ljudske pesmi o kralju Matjazu," SE, III-IV (1951), 189-240. 54 Maja Bogkovic-Stulli, "Pjesma o starom Vujadinu," SE, XIII (1960), 65-77. 5 Maja Boskovic-Stulli, "Pjesma o silnom cobaninu," RK, IX (1963), 231-238.

Matija Lopac, "Narodne pjesme tipa Vukove pjesme 'Zenidba Duganova' u svijetlu etnologije," EP, II (1960), 85-152.

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without examples, of his extensive study of "Banovic Strahinja,"58 con- centrating on the relationship between the variants. Tihomir Djordjevic wrote a series of notes on Yugoslav folk poetry,59 including the legends about Prince Marko's promise to return and to liberate and unite the Serbian people, and his retreat to a cave after the appearance of fire- arms. Anna Savic Rebac found elements of dualism in a legendary song and traced them back to Bogomilism.60 Mira Sertic compared a song sung by different singers after the lapse of some time and made pertinent observations about the variants.61

The following studies of detailed problems deserve mention: N. Banasevic's discussion of the names of vilas (Mandalina, Andjelija, Kata- rina, etc.) in folksongs; S. Matic's article on the verbal duel in folksongs; and the same scholar's discussion of the verses of songs quoted by Vuk in his Rjecnik (Dictionary) to illustrate the use of Serbian words.62 The last mentioned study shows that the Rjecnik is an important source for songs of which there are no other records.

Lyric songs, ballads, and romances are amply represented in Yugoslav folklore, but have failed to arouse keen interest on the part of Serbo- Croatian folklorists. The most significant studies are written by Slovene scholars, especially by Ivan Grafenauer and Zmaga Kumer. Grafenauer's monographs on "The Beautiful Vida" and "The Penitent Sinner"63 give

57 N. Banasevic, "Kosovska djevojka i neka Vukova tumacenja," PKJIF, 26 (1960), sv. 1-2, 39-46. 58 Rad. Medenica, "Banovic Strahinja u krugu varijanata," RK, V (1958), 163-177. Medenica's extensive study has meanwhile appeared under the title Banovic Strahinja u krugu varijanata i tema o neverni zene u narodnoj epici (SAN, Posebna izdanja, 381 = Odeljenje literature ijezika, XIV) (Belgrade, 1965). 59 Tihomir R. Djordjevi6, "Beleske o nasoj narodnoj poeziji," ZRSAN, XIV = ZREI, 11 (1951), 167-199. 60 Anica Savic Rebac, "O narodnoj pesmi 'Car Duklijan i krstitelj Jovan'," ZRSAN X = ZRIPK, I (1951), 253-273. 61 Mira Sertic, "Problemi usmene predaje u narodnoj pjesmi," Filologija (Zagreb, 1962), br. 3, 141-158. An important study on the form and function of the popular ballad has appeared, after the completion of this survey, by the same author: "Forma i funkcija narodne balade," RJAZU, 338 (1965), 307-373. 62 Nikola Banasevic, "O imenima vila u narodnim pesmama," ZRSAN, XVII = ZRIPK, II (1952), 143-152; S. Matic, "Borba recima u narodnoj pesmi," ZMS, III (1955), 55-65; and "Narodna pesma u Vukovom 'Rjecniku'," ZMS, VIII (1960), 139-145. 63 Ivan Grafenauer, Lepa Vida. Studija o izvoru, razvoju in razkroju narodne balade o Lepi Vidi (= Akademija znanosti in umetnosti v Ljubljani, Filozofsko-filolosko- historicni razred, Dela, IV) (Ljubljana, 1953); and Spokorjeni gresnik. Studija o izvoru, razvoju in razkroju slovensko-hrvafko-vzhodno-alpske ljudske pjesmi; to which has been

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a detailed analysis of their origin and development against the broad cultural-historical background. Kumer analyzes both the text and the music of "The Ballad of the Bride-Infanticide,"64 a Slovene ballad on an international theme.

