extracting sentiments the effect of mining exploration and extraction on eight communities in the ky

––

EXTRACTING SENTIMENTS: THE EFFECT OF MINING EXPLORATION AND EXTRACTION ON EIGHT

COMMUNITIES IN THE KYRGYZ REPUBLIC

COMPLETE RESEARCH FINDINGS BY OXUS INTERNATIONAL IN TERMS OF EURASIA FOUNDATION

of CENTRAL ASIA (EFCA) “LOCAL TRANSPARENCY AND COOPERATION INITIATIVE” PROGRAMM

WITH THE SUPPORT OF UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT (USAID)

April 2013

This report is made possible through the generous support of the American people through the

United States Agency for International Development (USAID)

The opinions expressed in this report do not necessarily reflect the views of the US Agency for

International Development, the US Government or Eurasia Foundation of Central Asia.

Executive Summary & Recommendations 3

Notes on Methodology & Conventions 7

Statistical Findings across Districts 8

Talas Findings 12

Jumgal Findings 17

Naryn Findings 20

Jeti Oguz Findings 24

Chatkal Findings 29

Ala Buka Findings 33

Chon Alay Findings 36

Kadamjai Findings 41

Overall Conclusions 45

Table of Contents

Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY & RECOMMENDATIONS

Page | 3

The following report was prepared in response

to an upsurge in company-community conflict

in the Kyrgyz mining industries in 2011-12. It is

based on primary social research conducted in

eight mining-affected communities, in the

districts of Talas, Jumgal, Naryn, Jeti Oguz,

Chatkal, Ala Buka, Chon Alay and Kadamjai. The

report was commissioned by the Eurasia

Foundation of Central Asia (EFCA), in order to

better understand company-community

dynamics prior to conducting conflict mitigation

activities.

The report finds that, across Kyrgyzstan,

citizens’ concerns with mining companies are

primarily environmental. In discussing their

perceptions of mining, many respondents cited

profound fears of mining’s long-term impacts –

speculating on the effects of residual cyanide

poisoning from gold mining, decades hence, or

on the risks of radiation released from the

ground causing birth deformities. Other

respondent’s environmental concerns were

more immediate and tangible, such as dust and

noise pollution, or degradation of pasture land.

This report also records a range of other

grievances from mining-affected communities,

such as perceptions of unfair hiring practices,

where jobs are given mostly to workers from

outside the community, or community

members are selected for jobs corruptly. Some

communities also complain of their roads and

other infrastructure being damaged from use by

mining companies. Corruption was found to not

be a major factor in negative views of mining.

Another key problem found in many areas was

the distrust of government, which led to claims

of poor communication if mining companies

used local government intermediaries to

engage with communities. Where mining

companies see local government as the

legitimate representatives of the local

population, the population does not view

engagement with local government as

equivalent to community engagement.

Something which this report finds little

evidence for is the theory, often voiced in

mining industry circles in Bishkek, that

community conflicts are chiefly stirred up by

commercial-criminal groups, hoping to drive

Executive Summary & Recommendations

What is the single most important reason people protest against mining companies in

your region?

Figure 1: Reasons for protests against mining


Page | 4

legitimate companies from their license areas in

order to reap the benefits for themselves or

seek other financial gains. Whilst the actions of

outside interests are measurably present

around the Kumtor mine, these interests

appear to be largely political, rather than

commercial. At other research sites,

community-based allegations of outside

interference in conflict were very rare.

It is entirely possible that in some cases

resistance to the presence of exploration

companies was initiated by actors with political

or commercial interests. However, regardless of

how these movements are begun, the research

here demonstrates that people’s fears about

the negative impacts of mining are genuine (not

a cover for political or economic interests).

Furthermore, these fears have driven past

conflicts and hold the potential for creating

future conflicts.

The majority of respondents, in the majority of

mining areas studied, felt nearby mining

companies to be aloof, self-interested, and

uncommunicative. A strong correlation was

recorded between areas of company-

community conflict and areas where residents

held the following two views: “the mining

company doesn’t talk to us” and “the mining

company doesn’t listen to us.” Often, these

perceptions underpinned environmental

concerns. In the absence of information to the

contrary, local residents often assumed that

mining companies would take what they

wanted from the land and disappear, feeling no

qualms about leaving a trail of pollution behind.

Conversely, where companies were perceived

both to talk to and to listen to local

communities, these traits seemed to have an

equal or greater positive effect on relationships

than material assistance from companies did.

While material assistance from the companies is

still an important factor in how they are

perceived, this report demonstrates that

without clear communication between all key

stakeholders, relationships will not drastically

improve.

Respondents often advocated for civil society

assistance in resolving company-community

conflict. Suggestions ranged from providing

local people with objective information on the

environmental impacts of mining, to training

local people in advocacy and legal matters. Both

approaches would undoubtedly bring benefits

for mining-affected communities but, as

international organisations and donor bodies

look towards conflict mitigation in the Kyrgyz

mining industries, this report urges a degree of

caution: conflict is fundamentally a company-

community problem and, until relationships

between companies and communities are

improved, civil society conflict mitigation efforts

are likely to have only modest success.

860 30%

646 22%

763 26%

526 18%

48 2%

Very negative Somewhat negative

Neutral Somewhat positive

Very positive DK/NA

Figure 2: Sentiments toward mining

Perceptions of Mining Industry

Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY & RECOMMENDATIONS

Page | 5

Recommendations for Civil Society Organizations

On catalysing the establishment of company-community relationships that are based on

communication, honesty and mutual respect:

Coordinate with stakeholders on creating company-community interactions (e.g. Community

meetings) in a way that discourages the dominance of any single interest group at the expense

of others;

Ensure consistent communication among stakeholders through regularly scheduled events or

exchanges and establish a framework for continuing this beyond the project timeframe;

Assist stakeholders in employing a combination of large, multi-stakeholder, community-wide

exchanges and small, more focused exchanges;

Assist in establishing a formal grievance mechanism between companies and communities;

Allow for the eventual transfer of some project functions to local government, which can carry

them on long-term;

Develop a risk-assessment mechanism for project activities before implementation, carefully

analysing the potential for project activities to exacerbate tensions or drive conflict.

On assisting in the dissemination of objective and credible environmental and legal information to

mining-affected communities:

Ensure the accuracy of all information disseminated on behalf of the project – including that

from project partners and stakeholders – through independent verification;

Assist in developing responsible advocacy and oversight skills among community members, with

the goal of encouraging objective local advocacy within a legal framework;

Make the dissemination of credible information a top priority of the project.

Recommendations for Mining Companies

On listening to community concerns, being seen to listen, and being accessible to host communities:

Plan exchanges both directly with community members / community groups, and through

government intermediaries – not relying only on the government for information exchanges

with the community;

Give “social license” to operate an internal priority of equal weight to technical and legal

requirements;

Acknowledge the need for comprehensive community engagement from the onset of

exploration;

Recognize that both real and perceived impacts from mining operations carry significant weight

and have the potential to affect operations.


Page | 6

On providing honest, objective information to communities about the company’s operations and

environmental impacts:

Offer easily-accessible information about operational planning and associated impacts to the

communities surrounding work sites;

Ensure regularly-scheduled releases of information and company-community exchanges;

Be highly proactive in ensuring this information reaches all stakeholders, rather than focusing on

passive dissemination methods such as message boards.

On ensuring that hiring practices are fair, and are seen to be fair (according to the community’s

definition of “fair”, not the company’s):

Arrange a transparent system for hiring that includes the community formally in the process.

On ensuring fair distribution of company-sponsored development funds and projects:

Consult with local government and community groups independently to verify development

needs;

Tie development funding to project goals.

Recommendations for the Local Government

On using influence with communities and companies to build long-term cooperative relationships

between parties, rather than focusing on short-term crisis management:

Arrange regular communication with mining company officials;

Arrange regular communication with constituents;

Establish a formal grievance mechanism with the support of civil society organizations and

mining companies;

Ensure the rule of law in cases of disputes.

Recommendations for the National Government

On ensuring mining companies’ adherence to environmental regulations and operating agreements:

Provide adequate resources to provincial, district, and local governments for proper oversight;

Ensure easy community access to appropriate regulations and agreements;

Clamp down on mining license speculation.


NOTES ON METHODOLOGY & CONVENTIONS

Page | 7

At each research site, survey activities were

carried out in the four villages which had been

identified through desk research as the most

affected by conflict with mining companies.

Therefore the figures should not be taken as

representative of the opinions of the whole

district. Rather, they are indicative of attitudes

in the four villages under study.

The only exceptions to this system are Talas and

Jumgal districts. In Talas, only Aral and Bek

Moldo were surveyed. In Jumgal insufficient

respondents were found in the villages

surrounding Ming Kush to treat them

individually, so the survey sample was treated

as “Ming Kush and its surroundings” rather than

four distinct villages. In Talas, problems during

field research prevented proper sampling in

Kupuro Bazaar and Taldy Bulak thus likely

skewed overall results for the district.

We have also chosen to treat three villages

technically located in Chatkal as part of Ala

Buka. Elsewhere political boundaries are used,

but in this particular area the situation was such

that local geography offered a more meaningful

way to analyze the data. Sites north of the

Chapchyma Pass were treated as Chatkal, while

those south of the pass were treated as Ala

Buka.

Conflict Mapping sessions were based on the

methodology contained in the CommDev best

practice manual Community Development and

Local Conflict: A Resource Document for

Practitioners in the Extractive Sector. Sessions

were conducted by different teams and their

interpretations of this methodology were

slightly different. Consequently, the reader will

notice some small differences in the Conflict

Maps produced by each team.

