fascist aesthetics

Fascist Aesthetics: Ezra Pound's CulturalNegotiations in 1930s Italy

David BarnesUniversity of London

Although the nature of Ezra Pound's Fascism has generated substantial critical study, themechanics of his actual engagement in the cultural projects of the Mussolini regime hasreceived less attention. Using as its starting point lines from Pound's controversial "Ital-ian Canto" 72—explicitin its praise of the Fascist regime— the essay examines Pound'scorrespondence with Italian cultural figures in the 1930s. Focusing on his relationshipwith the academic librarian Manlio Torquato Dazzi and the celebrated Futurist F. T.Marinetti, the essay demonstrates the blurred distinctions between aesthetic and politi-cal spheres in Pound's engagements with Italian culture in the 1930s. The essay furtherargues that Pound's avant-garde aesthetics and neo-platonicphilosophy colored the wayhe engaged with the cultural projects of the regime, making his Fascism a mixture ofspirituality, modernism and totalitarianism.

Keywords: Ezra Pound / The Cantos I fascism / futurisnn / modernism / nationalism

INTRODUCTION: UNKLE GEORGE'S POSTCARDS

On 20 June 1936, Congressman George Tinkham of Massachusetts ("UnkleGeorge") wrote Ezra Pound advising him that he was planning to visitItaly. The letter contained some political discussion, including Tinkham's

opinion that "the United States should not be a 'puppet'" state of Great Britainand that, referring to Italy's invasion of Abyssinia:

Mussolini certainly has had a great triumph and in his age and generation is a greatman. Any man who can successfully defy England and the League of Nations, rep-resenting fifty-two nations, is a man of strength and he has my admiration. f^Dear

Uncle George'IS)

After the visit. Pound sent Tinkham two postcards: one was of a view of Rapallo,the other a picture of the Venetian church of Santa Maria dei Miracoli, which wasto feature much in Pound's poetry as the "jewel box" (see, for example. Canto 75).In themselves, these details might not be of much interest. But here they occur

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in a quite obviously political context; Pound is trying to court Tinkham in Italyas an American political figure sympathetic to Fascism.

The exchange of postcards, which is a means of reminiscing upon and pre-serving the touristic encounter, becomes in this context a further comment onFascism's role in Pound's mind as guardian of culture. These photographic frag-ments of Italian beauty are also, perhaps, a plea: look at what we might lose if wechoose the wrong (for Pound, the anti-Fascist) path. The postcard exchange alsoaptly demonstrates the difficulty of separating political and esthetic questionswithin the Poundian universe. The peaceful beauty of fifteenth-century Italianart acts not, as we might expect, as a counter-argument to the violence of Fascism,but as its perfect accompaniment.

Early polarized accounts of Pound tended to either marginalize his politicalengagement or explain it in over-simplified terms, in both cases keeping it awayfrom his cultural/esthetic activities.' In the popular account of Pound, a splitemerged between the early radical modernist Pound and his reactionary. Fascistsuccessor. In this account, the progress of Pound's career is narrated as a kindof going to the "dark side," whereby Pound gradually moves towards the tragicmistakes of Fascism and anti-Semitism. However, a range of recent accounts hascomplicated this notion, blurring the lines between Pound-as-artist/poet andPound-as-Fascist enthusiast.^

A related problem has persisted in critical approaches to "Pound's Italy."How could the poetic, paradisal country of the Cantos be integrated with theFascist state praised for its cultural and economic projects? Of course, as a num-ber of critics have noted, these two Italys are bound closely together; or indeedthey may be different facets of Pound's one ideal, multifaceted Italy, a countryat once Mussolini's, Sigismondo's, Dante's and Cavalcanti's.' In the example of"Unkle George's postcard," we see how an image of Italy may be read throughboth esthetic and political lenses. In examining the changing meanings of Italyfor Pound, this essay attempts to contribute to this discussion by seeing Pound's"writing Italy" and his "writing in Italy" as crucially connected.

DAZZI AND MARINETTI IN THE AFTERLIFE

Two lines from Pound's "Italian" Canto 72 focus on the poet's correspondencewith Filippo Tommaso Marinetti, the Futurist artist and writer, and ManlioTorquato Dazzi, the librarian first of the Malatestiana library at Cesena andlater of the Querini Stampalia in Venice. In examining these lines, this essayhopes to illuminate the complex negotiations of politics and culture that Poundwas involved with under the two Italian Fascist regimes (the regime of 1922-43and Mussolini's Salo Republic of 1943-45). Rather than providing an in-depthanalysis of Canto 72 (this has been performed by Massimo Bacigalupo, RobertCasillo and others), my concern in this essay is to work outwards from some ofthe details of the poetry to the wider socio-political context.** For the purposesof this article, it suffices to say that there is some critical debate as to whether or

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not the two "Italian Cantos," 72 and 73, represent an attempt at Fascist propa-gandizing by Pound. Patricia Cockram takes this view, seeing the Italian Cantosas esthetic failures on Pound's part, driven by political and economic desperation(535). Bacigalupo, however, views these Cantos as both a return "to the 'visionary'structure attempted . . . in the 'Three Cantos' of 1917, and an anticipation of theautobiographical Pisan Cantos" ("The Poet at War" 71). Bacigalupo argues thatthe poems should not be seen as aberrations, but as crucial staging posts in thedevelopment of Pound's writing.