Of Serbo-Croatian studies, the articles by T. Cubelic and M. Boskovic- Stulli on the genre peculiarities of ballads deserve mention.65 Several brief ballad studies are Jaksa Ravlic's discussion of the Croatian folksong "A Girl Was Sitting at the Sea" and Petar ?. Vlahovic's treatment of the "Death of Omer and Merime."66 Ravlic deals with the translation of the song into Italian and the area of its origin. Vlahovic assumes that songs of the type of "Omer and Merime," which tell of two unhappy lovers and which have appeared in different countries, have no genetic relationship, but have originated from similar historical and economical circumstances. This conclusion leaves us, however, sceptical.

The strong historic bent noticeable in the study of epic songs makes itself felt also in the study of lyric songs; Alija Bejtic has found in twenty Serbo-Croatian lyric songs reflections of real persons and their adventures.67 Olinko Delorko's brief note on the greater significance of motifs over names is not without theoretical interest.68

Songs about the War of Liberation, partisan songs, and workers' folklore belong to the newest creation of Yugoslav folklore that originated during and after the second World War. Their collection and study have been in full swing during the last decades. While the partisan songs belong to genuine folklore, the workers' songs only occasionally make use of the stylistic features of traditional folklore.

added: Zmaga Kumer, Slovenski napevi legendarne pesmi "Spokorjeni gresnik," (SAZU, Razred za filoloske in literarne vede, Dela, XIX (Ljubljana, 1965). The last work is a thoroughly revised version of Grafenauer's study, "Legendarna pesem 'Spokorjeni gresnik'," SAZU, Razred za zgodovino in drugtvene vede, Razprave, I (1950), 1-52. 64 Zmaga Kumer, Balada o nevesti detomorilki (=- SAZU, Razred za filoloske in literarne vede, Dela, XVII (Ljubljana, 1963). 65 T. Cubelic, "Balada u narodnoj knijzevnosti," RK, V (1958), 83 ff.; M. Boskovic- Stulli, "Neka suvremena misljenja o baladi, "RK, VIII (1960), 105-108. 66 Jaksa Ravlic, "O hrvatskoj narodnoj pjesmi 'Sidila moma kraj mora'," ZN20, 38 (1954), 233-259; Petar ?. Vlahovic, "Nekoliko motiva slicnih narodnoj pesmi 'Smrt Omera i Merime'," GEI, IV-VI (1955-57), 249-260. 67 Alija Bejti6, "Prilozi proucavanju nasih narodnih pjesama," BIPF, II (1953), 387-405; III (1955), 104-124. 68 Olinko Delorko, "O nesigurnu polo2aju imena i prezimena u hrvatskim i srpskim narodnim baladama i romancama," RK, V (1958), 147-150.

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The study of revolutionary and workers' folklore has been carried on primarily by Dusan Nedeljkovic and, to a lesser extent, by M. Bos- kovic-Stulli, Miljan Mojasevi6, and others.69 The most recent anthology of songs and anecdotes on the revolution and reconstruction work is by T. Cubelic.70

Since Yugoslavia has abounded in eminent "singers of tales," the greatest of whom sang for Vuk, it is natural to expect that some attention be given to their creative personality. Among the recent works dealing with the personality of the singers, that by M. Panic-Surep on the blind poet Filip Visnjic - the Serbian Homer - is especially noteworthy.71 The work includes a penetrating picture of Visnjic as a human being and folk poet and discusses the peculiarities of his songs. The author, a poet himself, follows closely the stormy events of the first Serbian revolution that serve as the background for the wanderings and the poetic creativity of Visnjic. This is the more important since Visnjic was first of all the poet of the revolution; his songs have even been used by historians to clarify some disputed problems (such as the chronology) of this uprising.