Many interviewees quoted in this report refer

to their local mining companies simply as “the

company.” Whilst it is recognized that this trait

may be disorienting for the reader, who might

at times not be quite sure which company is

being discussed, the authors of this report have

not attempted to clarify the situation. Often,

interviewees did not themselves know the

names of nearby companies, and pushing them

for answers, or trying to deduce which

companies they were referring to, could have

introduced bad data into the report. Therefore,

when interviewees have talked about “the

company,” their words have been reproduced

in that manner also.

All interviewees in this paper are quoted

anonymously. This decision was taken in order

not to expose interviewees to unnecessary

animosity from their communities, in light of

the highly-charged emotions which exist around

the mining industries in Kyrgyzstan. At the

request of EFCA, most references to specific

companies have also been redacted. The

exception to this is Kumtor. As the only fully

operational gold mine in the country, and the

only one known by name virtually everywhere,

it was unrealistic to redact the name without

significantly impairing the quality of analysis.

This is not to single out Kumtor for any greater

level of scrutiny, but is simply a recognition of

the pivotal role it plays in all discussions of

mining in Kyrgyzstan.

The maps used in this report are for reference

purposes regarding social research and are

based on publicly available information. Mining

license site locations may not be exact and may

not be comprehensive.

Notes on Methodology and Conventions


STATISTICAL FINDINGS ACROSS DISTRICTS

Page | 8

Figure 3: Map of research sites

In each community, there were three types of

research participants: survey respondents, key-

informant interview respondents, and conflict

mapping participants. Survey respondents were

selected by a statistically-valid, random sample

method. Key informant interview (KII)

respondents were selected based on their role

in the community and a pre-determined quota

for various respondent “types.” These types

included formal leaders, informal leaders,

business owners, and members of civil society

organizations. Selection was done using

convenience sampling. Convenience sampling

was also used for conflict mapping participants

– often with the assistance of local leaders or

other community members.

A total of 2,895 respondents were sampled for

the quantitative survey; however, 32 of those

have been excluded from the analysis because

of sampling issues in Kupuro Bazaar, Talas. The

average age of respondents was 41 years old,

with a median age of 35, and a mode of 32

years old. Below is a table showing the number

of respondents by district and gender.

District Male Female Total

Chon Alay 178 222 400

Jeti Oguz 210 198 408

Jumgal 118 132 250

Kadamjai 175 224 399

Naryn 228 195 423

Talas 84 98 182

Chatkal 199 202 401

Ala Buka 195 205 400

Total 1387 1476 2863

Figure 4: Total number of respondents by gender and district

Demographic information was examined during

analysis, but is not a major factor in the

presentation of findings here. Some

demographic information, such as gender, was

used to validate the sample.

Unless labelled otherwise, these are the sample

numbers used throughout the analysis in this

Scope of Research Statistical Findings across Districts

Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 STATISTICAL FINDINGS ACROSS DISTRICTS

Page | 9

document. It should be noted that the sample

sizes in Jumgal and Talas differ significantly

from those elsewhere (indicated by gold arrows

above).

Information Environment

In general, local media penetration of

communities on mining issues is scant. When

survey respondents were asked “How often do

you receive information specifically on mining

in your community from the following source?”

and given a range of media sources to answer

for, the most popular answer for each source

was “never.” As shown in the graphic below,

respondents did receive information on mining

face-to-face more frequently, but even here the

most popular responses were “at least once a

month” and “rarer than once a month”, rather

than “at least once a week” or more frequently.

When asked about the reliability of these

sources of information, face-to-face meetings

were also trusted more than any other source,

with the exception of Jeti Oguz district, where

more respondents trusted television and radio

(74%). In every province, the internet was the

least trusted source of information.

Additional Findings

When survey respondents were asked “who

should solve social issues in your village/town?”

the majority, in every district, chose the answer

“the local authorities” (52%). As this report will

demonstrate, most interviewees had very

negative views about local authorities’ actual

abilities to solve mining-related social issues in

reality, so this view should be taken as

aspirational, or the way that local residents

think things “ought to be.”

How often do you receive news and information about mining in your area from

each of these sources?

Do you consider these sources reliable?

Figure 5: Sources and reliability of information


Page | 10

Figure 6: Responsibility for solving community problems

Respondents were asked, “What is your opinion

about the mining industry in your area overall?”

and given a range from “very positive” to “very

negative”, with the options “somewhat

negative”, “neutral”, and “somewhat positive”

in the middle. Ошибка! Источник ссылки не

найден. aggregates respondents into three

groups: positive, negative, and neutral

(summing “somewhat positive” and “positive”

for the positive category, and again applying the

same method to the negative category). The

diagram then examines their responses to

several other questions. Based on this analysis,

it is clear that both communication and the

provision of benefits are linked to perceptions

of the industry as a whole.

These same associations between a positive

view of the industry, having one’s voice heard,

and the provision of benefits hold up across

every district, as seen below. While this

demonstrates a correlation among these

variables, it does not establish causation. This is

a topic examined more closely later in the

Figure 7: Positive views of the mining industry broken down by district and compared to response rates on provision of benefits and one's voice being heard by companies

report with the assistance of qualitative

research findings.

Nationwide, survey responses also revealed the

overwhelming influence of environmental

concerns on protest activity (Figure 1). When

asked why people protest, over 61% of total

respondents chose “They are concerned for the

environment.” Respondents were given eleven

options to choose from all together, but all

other options received response rates of less

than 10%. Notably, “They don’t think that

mining companies give enough jobs to local

people” received 8.7%, “They are concerned

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50%

Chon Alai

Jeti Oguz

Jumgal

Kadamjai

Naryn

Talas

Chatkal

Ala Buka

Companies care about providing benefits (Sum of "moderately interested" and "top priority" Q-A19)

Voice is heard by the mining companies ("Yes" Q-A21)

Positive view of mining (sum of "somewhat positive" and "positive," Q-A2)

Who should solve social issues in your town?

Relationship between positive views of mining and other variables


Page | 11

that mining companies are damaging local

roads and infrastructure,” received 8%, whilst

“They are paid to protest” received just 0.3%.

During the research, several people within the

mining industry and others who could be

considered interested onlookers brought up the

possibility that environmental concerns were a

false front for political or economic interests

opposed to mining. It is Oxus International’s

view that people’s environmental concerns –

among other concerns – are genuine. While the

possibility exists that actors with more

nefarious agendas may have initiated

opposition in some communities the concerns

of most community members are real and

heartfelt. This theme is examined more

thoroughly in the conclusion of this report.

What is your opinion about the mining industry in your area overall?

What do you know about the mining company in your district?

How much do you think mining companies care about providing benefits to your community?

Is your voice heard by mining companies operating near your community?

Figure 8: Sentiments toward the mining industry broken down by several other variables


TALAS

Page | 12

Research Participants

Key Informant Interviews: 10

Conflict Mapping Sessions: 2

Village / Ayil Survey Sample

Aral 100

Bek Moldo 82

Kupuro Bazaar* 32

Total 214

Bottom Line

Talas is one of the strongest examples of both the risk of violent conflict related to mining and the possibility for reconciliation and community engagement. Currently, sentiments towards mining in general are quite negative. Many locals believe any benefit from mining will be outweighed by long-term environmental impacts, which they see as a threat to their agricultural livelihoods. However, efforts by one company have demonstrated notable tactical progress.

*These surveys were excluded due to sampling issues

Research Findings

Figure 10: Sentiments towards the mining

industry in Talas demonstrates the somewhat

negative attitudes towards mining in Talas. The

conflicts seen in Aral are reflected in the more

strongly anti-mining sentiment of residents

there. Conversely, in the Bek Moldo area,

opinions are more moderate, with fewer than

half of respondents reporting a negative

opinion of the industry.

These negative sentiments towards the industry

as a whole carry over into perceptions about

the companies operating in their area.

Respondents in Aral have some of the most

negative views, amongst the districts surveyed,

of whether or not mining companies care about

providing benefits for the community. As with

sentiments towards the overall industry, views

in Bek Moldo are more moderate.

Opposition to mining has driven several public

protests. Over 93% of respondents in Talas

reported a recent protest related to mining in

their area. As seen in Figure 11, the

overwhelming reason given for protests was

environmental concerns.

Figure 9: Map of Talas research sites

Talas

Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 TALAS

Page | 13

Figure 10: Sentiments towards the mining industry in Talas

Key informant interviewees further expanded

on this, with interviewees explaining that

mining was too close to settlements and would

cause “an ecological disaster.” Some

interviewees viewed even exploration as an

environmental threat.

A previous study of community perceptions of

mining in Talas, conducted by Oxus

International, identified radiation as a key cause

of environmental concern for local residents.1

Statistical data from Aral and Bek Moldo

gathered for this report appears to confirm this

phenomenon. When asked to choose the most

serious impact from mining, markedly more

people in Talas chose “radiation” than any

other region under study (Figure 12:

1 A Social Study of the Causes of Conflict between

Citizens and Outside Investors in Talas Oblast, Oxus International, August 2011. http://oxusinternational.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/10/OxusInt_Talas_Survey_eng.pdf

Perceptions of radiation impact.

Figure 11: Reasons for anti-mining protests in Talas

Respondents were offered a list of eight

answers (drinking water, irrigation water,

pasture fertility, air quality, orchard

productivity, livestock diseases or deformities,

radiation, none of the above), with drinking

water, air quality and radiation drawing the

largest response rates.