They were published in the Fascist newspaper Marina Repubblicana in Janu-ary and February 1945. The second of the two Cantos is particularly explicit in itsapproval of Fascist violence, glorifying a terroristic Fascist attack on a group ofCanadian soldiers and ending with a hymn to the Fascist "ragazzi" who "portanil ñero" ("boys [who] wear the black"). Cockram, Bacigalupo and Casillo havedetailed the suppression and censorship of these Cantos in the development of thePoundian oeuvre. Cockram notes that Pound omitted a racial slur (a reference to"marocchini ed altra immondizia," "Moroccans and other garbage"—seeminglya reference to mixed-race Allied troops) in his rendering of Canto 72 into Eng-lish (540). Furthermore, the two poems were omitted from the collected Cantosuntil 1986, a situation which Robert Casillo considers a scandal, an attempt onthe part of the critical establishment to suppress a "smoking gun" which wouldoverwhelmingly convict Pound's poetry of Fascism ("Fascists of the Final Hour"121). While the "Italian Cantos" clearly represent a propagandistic drive on thepart of Pound, they must also be studied, I maintain, in relationship to the devel-opment of Pound's larger poetic project. Indeed, such a reading leaves a rathermore disturbing taste; instead of being written off as belonging to Pound's crassFascist period, the lack of clear boundaries between esthetic and political drivesin those Cantos must be addressed.

Both F.T. Marinetti and Manlio Torquato Dazzi feature in Canto 72 as Dan-tesque "shades" or ghosts that appear to the narrator, a figure (ostensibly Pound)fioating in a kind of literary afterlife. Dazzi and Marinetti are interesting ghostsfor a number of reasons. Dazzi was alive when the Canto was written (in 1944,during the Saló period); he spent the war in Switzerland and returned to Venice in1948, dying in Padua in 1968. By contrast, F.T Marinetti had died shortly beforethe writing of Canto 72; Pound had received the news of Marinetti's death justbefore he began composing the Canto. This news certainly informs the poem,specifically in Pound's pugilistic representation of Marinetti. Yet it also seemsthat the two Italians feature as central, almost archetypal figures, figures uponwhom rests a crucial dilemma:

Tu con Marinetti fai il paio

Ambi in eccesso amaste, lui l'awenireE tu il passato. (Cantos 426)

Massimo Bacigalupo has translated these lines as: "You [Dazzi] and Marinettiare two of a pair / Both loving too much, he the future, / You the past' ("Ezra

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Pound's Cantos" 11). This phrase articulates not only a crucial internal problem inPound's career and practice—the arch-modernist as also a slightly archaic figure,"make it new" meaning searching through reams and reams of the past for thefresh phrase—but it also describes an obvious dilemma for Fascism. With itsJanus-faced nationalism. Fascism trod a path between futuristic modernity andimperialistic nostalgia.

Marinetti's presence here is interesting; as Futurist, he represents a facet ofFascist culture that is aggressive, vitalistic and modernistic. Yet Marinetti waspositioned uneasily within Fascism at times precisely because his modernisticfuturism suggested an implicit criticism of Fascism's archaizing, nostalgic ten-dencies. Those tendencies were to look backwards to the glories of the past, forinstance in the upholding of the ideal oiromanità ("Roman-ness") and in appealsto mythic medieval and renaissance pasts.' At the start of his career, Marinettihad scorned such versions of nationalism, ridiculing the proto-Fascist hero Gabri-ele D'Annunzio's decadent writing for being "the sickly, nostalgic poetry o f . . .memory" (68).

Nostalgia, it appears, is Futurism's "other." Yet Andrew Hewitt's work onMarinetti in his book Fascist Modernism is relevant here. Hewitt sees Futurism(and to some extent Fascism) as emerging out of nineteenth-century decadentestheticism. Marinetti, with his Symbolist past, develops "out of and against adecadent estheticism" and it is this decadent estheticism that then returns as theFuturist repressed (103). The Futurist attack on luxury, languidness, sickness,Venice and crucially the past seems to be Futurism's revenge on the decadentesthetic. Indeed, in writers particularly associated with decadence there existsthe apotheosis of what is "unhealthy" for Marinetti. Wilde's Ihe Picture of DorianGray, Poe's "The Fall of the House of Usher," and similar works (works thatinfluenced the Symbolist poets with whom Marinetti was initially associated) arepreoccupied by a languid obsession with the past, the image of the lone aristocratin his decaying room. Hewitt is suggesting that Futurism is in some way lockedinto relationship with estheticism, complicating the idea of Futurism as simplenegation or denial of the past. This strange, symbiotic relationship resurfaces inFascism as a kind of genetically modified nostalgia, injected with maculinisticvitalism and modernistic technophilia.

This paradigm may help to approach those lines of Pound's afresh. For whatPound seems to be facing is the difficulty of negotiating between the demands ofpast and future. Pound places himself, as loyal Fascist, between the bookwormantiquarianism of Dazzi ("il passato") and the destructive futurity of Marinetti("l'awenire"). A close examination of Pound's correspondence with Dazzi, Mari-netti and others shows us what that "negotiation" looked like in practice as Poundinvolved himself in Fascist cultural projects.