A number of singers who sang for Vuk have been studied by Vladan Nedic. In addition to an article on Filip Visnjic, Nedic has published surveys of the eventful life of the hajduk-singer Tesan Podrugovic, Vuk's favorite singer, and of the tragic life of the blind woman-guslar, Zivana, whose most frequent theme was family love.72 "Singing incessantly of it, Zivana was looking, at least in verse, for a substitution for her tragic loneliness as a blind wandering beggar." Some disputed problems concerning Vuk's less significant singer, Rasko, were raised by S. Matic,73 whose arguments gave rise to polemics.74

The ancient singers of Serbo-Croatian epic songs up to the end of the

69 Dugan Nedeljkovic, "Prilog proucavanju zakonitosti razvitka naseg narodnog pevanja u periodu narodne revolucije, Oslobodilackog rata i izgradnje socijalizma Jugoslavije," ZRSAN, 68 = Etnografski institut, III (1960), 39-167; Maja Boskovic- Stulli, "Narodna poezija nase Oslobodilacke borbe kao problem savremenog folklor- nog stvaralagtva," ZRSAN, 68 = Etnografski institut, III (1960), 393-424. 70 T. Cubelic, Ustanak i revolucija u rijeci narodnog pjesnika (Zagreb, 1966). 71 M. Panic-Surep, Filip Visnjic pesnik bune (= Vremena i Ijudi, XIII) (Belgrade, 1956). 72 Vladan Nedi6, Filip Visnjic (Belgrade, 1961); "Tesan Podrugovic," Koviezic, III (1960), 5-17; "Slepa Zivana, pevac Vuka Karadzica," PKJIF, 29 (1963), sv. 1-2, 59-71. 73 Svetozar Matic, "Vukov pevac Rasko," ZMS, II (1954), 58-66. 74 V. Latkovic in PKJIF, 22 (1956), sv. 3-4, 310-315.

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eighteenth century were dealt with by V. Latkovic in a study based on rich source material.75 Some general observations about the singers (for instance, concerning the women versus men, the failure of the singers' memory) were made by 0. Delorko76 on the basis of the personal impressions gained during his field work in Croatia. Another study by Delorko77 compared the songs of an eighty-four year-old singer with those recorded from her when she was seventeen years of age. Four generations of tellers, singers, and guslars were examined and compared by Djenana Buturovic ;78 her conclusion was that the second oldest group, those of about sixty years of age, were the best singers and guslars.

The versification, language, and style of Yugoslav folksongs have been the subject of only a few studies. Kiril Taranovski studied Serbo- Croatian versification in some detail,79 and Stipe Banovic discussed a type of rhyme.80 Tvrtko Cubelic analyzed the style of ballads. S. Matic devoted two articles to the repetition of prepositions in Yugoslav folksongs and grave markers (stecci).81 Matic interprets this repetition as a metrical feature, even in old documents - a conclusion that cannot be accepted.

The prose genres in Yugoslavia have received much less attention than poetry. In the study of folktales and legends, the works by Ivan Grafe- nauer, Milko Maticetov, and M. Boskovic-Stulli are most significant. Grafenauer, in his analysis of several legends about King Matjaz,82 traces them partly to the western, partly to the eastern tradition. Mati- cetov's study of the burned and reborn man83 connects extremely few 75 V. Latkovic, "O pevacima srpskohrvatskih narodnih epskih pesama do kraja XVIII veka," PKJIF, XX (1954), sv. 3-4, 184-202. 76 Olinko Delorko, "Neka opa2anja o kazivacima narodnih pjesama u pojedinim podrucjima Hrvatske," RK, IV (1957), 187-194. 77 Olinko Delorko, "Matija gSeelja, kazivacica narodne poezije na Dugom otoku," ZNZO, 38 (1954), 223-232. 78 Djenana Buturovic, "Epska narodna tradicija Trebinjske sume," RK, IX (1962). 53-58. 79 Kiril Taranovski, "Principi srpskohrvatske versifikacije," PKJIF, XX (1954), sv. 1-2, 14-27. 80 Stipe Banovid, "Tri priloga za prou6avanje hrvatske narodne i umjetne poezije," RJAZU, 290 - Odjel za filologiju, III (1952), 197-230. 81 Svetozar Mati6, "Tragovi stiha na ste6cima," ZMS, IV-V (1956-1957), 80-93; XI (1963), 5-16. 82 Ivan Grafenauer, Slovenske pripovedke o kralju Matjazu (= SAZU, Razred za filoloske in literaturne vede, Dela, IV) (Ljubljana, 1951). 83 Milko Maticetov, Sezgani in prerojeni clovek (== SAZU, Razred za filologke in literarne vede, Dela, XV) (Ljubljana, 1961).