The origins of respondents’ environmental

concerns are an important topic, which requires

further research in order to fully explore. In

light of the events surrounding the 1998

Kumtor cyanide spill,2 and the media coverage

which it continues to receive, it seems likely

that fears of the mining industry’s ecological

2 Discussed later in this report.

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

Aral Bek Moldo

DK/NA

Very Positive

Somewhat Positive

Neutral

Somewhat Negative

Very Negative


What is the single most important reason people

protest against mining in your district?

http://oxusinternational.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/10/OxusInt_Talas_Survey_eng.pdf




Page | 14

impact were greatly exacerbated in Kyrgyzstan

by the incident. The testimony of a village elder

in Kupuro Bazaar chimes with this hypothesis.

When discussing environmental concerns, he

relayed that, “the catastrophe in Kumtor

started it. Before, it was not like that.”

Figure 12: Perceptions of radiation impact

The chart below shows the response rates for

perceptions of all current environmental

impacts across all regions.

It also appears that inter-community

communication is, to an extent, a self-

reinforcing factor in local residents’

environmental concerns, with communities

referencing each other in the context of

resisting mining development.

Residents of Aral were far more likely to say

they planned to resist the presence of mining

companies in their area than those in Bek

Moldo. This stands to reason as there have

been several protests and attacks against

mining companies working there.

Figure 13: Perceptions of current environmental impacts from mining

By both quantitative and qualitative measures,

residents of Bek Moldo have more moderate

views regarding mining in their area.

Respondents there were far less likely to say

that they would resist the mining companies

and were less negative regarding the industry

overall. These sentiments were reflected in the

specific concerns cited by interviewees.

18% 18%

11% 14%

22%

13%

17%

29%

37%

0%

20%

40%

60%

80%

100%

On drinking water On air quality Radiation On pasture fertility Livestock more prone to diseases or deformities On water used for irrigation DON’T KNOW / REFUSED On orchard productivity None of the above

Choose the single most serious impact from mining in your district currently.

What is the single most serious ecological impact of mining in your community

currently? (“radiation” responses)


Page | 15

Figure 14: Plans to resist mining in Talas

Participants in Bek Moldo were more concerned

with fiscal transparency and benefits provided

by the company than in other villages. The key

conflicts between residents and those working

in the area revolved around jobs provided to

locals – especially youth – and a microcredit

fund which many people felt was handled

improperly. However, these disputes happened

more than five years ago and the stalled

progress on the project may have led to a less

emotionally invested populace. One respondent

noted that whenever the community

approaches the company for assistance, the

company obliges, which has been a big help to

the community.

Across the research areas a major concern was

that locals should be well informed. Many

people felt that there was not enough

information given to them either by the

government or by the companies. A majority of

people surveyed in Talas, 54%, said they knew

only the name of the company operating in

their area, but not what they did.

Figure 15: Reliability of various sources in Talas

This lack of information is exacerbated by issues

of trust. When given a list of seven information

sources and asked if they feel the information

they receive from these sources is reliable,

several sources receive poor marks. Notably,

the response rates for “mining company

officials” and “national government” are largely

similar – with the mining officials receiving

slightly better marks. “Ordinary people”, and

“Formal leaders” received the highest marks. Of

specific importance to civil society engagement

efforts, NGOs received low “yes” responses, but

14%

32%

30%

21%

29%

20%

21%

28%

4%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Aral

Bek Moldo

I will not resist their presence in my rayon, either during exploration or during mining

I will not resist them whilst they explore, but if they try to exploit and produce then I will resist them

I will resist them even during exploration

I will judge the situation as it develops, so I don’t know yet if I’ll resist them or not

None of the above statements reflects my feelings

DK/NA

32%

52% 38%

22% 41%

71% 67%

33%

28%

31%

30%

23%

15% 18% 35%

20% 31%

48% 36%

14% 15%

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90%

100%

Yes No DK/NA

Which statements best describes your attitude toward nearby mining companies?

Do you think the information you get from these sources is reliable?


Page | 16

nearly half of people answered that they did

not know if information from these sources was

trustworthy.

People also claimed that they lacked the skills

to effectively advocate for their interests. They

wanted to learn how to best engage with the

companies or the government officials

responsible for representing them. Interviewees

described meeting with attorneys and civil

society organizations for advice on how to

achieve this, which points to an interest in

trustworthy sources of information and

assistance.

Recommendations

There is a marked disconnect between

company actions (e.g. hoping to effect

reconciliation) and community results (e.g.

continued or increased resentment). This

disconnect is a potential source of conflict.

Unless companies and communities become

more “in tune” with each other’s positions and

opinions, substantial conflict mitigation is

unlikely. The current situation in Aral appears

tenuous, especially in light of overall sentiments

in the community.

It is possible that engagement between civil

society and respected local bodies could

increase prospects for peace in the future.

During the research process, some interviewees

suggested that external NGOs could support

local people by providing legal and financial

training; making people aware of their rights in

relation to mining companies, and educating

them on how to handle any financial windfalls

from mining.

However, any outside organization working in

Talas would likely face a difficult struggle to gain

acceptance by local communities. The amount

of latent conflict in the area should not be

underestimated.

Several methods of engagement and assistance

have been attempted by the companies

working in Talas with varying degrees of

success. Some communities have experienced

problems with community meetings; however,

one company described such meetings as “an

essential component to open communication.”

This endorsement comes with the caveat that

large meetings be formed under the authority

of the district administration so that they are

“planned in advance, broadly representative,

and reasonably controlled.”

Any engagement that involves money will come

under intense scrutiny for transparency. A local

development fund sponsored by an exploration

company in Bek Moldo led to accusations of

nepotism, and when some borrowers were

unable to repay their loans, they called for the

loans to be forgiven as compensation for

perceived ecological damage. Those paid by the

company in any way also run the serious risk of

being branded as spies, and their opinions

losing value among the rest of the community.

The research makes clear that all attempts to

engage with the community should be handled

very carefully, and analyzed from the

perspective of skeptical locals. The progress

some companies are having with current

engagement strategies is real. However, it will

be months or years before any claims of

strategic success can be established.


JUMGAL

Page | 17





Aral 50

Kyzyl Korgon 11

Ming Kush 101

Ornok 51

Sary Bulung 1

Tabilgati 36

Total 250

Bottom Line

Residents of Jumgal were the most pro-mining of all areas studied. Environmental effects are the key concern related to the industry, but these were generally outweighed by the potential economic benefits mining could bring. The area around Ming Kush was previously well-developed and had benefited substantially from mining-related activities. The industry shrunk following independence, drastically affecting the local economy. Locals now feel there is low potential for conflict, with several participants proclaiming their open support for the industry.

*Sary Bulung, Tabilgati, Ornok and Kyzyl Korgon are located together in a generally contiguous community

Research Findings According to the survey data gathered for this

report, residents of Jumgal feel more positively

about mining than do the residents of any other

district under study. Only 29.2% of Jumgal

residents chose either “somewhat negative” or

“very negative” when asked “What is your

opinion about the mining industry?” – the

lowest figure for any district.

As demonstrated in Ошибка! Источник

ссылки не найден.in the Statistical Findings

across Districts section, this trend correlates

with the degree to which residents perceive

their voices are heard by these companies.

Jumgal District

Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 JUMGAL

Page | 18

Figure 16: Sentiments towards mining in Jumgal

In the case of Jumgal, survey respondents also

trust mining company officials more than do

residents of any other district studied. When

asked if they find information from mining

officials reliable, 60.7% of Jumgal respondents

replied that yes, it was. This is 8% higher than

the next closest district, Naryn, and 42% more

than Chon Alay, the district with the lowest rate

of “yes” answers.

Despite these positive opinions, residents of

Jumgal cite the same spectrum of complaints

against mining companies that respondents

have done throughout the research process.

Based on the range of respondents’ grievances,

there was nothing which could account for the

low levels of company-community conflict

experienced in Jumgal. Environmental concerns

and mistrust of mining companies are present

in Jumgal; however, they have not driven the

same level of discord that they have elsewhere,

as seen in Figure 17. The figures here compare

to 71% of people reporting mining related

protests across all research sites.

Figure 17: Protests against mining companies in Jumgal

Two positive perceptions of mining companies

frequently cited in Jumgal were companies’

ability to give jobs, and their ability to provide

subsidized coal to local residents (since Jumgal

is predominantly a coal mining area).

Figure 18: Perceptions of how much companies care about providing benefits in Jumgal

As seen in Figure 18: Perceptions of how much

companies care about providing benefits in

Jumgal, respondents in Jumgal were much less

likely than those elsewhere to feel that

11%

18%

30%

36%

3% 2%

Very Negative Somewhat Negative

Neutral Somewhat Positive

Very Positive DK/NA

45% 54%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Yes No DK/NA

8%

37%

29%

22%

4%

0%

20%

40%

60%

80%

100% DK/NA

It's their top priority

Moderately interested

Neither care nor don't care

Rather do not care

Not at all


How much do you think mining companies care about providing benefits to your community?

Have there recently been protests against mining in your district?


Page | 19

companies were not interested in providing

benefits (see Ошибка! Источник ссылки не

найден. for a comparison across all districts).

Recommendations

There are three factors that likely contribute to

the low level of company-community conflict in

Jumgal. The first is the benefits provided for

local people, discussed above. As the statistical

evidence shows, more people in Jumgal think

that mining companies care about providing

benefits for them than do respondents in any

other district. That these companies are able to

pay benefits in the form of the commodity they

mine may contribute to such perceptions.

The second factor is environmental perceptions.

Although Jumgal residents often talk about

environmental concerns, interview transcripts

suggest that they do so with less intensity of

emotion than residents of other districts. This

may be because mining in Jumgal is

predominantly for coal, not gold (the

environmental impact of the latter being

universally feared across Kyrgyzstan). It may

also be because Jumgal has a long history of

mining and residents are more comfortable

with its effects.