THE CULTURAL MILIEU OF VENICE

Pound first knew Manlio Dazzi as the librarian of the Maletestiana library atCesena, and admired him for his "proper Dantescan education" (qtd. in Carpenter429). Dazzi continued his correspondence with Pound once Dazzi became estab-lished in Venice as director ofthe Querini Statnpalia Library in 1925.* In 1928,Pound had given an edition often new Cantos to the Querini, and Dazzi writesto Pound describing himself as "proud" of being the occasion ofthe gift. Dazzidescribes the Cantos resting on his desk and transporting him into a memory ofPound's last visit to Venice where Pound had read from his work at Florian's, thefamous café in St Mark's Square: "dopo la silenziosa gira in gondola—il suono del'water green clear, and blue clear' 'in the suavity ofthe rock' nel canto che meglioconviene alla mia sensibilita" ("after the oh-so quiet gondola ride—the sound of'water green clear, and blue clear' 'in the suavity ofthe rock' in the Canto whichbest agrees with my sensibility" [Olga Rudge Papers; my translation]).

This gift was obviously a version of the limited edition Draft of Cantos17-27—perfect for a Venetian library due to the high count of references toVenice and its history in the poems. Dazzi here seems to be conflating his andPound's experience of Venice with the images of Canto 17, "water green clear,and blue clear," which, as Tony Tanner, Caterina Ricciardi and others havedescribed, evokes a sacred, lyrical Venice encrusted with nineteenth-centuryesthetic language borrowed from Ruskin, Pater and others (Tanner 316-17; Ric-ciardi 232-43). This lyrical perspective seems to inform the appearance of Dazziin Canto 72; Dazzi appears to "make a lullaby" ("ninna-nannare/arsi") of thelines of Mussato that Dazzi translated in his Ecerinis of 1914 (Dazzi was a notedclassicist and had particular interests in the early Renaissance). Given that thelines Pound has Dazzi quoting are a rape scene and site ofthe conception ofthemonstrous protagonist, it seems odd, to say the least, that they should be describedas a lullaby.

What Pound seems to highlight is a rapturous, lyrical, nostalgic qualityin Dazzi, clearly demonstrated in his November 1928 letter. After complain-ing about the hard work he has to do, Dazzi says that it is "Venezia dolcissima"("sweetest Venice"), and his picturesque local square with its plane tree, flint welland "qualche famiglie di uccelli" ("several families of birds"), that keeps him sane.In other words, Dazzi displays a susceptibility to reverie and lyricism; qualitieslinked, I suggest, with what Pound describes as Dazzi's "excessive love of thepast." This is an impression bolstered by Mary De Rachewiltz's description of"dreamy" Dazzi in the 1930s ensconced behind his desk in the library (99).

By all accounts, Dazzi was resistant to Fascist culture. He joined the Resis-tance during World War II, later becoming a Communist, and avoids politicaldiscourse in his correspondence with Pound. The Querini Library under Dazziin the 1920s and 1930s was, according to NuUa Dazzi, by no means dominatedby the Fascist regime, and resisted the race laws of 1938 by openly stocking theworks of Jewish authors on the shelves (Dazzi 38-39). However, Manlio Dazzi

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did edit the review Ateneo Véneto from 1931 to 1935, at a time when much of itsrhetoric was pro-Fascist. A copy of this magazine in the period contains an articleby Duillio Torres praising a reborn "nationalistic" Fascist architecture, and talkabout a Fascist "renewal" of Venice (Torres 171). Whether Dazzi's inclusion ofsuch rhetoric indicates his unqualified approval of Fascism is unclear. Dazzi seemsto have avoided conflict with the regime until the 1940s by remaining largelyburied in a gentle, scholastic world, writing his meditative lyrical poems aboutthe changing seasons of Venice. His status as a veteran (he was wounded andimprisoned by the Austrians in the First World War) may also have raised Dazzi'sstanding in the militaristic culture of Fascist Italy (Dazzi 37-38).

In Pound's correspondence with other Venetian figures in the 1930s, includ-ing the academic Carlo Izzo and the editor oíII Gazzettino, Aldo Camerino, it isthe American poet who is the overtly political figure spouting Fascist propaganda,while the Venetians display less enthusiasm. In 1935, Pound writes to Izzo inVenice trying to get the Venetian to use his publishing contacts to distribute anItalian version oí Jefferson and/or Mussolini (this was not to happen until 1943).Pound wrote in August 1935 that the book was "intended to break down absurdand bestial false representation of Italy. Ten years idiotic calumny in Eng. andU.S." (Ezra Pound Papers). Izzo is not entirely convinced about the politicalemphasis of the book: he replies that he finds the book "chiefly a study in person-ality: yours. It may very well be that YOU interest me." On 25 August 1935, Izzocomplains that he can't meet Pound in Venice because "unfortunately tomorrownight I have got to go to a Fascist 'adunata' [mass-meeting]" (Ezra Pound Papers),again demonstrating a certain resistance to the political machinery.

However, both Izzo and Camerino longed for a revival of literary experi-mentation in Venice, and thus seemed to have seen Pound as a kind of prophet ofthe avant-garde. Both were regularly present, as Mary De Rachewiltz records, atreadings from the Cantos held at Olga Rudge's "hidden nest" in Calle Querini(100). Between Pound's visits to the city in the mid-thirties, both men were urg-ing the American poet to return and kick-start an artistic renaissance. In 1936,Izzo writes: "When is it you are coming back to Venice? May? June? Camerino 6cI long for your bracing conversation" (Ezra Pound Papers). Likewise, Camerinowrites: "we need yr awakening force and your bracing strength" (Ezra PoundPapers). For Pound, force and strength were found in Mussolini's Fascism andhe found it difficult to understand why the Duce's revolution was not renewingand transforming the whole country. Discussing the possibility with Izzo andCamerino of beginning a new avant-garde literary journal in Italy, he writes: "Icant do ALL the bloody propaganda" and, referring to the invasion of Abyssinia:"Now you blokes have got an IMPERO what about trying to wake up Italianletteraria." Any new Italian literary journal should contain, continues Pound "nopre fascist points of view and buggar the league of or leak of nations mentality"(Ezra Pound Papers), a sentiment to which there appears to be no reply from Izzo.

