expression and interpretation of negation: a bidirectional ot typology
DESCRIPTION
Expression and interpretation of negation: a bidirectional OT typology. Henri ëtte de Swart Utrecht University. Expressing negation. Natural languages: ways to express negation/denial : not . First-order propositional connective Natural languages: negative indefinites , nobody . - PowerPoint PPT PresentationTRANSCRIPT
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Expression and interpretation of negation: a bidirectional OT typology
Henriëtte de Swart
Utrecht University
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Expressing negation
Natural languages: ways to express negation/denial: not.
First-order propositional connective Natural languages: negative indefinites, nobody.
First-order quantifier x.
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Negation and cognition
Assumption: something like or something equivalent to first-order logic part of general human cognition.
Prediction: negation and negative quantifiers behave alike across languages.
Prediction falsified by data.
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Quanta Costa?
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DN and NC
Nobody said nothing. (Eng) xy
Niemand zei niets. (Dutch) xy
Nadie miraba a nadie. (Spa) xy
Nessuno ha parlato con nessuno. (Ital) xy
Personne n’a rien dit. (Fr)ambiguous
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Negation in context
Double negation versus negative concord
negative quantifiers versus n-words.
In isolation: same form, same meaning.
In a sequence: same forms, different meanings.
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De Swart & Sag (2002)
Lexical claim: n-words denote negative quantifiers, just like negative indefinites.Syntax-semantics interface (HPSG): N-store collects all negative quantifiers; interpretation upon retrieval.Semantic claim: polyadic quantification. Iteration double negation. Resumption negative concord.
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Main insights
Polyadic quantification/HPSG grammar: defines space of possible meanings in language.No lexical difference between negative quantifiers and n-words. No ‘hidden’ negations in syntax.Retrieval determines meaning at the syntax-semantics interface.
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Grammar and typology
Grammar does not predict when iteration or resumption arises.
Cross-linguistic variation: typology.
Two main classes: negative concord languages (NC) and double negation languages (DN).
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Modeling typology?
Richter and Sailer (2006): complement general rules of grammar with language specific constraints.
NC languages: Negation Complexity constraint (Romance, Slavic..).
DN languages: Negation Faithfulness constraint (English, German, ..).
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Evaluation
Why do languages ‘bother’ to develop these additional constraints?
Relation between constraints? Typological theory?
How to account for language change in the system of negation?
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Typology in OT
All constraints are universal.
Constraints are soft (violable).
Ranking of constraints determined by language-specific grammar.
Typology by reranking.
Diachronic change: (gradual) process of promotion/demotion of constraints.
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Syntax-semantics interface
OT syntax: choose the optimal form for a given meaning.
OT semantics: choose the optimal interpretation for a given form.
Bi-directional OT: evaluate pairs of form and meaning.
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Propositional negation
Production issue: how does a language express the meaning p?
FaithNeg: reflect non-affirmativity of the input in the output.
Faithfulness constraint
‘double-edged’ constraint: both in OT syntax, and in OT semantics.
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Markedness of negation
*Neg: avoid negation in the output.
Markedness constraint
FaithNeg >> *Neg
Ranking fixed across languages
Negation is marked in form/meaning (opposed to affirmation).
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Propositional negation
Meaning
form FaithNeg *Neg
It is raining *
It is not raining *
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Negative sentences
It is not raining. [English]
No vino Pedro. [Spanish] Not came Pedro.
Ni fydd Sioned yna. [Welsh]
Not be.fut Sioned there.
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Interpretation
F\form It is not raining
meaning FaithNeg *Neg
*
*
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Bi-directional optimization
f: it is raining
f’: it is not raining
m: m’:
FNeg *Neg
<raining, >
<raining, > * *
<not raining, > * *
<not raining, > **
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Indefinites under negation
Production: how do languages express the meaning x1 x2 x3 P(x1, x2, x3)?
Three cases: o plain indefinites, o negative polarity items, o n-words.
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indefinites
Example: Dutch, Turkish, ..
Ik heb niet onmiddellijk iets gekocht.
I have not immediately something bought.
Niemand heeft iets aan iemand gezegd.
No one has something to someone said.
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Negative polarity items
Languages in which plain indefinites are positive polarity items may use negative polarity items.
Example: English, Basque, ..
*I did not buy something
I did not buy anything.
Nobody said anything to anyone.
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N-words
Languages in which plain indefinites are positive polarity items may use n-words.
N-words denote x in isolation, but express a single negative statement together with sentential negation or other n-words (x1 x2 x3).
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Example: Spanish
A: Qué viste? B: Nada
A: What did you see? B: nothing.
No vino nadie.
Not came nobody.
Nadie miraba a nadie
Nobody looked at nobody.
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NPIs and n-words
N-words denote x in isolation, NPIs (n particular minimizers) denote x.NPIs have to be licensed, n-words are ‘self-licensing’ (preverbal, fragment answers).Negative concord is limited to anti-additive contexts, many NPIs occur in decreasing or non-veridical contexts.
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N-words in OT
N-words mark ‘negative’ variables (Corblin and Tovena 2003).
Functional motivation: mark focus of negation (Haspelmath 1997).
In OT terms: faithfulness constraint MaxNeg.
MaxNeg: Mark an argument under negation as negative (use negative indefinites in the scope of an anti-additive operator).
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Constraint interaction
Relevant Rankings (OT syntax)
FaithNeg >> *Neg >> MaxNeg
[produce indefinites]
FaithNeg >> MaxNeg >> *Neg
[produce n-words]
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Indefinites (production)
Meaning x1x2
Form FNeg *Neg MaxNeg
indef+indef * **
neg+indef * *
neg+neg **
Dutch, German, Turkish,..