The third factor which may help to mitigate

company-community conflict is that Jumgal

citizens, unlike those in many other districts

studied, often appear to relate effectively to

nearby mining companies. Rather than seeing

companies as faceless dispensers of funds (as,

for example, many people in Jeti Oguz seem to),

Jumgal residents appear to understand the

boundaries of company-community

relationships and rarely overstep them. They

also tend to view company-community relations

as something akin to a partnership, rather than

a one-sided exploitation.

Indeed, local people’s relationships with mining

companies may be a more important factor in

mitigating conflict than the benefits which they

receive.

This dynamic may be assisted by the fact that

the largest active mining company working in

Jumgal is Kyrgyz. “Resource nationalism” has

become a more prominent issue across

Kyrgyzstan in recent years, offering an

advantage to local companies.

Perhaps as a result of the relatively peaceful

situation in Jumgal, few interviewees felt that

assistance from outside organizations could

improve company-community dynamics. Some

interviewees were receptive to the idea,

however, and cited legal and financial training

for local people, and environmental monitoring,

as potentially useful services which outside

NGOs could provide.

The problems faced in Jumgal are related more

to the collapse of the mining industry following

independence than to conflict between

companies and the community. The decline of

mining has contributed to deep economic

concerns in Ming Kush. Any effort to work on

company-community conflict would be best

served by focusing on community development,

jobs, and compensation.

The risk of exacerbating conflict through project

activities here is minimal, offering a relatively

easy operating environment for civil society

organizations. However, this also points to the

reduced need for such work when compared to

other districts. Resources would likely be better


Page | 20

used elsewhere.


NARYN

Page | 21





Emgekchil 103

Jergetal 106

Kuibyshevo 111

Kyzyl-Jyldyz 103

Total 423

Bottom Line

Naryn is characterized by general skepticism and a measure of resource nationalism regarding mining in the area. As with other research sites, the environmental impacts of mining activities are a leading cause of concern among residents here. But unlike other sites, the national origins of mining companies and their employees are a top concern here. Grass-roots advocacy organizations are active here, standing as one of the key stakeholders in the mining industry in the region.

Research findings Attitudes toward mining in Naryn are more

favourable than those in many other areas

studied, but cannot be described as positive.

Figure 19 demonstrates that over 40% of

respondents there view the industry negatively.

In interviews conducted in Naryn, one of the

most prominent recurring themes was that

mining companies worked outside the

framework of a healthy, sustainable mining

industry.

A frequent complaint was that of license

speculation: companies acquiring a mining

license, working for a short period and then

leaving the area suddenly without cleaning up

sites, perhaps to sell their licenses on to

someone else.

Naryn District

Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 NARYN

Page | 22

Figure 19: Sentiments towards mining in Naryn

On top of the harmful effects of license

speculation, some respondents felt that mining

companies were acting dishonestly in their

dealings with the authorities. Other

respondents picked up the theme of companies

working outside the law, but linked it with

environmental concerns.

These sorts of concerns, about tangible,

physical environmental damage are typical of

interviews conducted in Naryn. They are in

contrast with responses from other districts,

such as Jeti Oguz, where respondents were

often concerned with intangible environmental

damage, such as cyanide from mine sites

causing birth deformities in the future.

Many of the interview extracts could be

interpreted as having Sinophobic

undercurrents. Although there are other foreign

miners working in Naryn, it is generally the

Chinese who are the subject of negative racial

statements in interviews. A local official relayed

that local residents “say that the Chinese aren’t

necessary and that only the local people will

work [on gold extraction].” It is noteworthy that

he did not say foreign experts aren’t necessary,

or that Russian companies – he referred to the

Chinese specifically. When asked why people

protest against mining in the area, 23.8% of

survey respondents in Naryn chose the answer

“They don’t like foreigners mining in

Kyrgyzstan”. This is significantly more than in

any other district under study, as demonstrated

in Figure 20: Reasons for anti-mining protests in

Naryn and nationwide. Given the anti-Chinese

sentiments expressed in key informant

interviews, it seems likely that the majority of

survey participants also had Chinese miners in

mind when they chose this response.

Figure 20: Reasons for anti-mining protests in Naryn and nationwide

21%

21%

28%

26%

2%



Very Positive DK/NA

39% 61%

24%

7% 16% 8% 5% 3%

16% 21%

0%

20%

40%

60%

80%

100%

Naryn Nation They are concerned for the environment

They don't like foreigners mining in Kyrgyzstan

They are concerned that mining companies are damaging local roads and infrastructure

They think that mining only benefits the elite

Other


What is the single most important reason people protest against mining in your district?


Page | 23

Another grievance which many interviewees

expressed in Naryn was the lack of long-term

community support they felt mining companies

were offering.

Where mining companies have already

impacted on the local environment (or been

perceived to have impacted on it), many

interviewees expressed their views on

inadequate compensation.

This stands somewhat in contrast to the

perceived reliability of information from mining

companies; 51% of respondents in Naryn said

they received information at least occasionally

from mining company officials. Of these, 69%

said the information from them was reliable.

Recommendations

As discussed at the start of the previous section,

a large number of respondents cited lack of

respect for the rule of law as a key grievance

against mining companies. It seems highly likely

that this grievance is a direct driver of conflict.

The national origin of exploration and mining

companies can play a role in driving conflict. In

a separate research study by Oxus International

for the World Bank in Issyk Kul Province,

residents were clear that they would welcome

any mining company unless it was Chinese. This

type of nationalism likely applies to others

perceived as outsiders (Australian, Canadian,

South African etc.), but appears to most

strongly directed towards the Chinese.

In fact, as seen in Figure 20, far more people

thought that protests were motivated by

nationalistic sentiments than in the rest of the

country.

Figure 21: Frequency of information from mining company officials

Figure 22: Reliability of information from mining company officials - from those reporting at least occasionally receiving information from them

When asked if there had been protests recently

in their area, 70% of people in Naryn answered

1%

8%

24%

18%

47%

2%

69%

23%

8%

Yes No DK/NA

How often do you receive news and information specifically on mining from the

following sources? (Mining company officials)

Do you think the information you get from these sources is reliable? (excluding “never”

and “DK/NA” from previous question)


Page | 24

yes. Of these, 24% said that people protest

because “they don’t like foreigners mining in

Kyrgyzstan.” This compares to only 7% of

people who gave the same answer across all

research sites [dropping to 4% if Naryn is

excluded].

It is not clear from this research whether such

hostility is simple xenophobia or whether it is

Chinese companies’ approach which attracts

negative sentiments in Naryn. Until more

research is conducted into this issue, the exact

nature of the influence of ethnicity on

company-community conflict remains unclear.

Looking forward, there are many things which

offer encouragement for company-community

relations in Naryn. Unlike other districts

researched for this paper, there is little

evidence of a protests-for-concessions culture

in Naryn. Although there have been anti-mining

rallies, local people’s relationships with mining

companies are not defined in terms of these

rallies, and they are not seen as the sole means

of extracting benefits from companies. One of

Naryn residents’ main demands is that

companies respect the law, so it seems likely

that if they perceived companies doing so then

they would follow suit, and refrain from illegally

disrupting companies’ operations.

Naryn residents trust media and information

received in public meetings, more than do most

residents of other districts surveyed. This trust

is exemplified by data about how reliable

people feel the information is which comes

from local government. Respondents in Naryn

were much more likely to view the information

from local government as reliable than were

respondents elsewhere. Were mining

companies, or outside organizations, to conduct

public awareness raising on mining issues

through these means, they would likely find

Naryn residents to be receptive.

When asked what an outside NGO could do to

mitigate conflict in the region, many

interviewees replied that such an NGO should

provide legal training to local people. As well as

legal training, some interviewees suggested

that training in environmental monitoring, and

an information dissemination function would

also be useful roles for outside NGOs to play in

the community.

The high level of trust in local government also

means they can be effective partners in any

efforts to address the potential for conflict.

Organizations looking to work in this field

should incorporate the local government from

the beginning of any project activities.

The problem of nationalism was more prevalent

in Naryn than any other location studied. Any

conflict mitigation efforts here should take note

of this, and tools should be incorporated that

address such tensions.

Civil society organizations and others interested

in mining issues here should leverage the more

extensive mining-related media coverage and

media trust in Naryn. Campaigns using official

media sources are more likely to prove effective

here than elsewhere.

Civil society may also play a positive role here

by identifying the needs of the community, so

that any development efforts or other benefits

brought by mining companies or the

government are appropriately targeted. This

could go some way in resolving tensions over

the perceived unfairness in the current


Page | 25

distribution of these benefits.


JETI OGUZ

Page | 26





Barskoon 85

Kichi Jyrgylchak 119

Tamga 102

Tosor 102

Total 408

Bottom Line

Jeti Oguz is unique among the sites studied for this report. It is the only area with a large, functioning mine, and it sits at the center of all mining-related debates in the country. Political corruption is a greater concern here because of the role the mine plays in national politics. Despite the highly polarized political discussions and the negative tone of press coverage, attitudes regarding mining in this region were among the most positive in the country. The relationship between the community and the mining company is more transactional than elsewhere in the county as communities here have been receiving the benefits of the mine for several years. However, significant opposition and skepticism still exists.

Research Findings

As the only region with a major mining

operation in Kyrgyzstan (Kumtor), Jeti Oguz

attracts the vast majority of the country’s

mining-related media coverage. Much of this

coverage looks at the negative impacts and

perceptions of the industry. It is easy to form

the impression, therefore, that community

perceptions of the enterprise are much more

negative than communities’ perceptions of

mining in other parts of Kyrgyzstan. However,

Oxus International’s research indicates that this

is not the case.