These frustrations with what Pound saw as Italian political apathy are perhapsmost clearly expressed in a 1934 letter to Margherita Sarfatti, the prominent


Fascist intellectual and sometime mistress of Mussolini.' Pound's letter to Sarfattidescribes Italy as having three epochs, the present, "inhabited by DUX [Musso-lini] . . . and almost no one else" (although presumably EP himself), the "letterati,living about 1890" and the academics, or "scholastic Italy," "inhabiting 1850/60"(Ezra Pound Papers). In other words. Pound here puts himself and Mussolini atthe forefront of avant-garde revolutionary Fascism and sees much of the rest ofItaly as somewhat lagging behind. The sentiments concur with the tone of muchof Pound's manic Mussolinian propaganda in the mid-thirties. In December ofthe same year, he wrote to James Joyce complaining that there is "too much future,and nobody but me and Muss/ [Mussolini] and half a dozen others to attend toit" {Pound/Joyce 234).

MARINETTI, ROME AND RADICAL-MODERNIST FASCISM

It is, as we might expect, in his correspondence with F.T. Marinetti that Pound'smost obvious engagement with the modernistic side of Fascism can be seen. Inthe disturbing imagery of Canto 72, Marinetti appears as the voice of aggressiveFascism, urging Pound to lend him his body so that he can fight on and avengethe Axis defeat at the battle of El Alamein, in Egypt. This battle is often thoughtof as one ofthe turning points ofthe war. In October 1942, the German generalRommel had been forced into a humiliating retreat by General Montgomery'sBritish forces; from El Alamein onwards. Axis troops struggled to gain the upperhand in North Africa. By promising—through the "voice" of Marinetti—that"we will return" (Bacigalupo "Ezra Pound's Cantos'" 11), Pound is articulating theFascist propaganda line, that the tide would be turned again and that the Allieswould be forced onto the defensive.

In Pound's correspondence with the Futurist writer, this aggressive Fascismis combined with a sharp modernistic esthetic sense—an almost perfect exampleofthe "rendering politics aesthetic" that Walter Benjamin associated with Fascismand Marinetti (Benjamin 234-35). The Pound-Marinetti correspondence con-stantly engages the question of what the most appropriate cultural expressions ofFascism should be. I pick up the correspondence in 1932, when Pound's meetingwith Marinetti in Rome in the summer of that year is recorded. Pound appar-ently returned from that trip "loaded with futurist and fascist licherchoor" (qtd. inCarpenter 489). However, these visits obviously occurred throughout the 1930s.Mary De Rachewiltz remembers meeting Marinetti in Rome in 1936, where hediscussed with typical eccentricity a treatise on turning milk into synthetic wool(113). It is likely that that Pound is thinking about those visits when he writes inCanto 72 of hearing the voice of Marinetti "come sentita Lungotevere, in PiazzaAdriana" ("as heard on the Lungotevere, in Piazza Adriana," 427, Bacigalupo,"Ezra Pound's Cantos" 11).

The initial hostility towards Futurism on the part of Pound and WyndhamLewis's Vorticist movement was replaced by a renewed interest in Marinetti onPound's part in the 1930s.* While the Vorticist manifesto of 1914 (devised by

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Pound and Lewis in London) wrote off Marinetti's esthetic as "automobilism," a"huUo-buloo about motor cars" (Koloctroni, Goldman and Taxidou 292), Poundbecame increasingly conscious of the Futurist writer's central position within radi-cal nationalism. Along with D'Annunzio, Sigismondo and of course Mussolini,Marinetti fit the type of the "poet-hero" or fighting-artist that was so importantto Pound. The change in Pound's attitude might have been as much pragmaticas ideological; Vorticism was in fact heavily indebted to the Futurists, and theVorticist Manifesto is at times awkward in its protestations of distinctiveness.Despite the international background of its protagonists (Pound the American,Lewis the half-American British subject born in Canada), London-centeredVorticist politics seem to recommend a kind of creative English nationalism.Anxious to be distinguished from what it describes as the "picturesquely patri-otic" themes of Futurism, the Vorticist manifesto of 1914 nevertheless claims the"Modern World" as "due almost entirely to Anglo-Saxon genius" (293). In otherwords—despite Pound and Lewis's desire to stress the differences between Vorti-cism and its Italian cousin—the Vorticist manifesto seems directly inspired byMarinetti's cocktail of nationalism and hyper-modernity. Thus, I suggest. Pound'sidentification with Marinetti in the Fascist context comes not as a volte-face, butas the culmination of his long interest in a political, nationalistic avant-garde.