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and fragmentary data from a wide geographical area and from greatly different periods into a coherent whole. Boskovic-Stulli's comprehensive study of the tale about King Midas with the animal-like head is in press. A brief summary84 made public shows that this tale existed before the Romans and before the introduction of Christianity and that the names of Diocletian, Trajan, and Irud (Herod) were included later.

There are a few brief studies of legends concerning historical figures that resemble the legends of King Matjaz. These are Ljubica Klancic's note about Ivan Crnojevic's promise to come back to help liberate his native area and Radmila Fabijanic's article on the legends about the sufferings of the evil Emperor Dukljanin (Diocletian).85 M. S. Filipovic's note on the tale about the killing of old persons discusses variations of this tale by the same teller.86

Vlajko Palavestra has been engaged for some time in the study of the legends and tales of Hercegovina as a part of the over-all research project of the Zemaljski muzej. In a study87 he sought to investigate the ethnic past, the economy, and the culture of Livanjsko polje with particular regard to its ethnic evolution. For this purpose he examined the re- lation between the tales of Livanjsko polje and the tales of the areas from which its population descended. In another study,88 Palavestra gave examples of the richness of the folk prose of Hercegovina, especially for legends and short joking stories.

The study of the popular drama has been carried on by Nikola Bonifacic-Rozin, Tvrtko Cubelic, and, in Slovenia, by Niko Kuret. Bonifacic-Ro2in's articles are on such topics as the scenic elements in the spring festivals, "looking for the bird" in the wedding customs, and the colenda customs. Cubelic has studied the structure and elements of folk drama. Kuret, an expert on masks, has a few studies also on Slovene folk dramas.89

84 M. Boskovic-Stulli, "Napomene uz narodnu pricu o kralju sa zivotinjskim obil- jezjem glave," RK, I-II (1958), 105-106. 85 Ljubica Klancic, "Legenda o Ivanu Cmojevicu," GEMC, II (1962), 293-296; Radmila Fabijanic, "Car Dukljanin u narodnim predanjima," GEMC, IV (1964), 373-384. 86 Milenko S. Filipovic, "Prilog proucavanju zivota narodnih price," GEI, I (1952), 493-496. 87 Vlajko Palavestra, "Komparativno istrazivanje narodnih pripovjedaka kao po- mo6no sredstvo za proucavanje etnickih odnosa," RK, VI (1959), 117-121. 88 Vlajko Palavestra, "Narodne pripovijetke i predanje u Hercegovini," RK, IX (1962), 59-62.

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The so-called "little genres" do not enjoy much prestige in Yugoslavia; 90

this is reflected in the scarcity of studies on them. Most recent is T. Cube- li6's anthology of proverbs and riddles9l with an introduction on their classification and stylistics. T. R. Djordjevic explained the origin and meaning of twenty-five Yugoslav proverbs, and M. S. Lalevic discussed the evolution and changes of meaning in proverbs.92

There exist three general surveys on Serbo-Croatian folklore, all of them entitled Narodna knjizevnost (Folk Literature), by Vojislav Djuric, Vido Latkovic, and Tvrtko Cubelic.93 They are intended for students and are therefore elementary. Djuric's survey deals primarily with the epic and less extensively with the lyric, whereas other genres (tales, proverbs, and riddles) are discussed very briefly. Djuric endeavors to treat folklore from the Marxist point of view and gives citations from Marx, Lenin, and Gorkij. Latkovic, in his booklet, defines oral literature, as opposed to written literature, and mentions the genres of folk literature only briefly. Cubelic's survey includes, among other things, the origin, the thematic and ideological basis, the dissemination, and the significance of folklore.