Figure 23: Map of research sites in Jeti Oguz

Jeti Oguz


JETI OGUZ

Page | 27

Figure 24: Sentiments towards mining in Jeti Oguz

When survey respondents were asked about

their opinion of the industry, more people in

Jeti Oguz chose “somewhat positive” or “very

positive” than in any other research site apart

from Jumgal. Figure 24 shows responses in Jeti

Oguz compared to the average nationwide.

Figure 25: "Is your voice heard by mining companies?" Jeti Oguz & Nationwide

Also, when asked if their voices are heard by

mining companies in the area, 45% of survey

respondents in Jeti Oguz replied that yes, it

was. This is higher than the rate of “yes”

responses at any other research site, again

apart from Jumgal. It is also more than double

the average rate of “yes” responses at all

research sites as seen in Figure 25.

Overall, therefore, community perceptions are

comparatively good. There are several potential

reasons for this, foremost that these

communities have been receiving the benefits

of mining for several years, while other

communities with much smaller exploration

projects can only discuss such possibilities in the

abstract. Another advantage, when compared

to several other sites around the country, is that

the mine is tens of kilometres from the nearest

settlement, whereas other projects may be

within 1-2 kilometres of the nearest

community. That the mine contributes such a

large portion of the national budget also means

there is an established political support network

with an interest in rallying public opinion in

favour of the project. There are nonetheless

serious company-community problems. One

community perception which seems to have a

bearing on much of the company-community

dynamic could be termed the ‘lack of social

license to operate.’

Such views were doubtless exacerbated by a

1998 cyanide spill, which undermined

communities’ sense of Kumtor’s legitimacy.

Interviewees were disappointed in both the

company and government responses to the

spill. If respondent claims are true about the

handling of the spill, this may go some of the

way towards explaining why fears of long-term

14%

29%

21%

22%

26%

27%

34%

18%

3% 2%

0%

20%

40%

60%

80%

100%

DK/NA

Very Positive

Somewhat Positive

Neutral

Somewhat Negative

Very Negative

45%

45%

10% 20%

73%

7%

Yes

No

DK/NA


Is your voice heard by mining companies operating near your community?

Nationwide Jeti Oguz

Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 JETI OGUZ

Page | 28

cyanide poisoning persist to this day, despite

several independent expert studies concluding

that people’s fears are largely groundless.3 If

local residents do not feel that they can trust

the government’s word, or the company’s

word, they are unlikely to trust committees of

foreign experts either.

By and large, community members do not talk

of their feelings towards the company, or invest

any emotional weight into the relationship, as

local people do in other parts of the world

where company-community relations are more

successful. Rather, a conversation about

Kumtor with a local interviewee typically

centers on material gains and material losses

incurred by the company’s presence.

This mistrust of the company and the

government is, however, limited. As the graph

below demonstrates, a majority of people feel

the information they receive from most official

sources, including mining company officials and

the government, is reliable. These views of

reliability exceed national averages for each

source except “ordinary people I know,” which

was eight points lower in Jeti Oguz. Reliability of

information from these actors and trust in them

are not directly analogous, but the association

is strong enough to draw some conclusions

about how they are perceived.

3 For example, see: Assessment of the Impact of the

Cyanide Spill at Barskaun, 1998. http://www.centerragold.com/sites/default/files/final_report_of_the_international_commission_on_th_1998_cyanide_spill.pdf

Figure 26: Reliability of information sources in Jeti Oguz

All regulatory and licensing functions are carried

out by the Kyrgyz state at the national level. If a

company were to bribe at the local level,

therefore, it seems to follow that the only

reason they would do so is in order to ‘buy the

peace’: paying influential local people (formal

and informal leaders) to advocate for the

company and to curb local protest activities. If

a mining company were to do so, this would be

another example of a highly transactional (as

opposed to emotional or trust-based)

relationship between the company and local

actors.

58% 58% 51%

36%

57% 66% 62%

33% 36%

34%

38%

30%

29% 32%

9% 6% 15%

26%

13% 5% 5%

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

Yes No DK/NA

Do you think the information you get from these sources is reliable?

http://www.centerragold.com/sites/default/files/final_report_of_the_international_commission_on_th_1998_cyanide_spill.pdf




Page | 29

Figure 27: Perceptions of bribing by mining companies

It should be underlined at this point that Oxus

International is not suggesting that the Kumtor

Operating Company does pay bribes. Rather,

the research conducted shows that local people

perceive the company to pay bribes, and that

this likely impacts on company-community

relations.

The negative sentiments expressed by many

local people in relation to mining here are by no

means the whole story. As the statistics show,

more Jeti Oguz residents have a positive or

neutral view of mining than almost any other

research site under study. As is commonly the

case, pro- and anti-mining divisions in the

community appear to be largely determined by

employment.

Relations with Kumtor also appear to drive

intercommunity divides. For example, residents

in the village of Tamga, where many people feel

positively towards the mine, were often critical

of other villages’ opposition to Kumtor.

Recommendations

Conflict maps produced in Jeti Oguz

demonstrated three main phenomena. The first

is the breach of trust between the company and

the community at the time of the 1998 cyanide

spill.

The second phenomenon is the perception of a

direct causal link between protests and

concessions from the company.

The third phenomenon captured in the mapping

is that of aid and development initiatives which

are perceived to have failed. These perceptions

share a common theme: money given by mining

concerns being lost to local corruption, and

thereby causing conflict.

Based on survey data, people believe that

political actors mobilize supporters

predominantly by ideological means (e.g.

nationalism), rather than monetary means (e.g.

paying people to protest). Moreover, it is

unlikely that similar protest mechanisms are

prevalent in other mining areas in Kyrgyzstan:

the political significance of Kumtor eclipses that

of any other mining project in the country, and

hence the Kumtor mine would be expected to

attract the vast majority of politically-backed

protests.

There is also the perception amongst

interviewees that mining managers are ill-

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

Yes at the local and national levels

Yes, but only at the national level

Yes, but only at the local level

No

DK/NA

Do you think mining companies operating in your area pay bribes?


Page | 30

informed of the company-community situation,

and perhaps do not want to know more about

it. This perceived separation between top

management and local people would

undoubtedly need to be addressed before

companies could re-forge a trust- and respect-

based relationship with local communities.

Was such an endeavor to be undertaken, there

are some encouraging signs for its success.

When asked whether ‘television and radio’ and

‘magazines and newspapers’ were reliable

sources of information, survey respondents in

Jeti Oguz responded ‘yes’ more frequently than

those in most other districts under study. Trust-

building work which involved a media

component is hence likely to be better received

in Jeti Oguz than in most other mining areas of

Kyrgyzstan.

Figure 28: Reliability of various media formats

From interview responses received during the

research process, it seems that there is also

good potential for outside NGOs to play a role

in conflict mitigation in Jeti Oguz. When

interviewees were asked what role such an

NGO could play, many of them suggested that

information dissemination should be its main

activity since, if local people were better

informed, interviewees felt that conflict would

be less frequent.

Outside NGOs may also be able to assist by

funding local advocacy initiatives. At the

moment local advocacy organisations do exist,

but they are forced either to operate on

shoestring budgets or to accept funding from

Kumtor itself, which decreases their credibility

in the community.

In such a situation, support for a local NGO from

an outside organization might confer the

twofold advantages of credibility and funding.

At the moment, however, there is a lack of trust

in information from NGOs, which may be the

result of an over-saturation of groups with

varying agendas.

Any project efforts here should focus on shifting

the transactional nature of the relationship

between Kumtor and the community. While

such an effort is, in the end, the responsibility of

those two stakeholders, civil society

organizations could play a role in mediating.

Active dissemination of accurate and reliable

information about mining projects and their

impacts here could have ripple effects across

the country. And Giving locals the tools to

effectively and legally oversee mining

operations in the area could improve current

efforts which are often based on protests.

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

TV & Radio NP & Magazines

Do you think the information you get from these sources is reliable? (“yes” responses)


CHATKAL

Page | 31





Chakmak Suu 50

Bashky Terek 64

Korgon-Sai 67

Kanysh-Kya 220

Total 401

Bottom Line

Chatkal residents do see a broad range of benefits from mining companies; however, they are still generally opposed to the industry because of environmental concerns. Chatkal saw some of the highest response rates for plans to resist the presence of mining companies in their area, indicating a strong potential for mining-related conflict. They view the local government as the body most responsible for resolving such conflicts, but were often unhappy with current attempts to do so.

Research Findings

When asked about their opinion of the industry, 49% of respondents in Chatkal chose either ‘somewhat negative’ or ‘very negative’, compared with a national average of 52%.

However, when asked about their willingness to

resist mining companies’ presence, more

Chatkal respondents appeared ready to do so

than in any other research site, with the

exception of Kadamjai.

Picking from a series of statements regarding

their attitudes towards resisting mining

companies, a total of 53% chose one of the two

most negative options: either “I will not resist

them whilst they explore, but if they try to

exploit and produce then I will resist them,” or

“I will resist them even during exploration.”

Chatkal District

Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 CHATKAL

Page | 32

Figure 29: Sentiments towardsmining in Chatkal

Tabulating survey results in Chatkal against

those in Talas yields another interesting

comparison. Although respondents in Chatkal

have similarly negative views on mining as

citizens of Talas (where 58.4% hold ‘somewhat

negative’ or ‘very negative’ views), and are just

as likely to resist mining companies than Talas

respondents are, residents of Chatkal also

appear to be provided with a wider range of

benefits than their Talas counterparts. When

asked to pick up to three choices from a list of

benefits which they felt companies were

already providing for the community, responses

were much more widely spread in Chatkal than

in Talas. Both communities felt that jobs for

local people were the primary benefits of

mining, and that infrastructure improvements

came second. But Chatkal residents also felt

that mining companies helped the local

community by buying goods from them, and by

supporting the community’s commercial and

cultural life. Respondents in Talas did not, in

general, feel the same way.