If the somnolent world of Dazzi, Izzo and Camerino in Venice was a little tooslow for Pound, Marinetti's direct, active revolutionary style was its immediatecounterpart. In contrast to the long, discursive letters written by the Venetians,Marinetti's are direct and pointed, clearly mindful of the Fascist injunction forthe "new Italians" to avoid wordiness and obfuscation. In August 1932, Marinettiwrites that he hoped to come to Rapallo: "speravo venire a Rapallo ma invecedopo pochi bagni alia marina di Pietrasanta sono tornato a Roma dove aspettouna terza marinettino o un terzo marinettina" ("hoped to come to Rapallo butunfortunately after a little bathing in the marina of Pietrasanta I have returnedto Rome where I await a third marinettino or marinettina"; my translation). Hisreference to a "marinettino/marinettina" ("baby boy/baby girl Marinetti") sug-gests he was wryly aware of the cult of personality that had developed aroundhim. In the event, it was to be a "baby girl"—his third daughter, born to him onthe twentieth of September. Marinetti signs his letter with "una forte stretta dimano"("a firm handshake"), here consciously embracing a strong physicality, evenin his written correspondence (Ezra Pound Papers).

Marinetti's willingness to discuss art and politics with Pound might reflectthe Futurist's anxiety about his position within the Fascist regime. The Ducehimself was often ambiguous over aesthetic questions, and avoided propagatinga particular "Fascist style." Multiple modernist alternatives to Futurism existedwithin the Italy of the 1920s and 1930s, all vying for official funding and patron-age. At the same time, influential Fascists like Roberto Farinacci—under theinfluence of Nazi policies—had from the early 1930s been advocating hostilitytowards "degenerate" art, a category he clearly identified Futurism with (Adamson


229-30). Marinetti's desire to align Futurism with the Fascist regime would haveincreased his desire to seek out other like-minded avant-garde artists; hence,perhaps, his willingness to engage with Pound.

An interesting series of letters between Marinetti and Pound centers on theircollaboration over plans to realize the architectural ideas of Antonio Sant'Elia.Sant'Elia had been closely associated with the Futurist and proto-Fascist groupsand was killed in World War One. Death in the First World War was a fast trackto Fascist canonization and Sant'Elia soon became a key martyr of the regime.Sant'Elia's futuristic, experimental style was highly praised by modernists withinthe regime who wanted Italian buildings to emphasize Fascism's radicalism andrevolutionary strength. Mario Rispoli, for example, wrote in the early years ofMussolini's government that "If we want to create a fascist architecture there is butone path to be followed: the one outlined by Sant'Elia" (qtd. in Da Costa Meyer195). Sant'Elia's emphasis on novelty and the clear line would have recommendedhim to Pound and Marinetti. In his Manifesto of 1914, a creed that set out hisplans for a new national and modernistic architecture, Sant'Elia had written:"this architecture cannot naturally be subject to any law of historic continuity. Itmust be new, as our state of mind and the contingencies of our historic momentare new" (qtd. in Letts 87).

Pound became attracted to the idea of using plans based on designs ofSant'Elia for a Casa Littoriale at Rapallo, where he had maintained his mainresidence since 1925. This Casa Littoriale (lictor's house) was to be a showcasefor the arts and Fascist culture, and seems to have been suggested in response tothe 1932 Exhibition of the Fascist Revolution, which commemorated the tenthanniversary of the Fascist March on Rome. The dynamic architecture, he rea-soned, would attract foreign interest, and the building could be used to articulateFascism to the outside world. In 1932 he wrote in the Rapallo newspaper IIMare:

A Casa Littoriale in Rapallo could easily contain at least one library accessible toforeigners, either dilettantes or tourists, to help them understand the new Italy. Thisbuilding, if inspired by a project of Sant'Elia, would open the eyes and probably themind to the contemporaneous situation of the nation. (Qtd. in Da Costa Meyer 202)

As ever in this period. Pound's concern is to convince world opinion (specificallyAnglo-American opinion) of the merits of the Mussolini regime. In Pound's mindFascism, like his own poetry, was avant-garde; and it is Fascism as avant-gardeexperiment that he is keen to recommend to "dilettantes" and "tourists." Pound'sdiscussions with Marinetti over the "Sant' Elia plan" continued well into themiddle and late 1930s. In 1936, Marinetti wrote to Pound to say that he was:

. . . férvidamente solidale con te per la realizzazione del piano Sant'Elia. Oggi piCiche mai dopo la grande nostra vittoria impériale le architetture devono avere l'ormaiindispensabile splendore geométrico ideato da Antonio Sant'Elia morto con unapalla in fronte a Monfalcone per una piu grande Italia.

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. . . fervently, solidly behind you for the realization of the Sant'Elia plan. Today

more than ever after our great imperial victory our buildings must have the now

indispensible geometric splendor devised by Antonio Sant'Elia, killed with a bullet

in the head at Monfalcone for a greater Italy. (Ezra Pound Papers; my translation)

Here martyrdom, imperialism and architecture are conflated in the soaringFascist heights of Marinetti's rhetoric. He ends the letter: "Gloria ad AntonioSant'Elia Gloria all'Italia fascista bene architettata da Benito Mussolini" ("Gloryto Antonio Sant'Elia, glory to the Fascist Italy well designed by Benito Mus-solini"; my translation). Marinetti's use of the trope of Mussolini as architect("bene architettata" is "well designed" or "concocted") is interesting. As in Pound'swriting, Marinetti represents the Duce here as the great modernist, defining thelines ofthe nation.