During the recent decades, a few important collections of folklore have been published which contain either entirely or preponderantly new materials. In this group belong, for instance, the collections by Milosevic, Parry and Lord, Vasiljevic, and Zganec,94 the series Narodno stvaralastvo

89 Nikola Bonifacic-Rozin, "Scenski elementi u proljetnim ophodnim obicajima," RK, IX (1962), 323-331; "Svadebna igra 'Trazenje ptice' kod Valvasora i danas," NSF, 1962, sv. 1, 27-31; "Kalendarski ophodi i cestitanja," Pucki kalendar (Zagreb, 1965), 119-127; Tvrtko Cubelic, "Narodno dramsko stvaralastvo," Sveueiliste u Zagrebu, Filozofski fakultet, Radovi zavoda za slavensku filologiju, VI (1964), 85-107; Niko Kuret, "Ljubljanska igra o paradizu in njen evropski okvir," SAZU, Razprave, IV (1958), 203-253; Ziljsko stehvanje in njegov evropski okvir (= SAZU, Razred za filoloski in literarne vede, Dela, XVI) (Ljubljana, 1963). 90 Cf. V. Djuric's statement: "The riddles are less important." ("Narodna knjizevnost," p. 134; see note 33.) 91 Tvrtko Cubelic, Narodne poslovice i zagonetke (Zagreb, 1957). 92 Tihomir R. Djordjevic, "Iz nasih narodnih poslovica," ZRSAN, IV = ZREI, I (1950), 77-96; M. S. Lalevic, "O razvoju i promenama znacenja poslovica," GEMB, XVIII (1955), 207-214. 93 Vojislav Djuric, "Narodna knijzevnost" (see note 33); Vido Latkovic, Narodna knjizevnost (Belgrade, 1957); Tvrtko Cubelic, "Narodna knjizevnost," in Z. Skreb and F. Petre, Uvod u knjizevnost (Zagreb, 1961), 67-108. 94 Vlado Milogevi6, Bosanske narodne pjesme, I-IV (Banja Luka, 1954-1964); Milman Parry and Albert B. Lord, Srpskohrvatske junacke pjesme, II: Novi Pazar, Srpsko-

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Istre,95 and some volumes of the series Pet stoljeca hrvatske knjizevnosti.96 It should be mentioned finally that there are a number of periodicals

on folklore and ethnology in Yugoslavia,97 considerably more than one would expect from a country with the population of about twenty million.

The preceding brief survey has shown that the study of folklore has been pursued vigorously in Yugoslavia. Yugoslav folklorists have achieved significant results in the study of epic songs, tales, and legends. Young, well-trained folklorists are entering the field to fill the gap caused

hrvatski tekstovi (Belgrade and Cambridge, 1953) (Vol. I, published in 1954, contains the English translations); Miodrag A. Vasiljevic, Narodne melodije iz Sandzaka (= SAN, Posebna izdanja, 205; Muzikoloski institut, V) (Belgrade, 1953); Narodne melodije Leskovackog kraja (= SAN, Posebna izdanja, 330; Muzikoloski institut, XI) (Belgrade, 1960); Narodne melodije Crne Gore (= Muzikoloski institut, Posebna izdanja, XII) (Belgrade, 1965); Vinko 2ganec, Hrvatske narodne pjesme kajkavske (Matica Hrvatska, 1950); Narodne popijevke hrvatskog Zagorja, [Vol. I:] Napjevi; [Vol. II:] Tekstovi (= Zbornik jugoslavenskih narodnih popjevaka, IV-V) (Zagreb, 1950-1952); Hrvatske narodne popijevke iz Koprivnice i okoline (=Zbornik jugoslavenskih narodnih popjevaka, VII) (Zagreb, 1962). 95 Narodno stvaralastvo Istre (Zagreb, Institut za narodnu umjetnost), Vol. I: Maja Bos- kovic-Stulli, Istarske narodne price (1959); Vol. II: Olinko Delorko, Istarske narodne pjesme (1960); Vol. II: Ivan Ivancan, Istarski narodni plesovi (1963). 96 Pet stoljeca hrvatske knjizevnosti (Zagreb, Matica hrvatska), II kolo, Vol. 23: Olinko Delorko, Narodne lirske pjesme (1963); Vol. 26: Maja Boskovic-Stulli. Narodne pripovijetke (1963); Vol. 27: Nikola Bonifacic Rozin, Narodne drame, poslovice i zagonetke (1963); III kolo, Vol. 24: Olinko Delorko, Narodne epske pjesme, I (1964); Vol. 25: Maja Boskovic-Stulli, Narodne epske pjesme, II (1964). 97 The more important Yugoslav periodicals in folklore are:

Bilten Instituta za proucavanje folklora u Sarajevu (Sarajevo, 1951-1955). Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja u Sarajevu. Nova serija (Sarajevo, Zemaljski muzej,

1946-). The title of this publication has varied; the first fascicle (1946) was published under the title Glasnik drzavnog muzeja u Sarajevu. A sub-series containing articles on folklore was first called (1954-1957) "Istorija i etnografija," afterwards (since 1958) "Etnologija."

Narodna umjetnost (Zagreb, Institut za narodnu umjetnost, 1962-). Narodno stvaralastvo - folklor. Organ Saveza udruzenja folklorista Jugoslavije

(Belgrade, 1962-). Rad kongresa folklorista Jugoslavije (1958-). The place of publication varies.

The title was changed as follows beginning with the 6th volume: Rad VII-og kongresa Saveza folklorista Jugoslavije (1960), etc.

Slovenski etnograf. Casopis za etnografijo i folkloro (Ljubljana, Etnografski muzej, 1948-).

Srpski etnografski zbornik, II odeljenje: 2ivot i obicaji narodni (Belgrade, Srpska kraljevska akademija nauka [Srpska akademija nauka i umetnosti], 1924-).

Zbornik za narodni zivot i obicaje juznih slavena (Zagreb, Jugoslavenska akademija znanosti i umjetnosti, 1896-).



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by the death or retirement from active research of such distinguished scholars as Grafenauer, Filipovic, and Latkovic, The extent of the interest in folklore in Yugoslavia is demonstrated best by the folklore conferences, arranged annually since 1952. These conferences are attended by hundreds of scholars and other interested persons, and at each one, in recent times, more than a hundred papers are given.

Indiana University Bloomington, Indiana

ABBREVIATIONS

BIPF Bi/ten Instituta za proucavanje folklora, Sarajevo EP Etnoloski pregled, Belgrade GEl Glasnik Etnografskog instituta SAN, Belgrade GEMB Glasnik Etnografskog muzeja u Beogradu GEMC Glasnik Etnografskog muzeja na Cetiiju GSAN Glasnik SAN, Belgrade JAZU Jugoslavenskaja akademija znanosti i urnjetnosti, Zagreb NSF Narodno stvaralastvo - folklor, Belgrade NU Narodna umjetnost, Zagreb PKJIF Prilozi za knjizevnost, jezik, istoriju i folklor, Belgrade RJAZU Rad JAZU, Zagreb RK Rad kongresa Saveza folklorista Jugoslavije (the place of publication varies) SAN Srpska akademija nauka, Belgrade SAZU Slovenska akademija znanosti in umetnosti, Ljubljana SE Slovenski etnograf, Ljubljana SEZ Srpski etnografski zbornik, SAN, Belgrade SS Savremena skola, Belgrade ZEMiV Zbornik Etnografskog muzeja u Beogradu 1901-1951, Belgrade, 1953 ZMS Zbornik Matice Srpske za knjizevnost i jezik, Novi Sad ZNZO Zbornik za narodni zivot i obicaje juinih slavena, izd. JAZU, Zagreb ZREI Zbornik radova, Etnografski institut, SAN, Belgrade ZRFF Zbornik radova, Filozofskifakultet. Sveuciliste u Zagrebu ZRIPK Zbornik radova, Institut za proueavanje knjizevnosti, SAN, Belgrade ZRSAN Zbornik radova, SAN, Belgrade

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felix j. oinas_the study of folklore in yugoslavia

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