Figure 30: Plans to resist mining company presence

The data in Figure 31 – showing relatively

broad-based community benefits but still

recording significant negative views of mining -

represents something of a paradox which will

be returned to later in this section.

Indeed, looking at Chatkal from the outside, an

observer might readily form an impression of

opaque mining companies operating ‘under the

radar,’ with little or no commitment to long-

term engagement in the region. Over the

course of Oxus International’s research local

residents named sixteen mining companies

operating across Chatkal and neighbouring Ala

Buka. Of these, only one maintains a company

website where information about their

operations can be accessed.

32%

17%

41%

9%



Very Positive DK/NA

15% 38% 16% 26% 3%

0% 50% 100%

I will not resist their presence in my rayon, either during exploration or during mining

I will not resist them whilst they explore, but if they try to exploit and produce then I will resist them I will resist them even during exploration

I will judge the situation as it develops, so I don’t know yet if I’ll resist them or not

None of the above statements reflects my feelings

DK/NA


Which of the following best describes your attitude toward mining companies

operating in your area?


Page | 33

Figure 31: Benefits from mining in Chatkal and Talas

From interview data, it appears that many

community members feel that mining

companies in Chatkal operate with a sense of

impunity towards them. Several interviewees

also cited grave environmental concerns

associated with mining.

It seems likely that these two perceptions – of

companies polluting the environment and

operating with impunity – contribute to the

anger and suspicion felt by several respondents.

Statements made during interviews supported

the statistic produced above, showing that

negative sentiment towards mining companies

in Chatkal is only marginally above the national

average, but that citizens’ willingness to resist

companies’ presence is amongst the highest

recorded. If companies are perceived to act

with impunity, citizens will naturally be more

inclined to take the task of dealing with them

into their own hands, rather than relying on

legal and administrative mechanisms to curb

their behavior.

Despite the preponderance of anti-mining

sentiment in Chatkal, a minority within the

community does feel positively about the

presence of mining companies. As reported

above, 56.6% of survey respondents said that

they had either a “somewhat negative” or a

“very negative” view of the mining industry.

9.8%, on the other hand, said that their view

was either “somewhat positive” or “very

positive.”

Interviewees cited employment as one of the

main benefits that mining companies provide to

the region. Those who discussed these benefits

saw companies providing benefits for the local

communities, and also saw the companies as

transparent and accessible. It is noteworthy

that the benefits described were not excessive

or out of proportion to those of other

companies operating in Kyrgyzstan, but it

appears to have had a positive effect on

company-community relations because the

companies are always “in touch with local

people”, i.e., the company’s support is well

received because it is given in a respectful and

open way.

Figure 31, shows that Chatkal residents feel

they have a broad range of benefits from

mining companies, but they are also generally

negative about companies’ presence. This

0%

20%

40%

60%

80%

100%

Talas Chatkal

Jobs for local people

Infrastructure improvements

Employment training

Financial compensation

Loans or microfinance

Buying goods from local people

Supporting the commercial life of the community

Supporting the cultural life of the community

DK/NA

Please pick up to three of these categories which you think that local mining companies are ALREADY providing for your community?


Page | 34

seems to be explained by interviewee

explanations of a small minority of companies

who are seen by many to be doing a good job

and providing a range of benefits, alongside a

majority who are not.

Recommendations

Conflict mapping in Chatkal did not reveal

any influence of ‘outside interests’ stirring up

the situation there for their own ends, and

the vast majority of people interviewed in

Chatkal claimed that anti-mining groups

simply organized themselves, without

pressure from outside the community.

In the vast majority of villages studied in

Chatkal, there is a clear demand for an

improved social contract between communities

and mining companies. It is likely that until this

social contract is in place, local governments

will be unable to implement lasting solutions to

company-community conflicts.

On a positive note, however, several

community members expressed detailed and

aspirational views on how this social contract

could be constructed. These were largely

concerned with open and accessible

information.

Other than local government bodies,

interviewees had few suggestions for

organizations which could help to mitigate

conflict in their area. Based on this research, it

seems that there are almost no civil society

organizations active in this field in Chatkal.

Perhaps in part because of this fact,

interviewees were generally positive about the

idea of NGOs coming in to the region to conduct

conflict mitigation work.Several interviewees

envisioned a mediation role, with NGOs acting

as a “bridge” between local people and mining

companies.

Assisting the local government at playing a

more proactive role in preventing conflict and

addressing grievances would direct current

frustrations through legal channels, rather than

through road blockages or other protests that

have the potential of turning violent.

The extreme remoteness of this area means

timely and accurate information is often

difficult to find. Locals here see a need for

accessible, reliable information on mining in

their area. A local information centre would be

welcomed and would be effective at addressing

this need.

The confusion over which companies were

working in the area, and where, specifically,

they were working could also be addressed by

civil society organizations. While the extent of

company participation in such efforts may

prove difficult, the government could make a

good partner for this. This may alleviate some

suspicions from locals about the nature of the

work being conducted, and provide incentive

for companies to spend more effort on

community engagement.


ALA BUKA

Page | 35

Bottom Line

Residents of Ala Buka generally feel that mining companies are exploitative, and will have a detrimental effect on the local environment. Interviewees commonly complained that mining companies in the area do not keep their word and as such are untrustworthy. These feelings are exacerbated by distrust of the national government. Without improved relations among stakeholders, Ala Buka shows strong potential for future conflict.





Buzuk 60

Joy Belent 135

Kyzyl-Tokoi 106

Terek-Sai 99

Total 400

Research Results

When asked about their opinion of the industry,

66.7% of people in Ala Buka chose one of the

first two options, “very negative” or “somewhat

negative.” Overall, this is the second most

negative response rate for any research site,

after Kadamjai.

When asked, “Is your voice heard by mining

companies operating near your community?”

85.9% of residents in Ala Buka replied that it

was not. Again, this was the second most

negative response rate for any research site.

This perception, of not being listened to, almost

certainly contributes to the sentiment which

seemed to run through the vast majority of

interviews conducted in Ala Buka: a sense of

exploitation of local people by mining

companies. In general, local people felt that

mining companies were not interested in

providing benefits for nearby communities, or

Ala Buka District

Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 ALA BUKA

Page | 36

even for Kyrgyzstan; that they would take their

profits abroad and leave only environmental

degradation behind them. Local residents also

viewed mining companies as untrustworthy. As

in the neighbouring district of Chatkal,

interviewees often repeated the same phrase,

“mining companies do not keep their word.”

Figure 32: Sentiments towardsmining in Ala Buka

Also in common with Chatkal is the impression

which an outside observer might form of the

opacity of mining companies operating in the

region. As discussed in the previous section,

local residents identified sixteen mining

companies operating across Ala Buka and

Chatkal. Of these, only maintains a company

website where information about their

operations can be accessed.

In terms of specific perceptions, interviewees in

Ala Buka tended to describe nearby mining

companies above all as polluters. 50.7% of

respondents said recent protests were caused

by environmental concerns. When interviewees

went into detail about the ecological effects of

mining they discussed some tangible effects,

such as deforestation, and also frequently

referred to the toxic effects of cyanide (which

communities near mining areas are fearful of

across Kyrgyzstan).

When survey respondents were asked about

the reliability of information from the national

government, 63.4% of respondents said that it

was not, whilst only 10.7% said that it was. This

was the most negative response rate for any

research site, and was significantly different

from national response rates as seen in Figure

33. Although trust in the government to assist

local people and trust in the government to tell

the truth to local people are not necessarily the

same thing, they are almost certainly closely

correlated.

Figure 33: Reliability of information from the national government

Recommendations

47%

21%

24%

8%



Very Positive DK/NA

13%

37%

59%

34%

28% 29%

0%

20%

40%

60%

80%

100%

Ala Buka Nationwide

Yes No DK/NA


Do you think that the information you get from the national government, on mining

in your district, is reliable?

Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 ALA BUKA

Page | 37

According to the testimonies collected during

this research, it appears that, although some

attempts may have been made by unknown

actors to turn people against mining companies

in the area, that influence is generally

outweighed by local people’s own feelings.

Whatever role this outside influence might play,

it is likely to have been sporadic. It is most

likely that it is heartfelt negative sentiments

which continue to drive company-community

conflicts, rather than outside actors who are

manipulating the situation for their own gain.

On the surface, the problems of company-

community relations in Ala Buka seem more

tractable than those in many other sites under

study: companies are perceived to pollute, and

to operate with scant regard for local workers’

safety. Were they to improve their images in

these two regards, it follows that company-

community tensions should be reduced.

Nevertheless, this task is undoubtedly easier

stated than achieved. Many residents’

environmental fears are associated with

intangible risks, such as invisible poisoning by

cyanide. Therefore, for mining companies to

allay residents’ concerns, they will likely have to

expend significant effort in trust-building, since

it is their perceived intentions to pollute on

which they will be judged, rather than on the

tangible results of their actions.

There are few actors currently focused on

mitigating company-community conflict in Ala

Buka. Some interviewees suggested that local

officials’ poor performance in conflict mitigation

was due to the fact they had already been

bribed by mining companies. Indeed, even

government officials themselves admitted the

limits of their power in resolving company-

community conflict.

In such an environment, there may well be

scope for outside NGOs playing a positive role

in conflict mitigation. Several interviewees

envisioned a mediation role for NGOs in the

district, with civil society organisations acting as

a “bridge” between local people and mining

companies.