Modernist architecture was not the only cultural project the two men dis-cussed. There is a letter from Pound discussing the radio and the possibilities forelectro-acoustic music, and there is a note, dated for the second of May 1941,where EP discusses "aeropittura." Marinetti first floated aeropittura as a conceptin 1928; it is an art form associated with the glorification of aerial war from thetime of Abyssinia, through the Spanish Civil War, and into World War II. By1941, the Fascist line had severely hardened; the Axis with Nazi Germany wasfive years old and Italy was an international pariah. The outbreak of World WarII would have brought the aggressive militarism characteristic of areopittura tothe fore. Violent anti-British demonstrations in Italian cities, including Genoa,also took on a marked anti-Semitic flavor (Michaelis 292). At the same time, theFascist press became increasingly belligerent, pugilistic and "menacing" to bothits external and internal "enemies" (Michaelis 291).

By 1941, Pound himself was advocating a complete repudiation of "anglo-israel" and what he calls the "infezione giudaica" ("Jewish infection," "Anglo-Israele", Ezra Pound's Poetry and Prose. Vol. VIII 99). By October of that year.Pound was writing articles for the Meridiano di Roma with titles like "L'Ebreo,Patologia Incarnata" ("The Jew, Pathology Incarnated"), and arguing that Europewould not be properly united and "Roman," "dal momento che si éliminera l'usurainternazionale ed ebraica" ("until the moment it frees itself from international,Jewish usury," "II Grano," Ezra Pound's Poetry and Prose Vol. VIII140; my trans-lation). The chill of those words needs no glossing. Whatever else was going onin Pound's mind, his correspondence with Marinetti over the hard lines oiaero-pittura occurred against the backdrop of an increasingly virulent, anti-Semitic,Nazi-Fascism.

In his letter to Marinetti, Pound postulates his own theory of what aeropit-tura should be. Pound writes: "io non vedo 'UN motto' che servirebbe, vedo LOSPAZIO fra DUE motti" ("I don't see 'ONE motto' which would serve [work],I see THE SPACE between TWO mottos"; my translation). His example of thisis the imagined "space" between the writings of Giacomo Leopardi and thoseof Gabriele D'Annunzio, "con tutto cio che s'implice nella distanza, distanza


d'epoca, distanza fra elegia di Leopardi ed il superbo intuito profetico di G DAnnunzio" ("with all that is implied in the distance, a distance of epoch, a dis-tance between the elegy of Leopardi and the superb, prophetic intuition of G DAnnunzio," Ezra Pound Papers; my translation).

He then goes on to ask Marinetti whether he remembered the first stag-ing of D'Annunzio's play La Nave in Venice in 1908; Pound perhaps attendedthe play when he moved to Venice from the United States in that year. Whatmight Pound's description of this "space between two mottos" mean? Whatappears to be implied is an area or distance between the pessimistic nationalismof Leopardi—an elegiac nationalism that is unrealizable and doomed—andD'Annunzio's sacralized, renewed nationalism. Yet this "space" is also a link,a chain that binds the two Italian poets together. The specific phrase of Leop-ardi's that Pound cites is "ma la gloria non vedo" ("but I do not see the glory").These lines are taken from Leopardi's great nationalist poem, "All' Italia." Thepoem articulates a crumbling. Romantic space marked out by decaying walls andcolumns, and by the "towers of our ancestors" ("torri degli avi nostri," Canti 5).Leopardi's voice proclaims that he "sees" the remnants of buildings but not the"glory." In other words, what is missing—or appealed to—is a vital energy andliving power. In the context of 1941, this vitalism and energy take on disturbinglyviolent and racialized overtones.

Inasmuch as Leopardi's poem is a paean to a lost Italy, it shares features withNorthern European views of the country in the Romantic period, when visitorslike Shelley and Byron tended to focus on Italy's tombs, sepulchers and cemeter-ies.' As such, foreign images of Italy returned to tropes of death, mourning andruin, articulating what James Buzard has called a "rather satisfying savoring"of Italian decay (40). Italian nationalist readings of Leopardi's work, however,saw this appeal to a lost Italy as a call to national awakening, the coming-to-consciousness of national identity.

Pound's neoplatonic philosophical leanings, mingled with Fascist-nationalistsentiments, transform this Leopardian past of death and glory into a live poten-tiality. This was a project Pound had embarked upon much earlier, I suggest.For instance. Canto III with its gods floating in the "azure air / Bright gods andTuscan" (11) sees a potentially decaying Italy (centered around Venice and theLakes) renewed by spiritual, organic and political "life."

Fascist martyrology and appeals to a dynamic history fit neatly into Pound'spre-existent neoplatonic schema, where floating "gods" are not so much disem-bodied spirits as appeals to a present political ideology. By the time Pound waswriting Cantos 72 and 73 in the early 1940s, this schema is even more explicit.The recurrence of the words "presenza" ("presence") and "presente" ("present") inCanto 72 (425-26) refer, it may be assumed, to Fascist martyr rituals, which usedthe words in the readings of roll calls of the dead (noted by Casillo, "Fascists" 102;Cockram 538). The Italian historian Emilio Gentile, who details how the readingof the roll call was the "culminating moment" of Fascist rituals that borrowedfrom and politicized préexistent Catholic rites, describes this practice:

3 0 Journal of Modern Literature Volume 34, Number 1

. . . One ofthe leaders ofthe squad would call out the dead man's name, and the

crowd, on its knees, bellowed "Present!" Raised as saints and heroes in the symbolic

universe ofthe Fascists, the dead charismatically watched over the communion of

Fascists, living on in their memory. (27)

Yet these Fascist rites—a political "communion of saints"—also add another layerto Pound's already well-developed sense of neoplatonic mysticism, where "shades,"or "daemons" mediate spiritual truth to humanity (see Liebregts 116-31).'"