In the view of Oxus International, Ala Buka is

one of the areas with the highest potential for

conflict related to mining. Companies in the

area were the least responsive to Oxus

International’s inquiries and the view of locals

reflects a similar experience.

Any attempt to mitigate conflict here will only

be successful if companies actively engage with

communities and react in tangible ways to their

concerns. Any role civil society can play in

catalysing this would be beneficial to the

communities and to other project efforts.

Assisting the local government at playing a

more proactive role in preventing conflict and

addressing grievances would direct current

frustrations through legal channels, rather than

methods that may lead to violence.

The feeling of detachment from the national

government in Bishkek could be addressed

through up-to-date information on legal

developments related to mining in Ala Buka.

Civil society organizations could use an

information centre and public meetings to

ensure this information is available, acting as

the “bridge” interviewees described earlier in

this report.


CHON ALAY

Page | 38





Chak 100

Daroot-Korgon 100

Kyzyl Emshe 100

Taldy Suu 100

Total 400

Bottom Line

Chon Alay is relatively new to mining. Company-community relations here have been largely defined by protests and protest reactions. This dynamic may grow into a transactional relationship as seen in Jeti Oguz. One mining company, however, has had considerable success in engaging with the community and may be a model for future success in the region.

Research Findings

Sentiments towards mining in Chon Alay largely

reflect sentiments nationwide, as seen in Figure

34, tending to be quite negative.

Perhaps because of citizens’ sense of isolation

from the mining industry in Chon Alay,

respondents here placed more value on

company-community interaction than in any

other district.

When asked how important it was for

companies to interact with the community,

74.3% chose either “important” or “very

important”, more than in anywhere else.

To poll citizens’ perceptions of corruption,

survey respondents were asked if they thought

mining companies in the area paid bribes, and

given four options to choose from: “Yes, at the

Chon Alay District

Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 CHON ALAY

Page | 39

local and national levels,” “Yes, but only at the

national level,” “Yes, but only at the local level,”

or “No, they do not pay bribes.” More

respondents in Chon Alay chose “Yes, but only

at the national level” than in any other district

(25.3%), though they were closely followed by

Chatkal and Ala Buka.

Figure 34: Sentiments towardsmining in Chon Alay

It is noteworthy that response rates for “Yes,

but only at the local level,” demonstrated the

opposite trend. Out of all the districts studied,

Chon Alay had the least number of respondents

choosing this option (2.5%) and Chatkal and Ala

Buka came close afterwards. Since the events of

2010, many southern Kyrgyz citizens have felt

disenfranchised with the predominantly

northern national government,4 and

4 North-south divide to challenge next Kyrgyz leader,

Reuters, 29th

October 2011.

perceptions of corruption in the southern

districts may reflect this trend: trusting local

leaders to act with integrity towards mining

companies, but distrusting national leaders to

do so.

Figure 35: Sources of information on mining in Chon Alay

Respondents were asked how often they

received information on mining in their district

from four different sources: “television and

radio,” “newspapers and magazines,” “the

internet,” and “public meeting or face to face.”

http://www.trust.org/alertnet/news/north-south-divide-to-challenge-next-kyrgyz-leader/

28% 29%

26% 23%

28% 27%

14% 18%

0%

20%

40%

60%

80%

100%

Chon Alay Nationwide

Very Negative Somewhat Negative Neutral Somewhat Positive Very Positive DK/NA

20% 16%

6%

24%

69% 75%

91%

49%

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90%

100%

Every day At least once a week At least once a month Rarer than once a month Never DK/NA


How often do you receive news and information specifically on mining from the

following sources?




Page | 40

Respondents in Chon Alay answered “never”

more often than any other district for nearly

every source (in both cases where “never”

responses exceeded Chon Alay, the difference

was less than 1%). Figure 35 shows these

frequencies.

Conversely, respondents in Chon Alay feel that

they, in turn, are not listened to on mining

issues. When asked if their voice is heard by

companies, 81.3% said that it was not.

As with all the other districts in which research

was carried out, interviewees most frequently

cited environmental concerns as driving

negative perceptions of nearby mining

companies. Many respondents’ concerns were

symptomatic of the nationwide distrust of gold-

mining; associating it with harmful chemicals,

radiation, and sickness in people and livestock,

and distrusting any sources of information

which say otherwise.

However, whereas in some districts (such as Jeti

Oguz) local people are almost exclusively

concerned with intangible environmental

consequences, such as radiation or the release

of invisible chemicals (un-measurable, at least

with the technology available to rural Kyrgyz

citizens), residents of Chon Alay also report

tangible physical damage to agricultural output

and to their living environment.

When interviewees discussed their perceptions

of the employees of the companies which have

been working in Chon Alay, they often used

words such as ‘distant’ or ‘reserved,’ signaling

that interaction between employees and local

people is limited.

As frequently discussed in this paper, a lack of

information is closely related to a lack of trust,

and this provides fertile ground for suspicions

and anger.

Nonetheless, from local residents’ testimony it

seems that nearby mining companies have

made efforts to provide benefits for the

community.

The factors which local people felt fed in to

conflict between mining interests and the

community were: lack of information on mining,

health and environmental issues, and two large

protests against mining companies in the area.

People appear to perceive a causal link between

these protests and subsequent concessions

from companies operating there. Whether

these links exist or not, if local people believe

that by blocking roads they can force

concessions out of mining companies, then they

will be more likely to engage in similar protests

in the future. Hence the perception of a causal

link here may be acting as a significant driver of

conflict. Moreover, when companies have given

direct cash payments to community members in

Chon Alay, the money itself may also have acted

as a driver of conflict, through perceived

unfairness.

Further clues to company-community conflict in

Chon Alay can be found by looking beyond what

companies did in their dealing with local

people, towards the way in which they did

them. A large body of literature on company-

community relations recognises ‘process’ in

community engagement as equally important,

or even more important, than what a company

physically offers to its host community.

It is worth noting at this point that survey


Page | 41

respondents in Chon Alay placed more value on

company-community interaction than did other

districts under study (Figure 36). It is also

noteworthy that the interviewee quoted above

is not complaining about the harmful effects of

mining themselves, but rather that (he

perceives) the community was lied to about

them. Thus it is the interaction process, rather

than environmental damage, which in his view

is cause for grievance. Perhaps if the company

had had a frank discussion with residents about

the environmental effects of mining, such as

dust from the roads interfering with crops, the

issues could have been dealt with more

amicably and a mutually acceptable solution

could have been found.

Recommendations

Over the course of Oxus International’s

research in Chon Alay, one success story of

company-community interaction was identified.

This case demonstrated that, with the right

approach, good relations can be forged

between communities and mining companies in

Chon Alay. There was nothing mysterious about

making the relationships succeed: either

knowingly or otherwise, all that the company

did was to adopt principles of international best

practice in company-community relations. The

company supports the community in ways

which are mutually beneficial, and its

representatives (who were referred to several

times by name) are accessible and respectful to

community members, and sensitive to things

which are important to the community.

Figure 36: Importance of company-community interactions in Chon Alay

Over the course of this research, Oxus

International was unable to identify any civil

society organisations active in improving

company-community relations in Chon Alay.

Several interviewees voiced aspirations that

independent, trustworthy NGOs would operate

in the region, and provide reliable information

on the mining industry to local people.

The protest-centric dynamic of company-

community relations in Chon Alay should be

addressed with a formal structure for

Thinking about nearby mining companies, how important are the following three things for you?


Page | 42

stakeholder communication. The risk of

establishing a purely transactional relationship

between the community and mining companies

is significant in Chon Alay. While it appears an

information center would be a welcome and

necessary addition to the area, there is a need

for direct interactions among the community,

companies, and government to prevent conflict

situations. Civil society could assist here by

coordinating and mediating these interactions.

Working with the local government to ensure

they have the tools and awareness to properly

represent the community could go a long way in

improving community perceptions of the

government. This in turn would generate

greater trust in the government mechanisms for

addressing community concerns and possibly

direct grievances through legal channels.


KADAMJAI

Page | 43





Kara Jigach 139

Karool 60

Maidan 100

Balakish 100

Total 399

Bottom Line

Kadamjai has among the most negative sentiments toward mining of any area researched. Significant environmental fears exist in the community and people feel they receive scant information about mining in the area – especially from mining companies. One company operating in the area has undertaken significant steps to engage with the community and anecdotal evidence suggests the efforts may be effective. However, significant risk still exists for conflict.

Res

ear

ch

Fin

din

gs

Co

mm

unit

y

per

cep

tion

s of mining in Kadamjai are amongst the most

negative in Kyrgyzstan. As Figure 37 displays,

more respondents in Kadamjai hold negative

views of the mining industry than do citizens in

any other district surveyed.

Perhaps surprisingly, negative views of mining

in Kadamjai were not correlated with

perceptions of corruption. When respondents

were asked if they thought mining companies in

the area paid bribes, Kadamjai actually had the

highest number of “no” responses for any

district, at 54.4%.

A statistic which certainly is correlated to

negative views, however, is participants’

responses to the question “Is your voice heard

by mining companies operating near your

community?” In Kadamjai, fully 92.5% of

respondents replied that it was not – more than

in any other region.

Indeed, much of the data collected in Kadamjai

speaks of a perceived lack of communication

between companies and the community and

Kadamjai District

Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 KADAMJAI

Page | 44

the community’s reliance on hearsay to learn

about mining activities. Figure 39 charts the

frequencies with which respondents felt they

received information on mining from different

sources. When asked how often they received

information from mining company officials,

Kadamjai respondents chose “rarer than once a

month” or “never”, more frequently than

respondents from any other district. When

asked how often they received information on

mining from people they know in general, they

chose “every day,” “once a week” or “once a

month” more frequently than respondents from

any other district.

Figure 37: Negative perceptions of mining nationwide

Figure 38: Perceptions of bribery by mining companies

0%

20%

40%

60%

80%

100%

Q A2 Sum of "somewhat negative" and "very negative" Q A19 Sum of "rather do not care" and "do not care at all" about providing benefits

54%

41% 41% 40% 39% 38% 36%

18%

38%

What is your opinion about the mining industry in your area overall? (Q A2)

Do you think mining companies operating near your community pay bribes?

(“No” responses)

National Government

Mining Company Officials

Ordinary People I know

Figure 39: Frequency of information from various sources

How often do you receive news and information specifically on mining in your

district from these sources?


Page | 45

As well as perceiving that they have no solid

information on mining, Kadamjai respondents

often relayed that virtually no relationship

existed between the mining company and local

communities. There is a perception that

companies only engage with key decision-

makers.

The relationship between communities and

their local government also appears to be poor.

This sentiment may have a bearing on local

people’s preference for resolving company-

community conflicts themselves, rather than

through official channels.

People were far less sure of the reliability of

information received from local government in

Kadamjai than sites in the rest of the country.

Figure 40 shows that “don’t know” was actually

the most common answer when asked about

the

reliability

of

informatio

n from local government.

Figure 40: Reliability of information from local government

Overall, Kadamjai residents seem to harbor a

general lack of trust for outside actors. In such

an environment, it is perhaps unsurprising that

rumors appear to be the main source of mining-

related information in the community. In fact,

86.9% of respondents in Kadamjai, the largest

percentage of any district studied, said the

information they receive from “ordinary

people” was reliable. News spread by word of

mouth, true or not, appears to be trusted.

When asked why people protest against mining

in the area, 76.2% of respondents in Kadamjai

chose the option, “They are concerned for the

environment,” – a higher response rate than for

any other district in Kyrgyzstan. However,

compared to districts, residents’ specific views

in Kadamjai were somewhat vague.

Whilst most community environmental fears

described in interviews were highly generalized,

some respondents did express more concrete

views on mining’s impacts. In interviews,

specific concerns were primarily to do with

pollution from company vehicles (air pollution,

diesel contamination and noise) and with fears

of arsenic being released into the environment.

Recommendations

Despite intra-community conflicts, pro- and

anti-mining factions in Kadamjai appear to be

able to resolve their differences amicably, at

least for the moment.

Whilst local people may feel that they can

resolve disputes between themselves amicably,

the same cannot be said for disputes between

local people and mining companies. In the

absence of concrete views on the pros and cons

of mining, many community respondents

44% 52%

10%

27%

46%

21%

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

Kadamjai Nationwide

DK/NA

No

Yes

Do you think the information you receive from local government officials is reliable?


Page | 46

appear to have decided on a flat rejection of

whatever the companies may have to offer.

When asked what opportunities mining might

bring for local businessmen, some participants

said there was nothing the company could do

for them.

Perhaps as a result of these hostile attitudes

towards mining companies, respondents

expressed mixed views about the idea of

outside NGOs working on conflict mitigation in

their communities.

So, although there is a clear need for

relationship-building between mining

companies and local communities in Kadamjai,

any organization undertaking such a project

would have to tread carefully. During Oxus

International’s research no local organisations

were identified which might already be active in

conflict mitigation, so the impetus for such an

initiative would likely have to come from

outside the community. For that reason, such a

project could face problems of mistrust and

hostility from some local residents.

Similar to Talas, Kadamjai shows some of the

most promising potential for improvements in

company-community relations because of

interest from the companies working there.

Engagement efforts here should include both

direct company-community exchanges and

exchanges with the local government. Past

efforts have demonstrated that when only the

government is used as an information

intermediary, the information is not often

effectively relayed to the community and many

community members feel they are being

ignored.

Environmental concerns in Kadamjai were often

based on what appeared to be poor

information. An effort to actively disseminate

trustworthy environmental impact information

may go some way in directing community

oversight efforts to more useful ends, and could

minimize some of the current conflict between

companies and the community.

Civil society organizations could also be served

well by assisting the local government in

creating formal communication mechanisms for

stakeholder exchanges.

Any organization seeking to work in the area

needs a thorough risk assessment framework to

identify the potential for project activities

exacerbate tensions and increase the likelihood

for conflict. Project activities in Kadamjai should

not begin until such an assessment has been

made.


CONCLUSIONS

Page | 47

In all of the sources of company-community

conflict, and community perceptions of

mining companies, there are none which are

particularly unusual or unique to Kyrgyzstan.

The sorts of grievances which respondents

have raised – environmental concerns, labour

disputes, accusations of corruption, etc. – are

typical of mining-affected communities

throughout the developing world.

As for why this issue has arisen now the

answer may simply be one of numbers. The

Bakiev-era (2005-2010) saw a spate of

mineral exploration licenses issued to a huge

range of companies, and many of the

companies working under these licenses are

now approaching the point where they want

to ramp up to full-scale mining operations. As

their presence in local communities increases,

tensions are also increasing.

There is also the potential that the political

upheaval of 2010 led to decreased faith in

authorities. The lack of rule of law and sense

of impunity from the national government in

rural areas of the country may have

exacerbated some of the current tensions.

Although company-community conflict in

Kyrgyzstan is typical of that in other

developing countries worldwide, this is not to

suggest that the Kyrgyz case is entirely

without its own facets. Indeed, the situation

in Kyrgyzstan is notable for the extreme

aversion which local residents feel towards

the use of cyanide in gold mining. This likely

has its roots in the 1998 Kumtor cyanide spill

which, as attested to in this research, has had

a profound effect on perceptions of mining in

Kyrgyzstan. Many respondents during the

research process were also highly fearful of

radiation in any sort of mining – this fear may

have its roots in Kyrgyzstan’s long history as a

uranium producer in the Soviet Union.5

There is one facet of company-community

conflict, often speculated about in mining

industry circles in Bishkek, which this report

has found little evidence for. That is, the

suggestion that community animosity

towards mining companies is generally stirred

up by, and funded by, commercial-criminal

groups who are operating on their own

agendas. Every key informant interviewed for

this report was asked whether community

opposition to mining companies was

influenced by outside groups, and the vast

majority replied emphatically that it was not.

Moreover, each survey respondent was

asked, “In your opinion, what is the single

most important reason why people protest

against mining companies in your district?”

and only 0.3% chose “they are paid to

protest” (whereas 61% said it was because of

environmental concerns).

The principal drivers of company-community

problems appear to be in keeping with those

identified in international literature on the

subject.6 If there is one unifying driver of

conflict in the Kyrgyz mining industries, the

evidence presented here suggests that it is

companies’ lack of healthy relationships with

the communities in which they operate. Most

are thought of as distant, self-interested,

5 Uranium Mining in Kyrgyzstan, Uranium

Investment News website, accessed 20th

August 2012. http://uraniuminvestingnews.com/4818/uranium-mining-in-kyrgyzstan.html 6 See, for example, Getting it Right, Luc Zandvliet and

Mary B. Anderson, 2009.

Overall Conclusions

http://uraniuminvestingnews.com/4818/uranium-mining-in-kyrgyzstan.html

http://uraniuminvestingnews.com/4818/uranium-mining-in-kyrgyzstan.html

Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 CONCLUSIONS

Page | 48

underhand and answerable to no-one.

Most companies, on the other hand, consider

themselves to be pragmatic and well-

intentioned towards local communities, trying

hard to make the best of difficult situations. It

is this disparity in perspectives, and

companies’ accompanying lack of a “social

license to operate,” which is the principal

common thread in mining industry conflict in

Kyrgyzstan. Conversely, the few examples of

good company-community relations

identified in this report have been found

where precisely the opposite situation occurs:

where companies have healthy dialogue with

local people, and a mutual understanding and

respect exists between parties. Best and

worst practices were seen among local and

foreign companies. Below are some

examples.

Best practices identified during research:

Company is easily accessible and

respectful to the community;

Company engages in community

development that is mutually beneficial;

Company engages in development driven

by what the community deems is most

important;

Company engages directly with the

community, rather than through

intermediaries;

Engagement begins at or before initial

fieldwork.

Worst practices identified during research:

Company is inaccessible, with no formal

mechanism for engagement;

Company disseminates information

passively or through intermediaries

Development done without significant

community input;

Company delays engagement until after

significant fieldwork has commenced.

When things go wrong with the company-

community relationship, one of the most

explicit ways in which the breakdown

manifests itself appears to be the

entrenchment of a protests-for-concessions

culture. Looking to the future, if companies

are successful in building strong and mutually

respectful relationships with the communities

in which they operate, one could expect this

type of behaviour to be reduced.

During the research process, many

suggestions from community respondents

were collected on how outside organisations

could best improve company-community

relations. These ranged from providing local

people with reliable information on the

environmental impacts of mining, to training

local people in advocacy and legal to improve

their ability to negotiate successfully with

companies and defend their rights. Both

approaches would undoubtedly bring benefits

for mining-affected communities but, as

organisations look towards conflict mitigation

in the Kyrgyz mining industries, this report

concludes by urging a degree of caution:

conflict is fundamentally a company-

community problem. Until company-

community relationships improve, conflict

mitigation is likely to have only modest

success. It is the relationship between

companies and communities which should be

targeted above all else in any planned conflict

mitigation project.

extracting sentiments the effect of mining exploration and extraction on eight communities in the ky

Documents

mining companies

gold mining

chatkal findings

naryn findings

kadamjai findings

jumgal findings

talas findings

statistical findings