Peter Liebregts also sees Pound's commitment to Fascism in terms of theneoplatonic directio voluntatis, or the "direction of the will." This "will" is har-nessed by the neoplatonic subject to steer him or herself away from base passionstowards a higher beauty (226-27). In the political sphere, as Liebregts has shown,this translates into a concern with order, structure and discipline. When thisordered rationality—what Pound calls Mussolini's "right reason" {Jefferson and/or Mussolini 110)—is combined with a nationalistic appeal to Roman, medievaland Renaissance Italian pasts, we are approaching something like the uniquejumble that Pound's thinking consisted of in the late 1930s and the 1940s. ToPound, Fascist nationalism synthesized a contemporary order and discipline witha quasi-spiritual appeal to unbroken chains of past civilizations (Rome, Venice,the Tuscan city states). Pound "saw Mussolini as being able to provide Italy with anew Renaissance, because he seemed to have the will and intelligence to translatethought into the active creation of social-economic order" (Liebregts 226-27).

Yet this idea of renaissance also co-exists, in Jefferson and/or Mussolini,with a strange attraction to Fascist violence, both rhetorical and actual. Poundquotes — approvingly, it seems—a letter from a correspondent advocating"bombe, bombe, bombe per svegliare questi dormiglioni di 'pensatori' italiani"("bombs, bombs, bombs, to wake up these slumbering Italian 'th'mkeis,'" Jeffersonand/or Mussolini 32; my translation). While Pound claims the bombs as "purelyverbal," the force of the violence remains. This is one of a number of occasionswithin the text where Pound seems to both approve of and distance himself fromFascist aggression. Another passage in the book sees him apparently moved bythe "excitement" of a Fascist confrontation in Venice, while at pains to tell thereader that nobody "hit me with a club and I didn't see any oil bottles" (forcingtheir victims to drink castor oil was a notorious Fascist punishment) {Jeffersonand/or Mussolini 50-51).

Writing in 1931 in the Italian newspaper // Belvedere, Pound justified hismove to Italy by comparing an Italy of "new virility and continual growth" witha "tired" France and the "stupidity" of England:

The thing that most interests me in the world . . . is civilization, the high peaks

of culture. Italy has twice civilized Europe. . . . Each time a strong, live energy is

unleashed in Italy, a new renaissance comes forth. (CJtd. in Redman 76)

This idea of Pound's of an Italian "live energy" was already making itself evidentin the world of the floating gods of Canto III, completed in the early 1920s.

Pound's Cultural Negotiations in 1930s Italy 31

Borrowing from Gabriele D'Annunzio's Notturno, Canto I I I is a hymn, amongother things, to Venice." However, I suggest that Pound's reception of Italy isinfluenced here not only by D'Annunzio's romantic and lyrical emphases, butalso by his political ideology. In the 1920s, D'Annunzio was gaining Pound'sapproval with his proto-Fascist combination of esthetic experiment and politicalintervention (see Beasley 154-55, 197-98). In Paris he had become acquaintedwith D'Annunzio's mistress Luisa Casati, who probably introduced him to Fascistideology (Rainey, Institutions 138-39). By 1928, in his essay "Cavalcanti," Poundwas referring to D'Annunzio as "Nostro Gabriele . . . solitary, superficially eccen-tric, but with a surprisingly sound standard of values." D'Annunzio, as the "onlyliving author who has ever taken a city or held up the diplomatic crapule at thepoint of machine-guns" was "in a position to speak with more authority than abatch of neuraurasthenic incompetents or of writers who . . . are . . . incapable ofaction" {Literary Essays 192).

Essential to Pound in this violent paean to D'Annunzio was the Italianwriter's claim not to be a "mere poet," but a political artist. D'Annunzio hadwritten that "all manifestations of life and all manifestations of intelligence areequally attractive" ("tutte le manifestazioni della vita e tutte le manifestazionideir intelligenza mi attraggono egualmente"; qtd. in Pemble 47). D'Annunzio'sesthetic nationalism would lead to an increasing military consciousness and anemphasis on the idea of the fighting artist, a position to which Pound would alsoat times attach Sigismondo Malatesta, Mussolini and Marinetti.

Thus Pound's mention of D'Annunzio's play La Nave in his 1941 letter toMarinetti implies a nod to D'Annunzio's interventionist and irridentist politics,evident in the work as the ideology of a sacralized, imperialistic Adriatic expan-sion under the banner of ancient Venice. It is in this "space," then, that the live,mystical energy required for aeropittura is to be found. Pound further mentionsWyndham Lewis's 1910 picture Plan of War, with its abstract geometric shapesand revolutionary radicalism. The reference to Plan of War suggests that Poundwas attempting to shape Fascist culture in his own avant-garde image, where thedynamic modernist energy characteristic of Blast is channeled through neopla-tonic spirituality and molded into a propagandistic, bellicose and violent Fascistnationalism.

The last file in the Marinetti folder in Pound's papers is a card from the Futur-ist Association of Savona in 1944, inviting Pound to a special poetry reading tomark the Futurist's recent death. The text on the card places Marinetti alongsideGiotto, Dante and Virgil as an artist who reached the "vértice di guida" ("heightsof leadership") and praises him for his attack on profit-driven mediocrity and"para-liberal" art (Ezra Pound Papers). On the other side of the card, a Futurist-style montage depicts a series of intersecting words and jagged shapes. The wordsthemselves—"Futurism," "Rebirth," "Roman-ness" and "Christianity"—incor-porate splintered cross symbols, an attempt at a Futurist memorial that retainselements of Christian symbolism. As a summation of Marinetti's career, it reflectsthe Futurist's own compromises with the regime and the diverse ideals of Fascism:


poised in equilibrium between modernist radicalism and traditional Catholicism,between aggressive Futurism and nostalgic monumentalism.

By 1944, the deportation camp of Borgo San Dalmazzo, in striking distanceof Pound's home at Rapallo, had been running for several months; hundreds offoreign Jews were deported in the closing months of 1943 to Auschwitz via France(Sarfatti 183). Yet Pound continued with his quasi-biological, paranoiac fantasiesof degeneration: "Quando una nazione muore, gli ebrei si moltiplicano in essacome i bacilli nella carogna" ("When a nation dies, the Jews multiply within herlike bacilli in a test-tube," "Razza o Malattia," Ezra Pound's Poetry and Prose Vol.VIII 223; my translation). In the same month. Pound raged against the "sedi-centi intellettuali" ("sedentary intellectuals") and the "feccia giudaica o la zavorragiudaizzata" ("Jewish dregs or Judaised dead wood"; my translation) of Frenchliterature ("È Peccato Ma . . ." Ezra Pound's Poetry and Prose Vol. VIII 223).

That Pound could apparently accommodate both these ravings and a "sophis-ticated" modernism in this period might seem surprising; but the writer wouldhave seen no conflict here. Pound could easily switch from his Hitlerian fantasiesto a recommendation of the kind of artists (Joyce, Marinetti) that the Führerwould have classed as "degenerate." In his mind, the sharp lines of modernismseem to have been equated or even interchangeable with the totalitarian politics ofNazi Fascism. This balancing of diverse political and esthetic drives was a projectwith which both Marinetti and Pound were involved. The fragile negotiationof past and future deployed in Italian cultural projects of the 1920s and 1930sreflected back to Pound the concerns of his artistic practice. His engagementwith the cultural projects of the regime as a displaced avant-garde poet provide afascinating and disturbing view of the intersections of art and totalitarian politicsin Mussolini's Italy.

Acknowledgements

I am grateful to the Ezra Pound Literary Trust for permission to quote from Pound's unpublishedcorrespondence. Unpublished material © 2010 by Mary De Rachewiltz and the estate of Omar S.Pound. Used by permission of New Directions, agents.

Notes

1. E. E. Cummings writes in 1948 that the important thing is Pound's authenticity: "a human beingwho's true to himself... is immortal." William Carlos Williams is critical of Pound but asserts thathe "just isn't dangerous" and that "as a poet Ezra had some sort of right to speak his mind." ConradAiken separates justice done to the "traitor" from justice done to the "poet," "one of the great creativeinfluences of our time." Saxe Commins of Random House rejects Pound, writing that he "refuses topublish any fascist" (Norman 47, 53-54, 60-61, 61). Margaret Schlauch in 1949 denies him a placein the pantheon of great poets and describes his work as "anti-humanistic" (San Juan 49). Pearlmanavoids mention of Mussolini and Fascism except as a poetic trope in Pound's work (40, 140-41).

Pound's Cultural Negotiations in 1930s Italy 33

2. Examples include Lawrence Rainey's subtle, miinccà Ezra Pound and the Monument of Culture,Robert Casillo's more belligerent The Genealogy of Demons: Fascism, Anti-Semitism and the Myths ofEzra Pound ind Peter Nicholls's Ezra Pound: Politics, Economics and Writing.

3. See Peter Nicholls's "Lost Object(s). Ezra Pound and the Idea of Italy." Catherine E. Paul's workon Pound and Italian Fascism—for example her essay "Italian Fascist Exhibitions and Ezra Pound'sMove to the Imperial"—is also worth mentioning here.

4. Massimo Bacigalupo's translation, "Ezra Pound's Cantos 72 and 73: An Annotated Translation"also contains a useful commentary on the poem. See also Cockram and Casillo, "Fascists of theFinal Hour."

5. D. Medina Lasansky's recent work has stressed the importance ofthe Renaissance and MiddleAges in the iconography of Italian Fascism. See The Renaissance Perfected.

6. Dazzi was instrumental in Pound's discovery and deepening understanding of many facets ofRenaissance Italian culture. In particular, Piero Lucchi credits him with the development of Pound'shistorical, "fragmentary" poetic, a poetic inspired as much by the material research conducted inItalian libraries as hy Eliot's method in The Waste Land. See Lucchi 236.

7. Sarfatti, of Venetian Jewish origin, was forced to emigrate following the regime's introductionofthe anti-Semitic Race Laws in 1938. See Bosworth 363, Ben-Ghiat 150-51,

8. For Pound's early reactions to Futurism, see Beasley 77-79.

9. For more on this theme, see Luzzi.

10. Peter Liebregts makes it clear that such "shades"—or in the language o(Canto III, "gods"—arenot "ghosts" in the occultist sense favored by W.B. Yeats. Instead, Pound developed the Greekneoplatonic idea ofthe daimon into a sense of a spiritual intelligence running as a thread of "genius"through the great civilizations.

11. The line "and peacocks in Kore's house, or there may have been" (11) is a direct reference toa phrase from D'Annunzio's work. In Notturno, D'Annunzio writes of the house of Kore beinginhahited ("abitata") by white peacocks (D'Annunzio 443).

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