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N-word (production)
Meaning x1x2
Form FNeg MaxNeg *Neg
indef+indef * **
neg+indef * *
neg+neg **
Romance, Slavic, Greek, Hungarian..
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Interpretation
Issue: Does a sequence of neg items that express x in isolation express a single or a double (multiple) negation?
InterpretNeg (IntNeg): Interpret all neg expressions in the input as contributing a negative meaning in the output.
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Ranking
MaxNeg and IntNeg are mirror images of each other (syntax/semantics).
Relevant rankings to consider for interpretation:
FaithNeg >> *Neg >> IntNeg [NC]
FaithNeg >> IntNeg >> *Neg [DN]
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DN (interpretation)
Form neg+neg
Meaning FNeg IntNeg *Neg
x1x2 * **
x1x2 * *
x1x2 **
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NC (Interpretation)
Form neg+neg
Meaning FNeg *Neg IntNeg
x1x2 * **
x1x2 * *
x1x2 **
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Bi-directional grammar
Negative concord:
MaxNeg >> *Neg >> IntNeg
‘Mark negative variables’
Double negation:
IntNeg >> *Neg >> MaxNeg
‘First-order compositional meaning’
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Results so far
Whether a neg expression is interpreted as a negative quantifier or as an n-word depends on bi-directional grammar, not on lexical meaning (uniformly ).
Constraints are universal, ranking is language-specific (NC vs. DN).
Reranking = typology in OT
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Other rankings?
Three constraints allow 6 rankings:
MaxNeg >> *Neg >> IntNeg NC
MaxNeg >> IntNeg >> *Neg unstable
*Neg >> MaxNeg >> IntNeg unstable
*Neg >> IntNeg >> MaxNeg unstable
IntNeg >> MaxNeg >> *Neg unstable
IntNeg >> *Neg >> MaxNeg DN
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Recoverability problem
meaning
form MaxNeg IntNeg *Neg
neg+indef * *
neg+neg **
form neg+neg
meaning
* **
**
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Sentential negation
Haspelmath (1997): subtypes of negative indefinites, depending on relation to marker of negation.
o Class I: SN mandatory (Rumanian, Greek, Afrikaans, Polish,..) (strict NC)
o Class II: SN impossible (Dutch, English)o Class III: SN with postverbal n-words only
(Italian, Spanish, Portuguese). (non-strict NC)
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Non-strict NC: asymmetry
Preverbal versus postverbal n-words, e.g. Spanish, Portuguese, Italian, ..
Maria non ha parlato con nessuno.
Maria sn has talked to nobody.
Nessuno ha parlato con nessuno.
*Maria ha parlato di niente con nessuno
*Nessuno non ha parlato con nessuno.
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Non-strict NC in OT
NegFirst: Negation is preverbal (Horn)
Postverbal n-word with SN (Ladusaw 1992: clausal scope).
meaning Vx
form NegFirst MaxNeg *Neg
V neg * *
sn V neg **
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Preverbal n-word
Relevant for production only!
meaning xV
form NegFirst MaxNeg *Neg IntNeg
neg V *
neg sn V **
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Strict NC: mandatory SN
Negative indefinites always co-occur with SN: Rumanian, Greek, Polish,..
Nikt nie przyszekl [Polish]
Nobody SN came.
Nie widzialam nikogo.
SN saw nobody
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Strict NC in OT
MaxSN: a negative clause must bear a marker of sentential negation (sn)
Relevant for production only!
Meaning x1Vx2
form MaxSN MaxNeg *Neg
neg V neg * **
neg sn V neg ***
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Special Case: Catalan
En Pere no ha fet res.
The Peter SN has done nothing.
*En Pere ha fet res.
Ningú (no) ha vist en Joan.
Nobody (SN) has seen John.
Preverbal SN required for postverbal n-word, optional for preverbal n-word.
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Postverbal n-word
NegFirst active: insertion of SN.
meaning form NegFirst MaxSN < >*Neg
Vx V neg * * *
sn V neg **
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Pre-verbal n-word
MaxSN and *Neg equal in ranking.
Language change in progress: Spanish influence leads to demotion MaxSN.
meaning form NegFrst MaxSN< >*Neg
x1Vx2 neg V neg * **
neg sn V neg ***
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Special case: French
Written French: type I language, preverbal ne always required.
Il ne vient pas. Il ne dit rien.
He SN comes SN. He SN says nothing.
Spoken French: demotion of MaxSN.
Il vient pas. Il dit rien. He comes SN He says nothing
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Written French
Preverbal ànd postverbal n-words require ne: Il ne dit rien.
meaning form MaxSN *Neg
Vx V neg * *
ne V neg **
ne V pas neg ***
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Spoken FrenchNeither preverbal nor postverbal n-word requires ne: Il dit rien.
Language change in progress: demotion of MaxSN.
meaning Vx
form *Neg MaxSN
V neg * *
ne V neg **
V pas neg ** *
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Negative clauses
Written French: Il ne vient pas
Meaning P(a)
form FNeg MaxSN *Neg
NP ne V * *
NP V pas * * NP ne V pas **
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Negative clauses
Spoken French: Il vient pas.
Meaning P(a)
form FaithNeg *Neg MaxSN
NP ne V * *
NP V pas * * NP ne V pas **
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Double negation
DN in French: (ne..) pas + n-word.
Il n’est pas venu pour rien. He SN has not come for nothing. ‘He has not come for nothing.’ [DN]
Unexpected: combination pas + n-word does not come out as optimal form in tableaux so far.
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Weak bi-directional optimality
Weak bi-directional optimality: ‘superoptimality’ (Blutner)
Unmarked forms-unmarked meanings; marked forms-marked meanings.
<f1,m1> <f1,m2> <f2,m1> <f2,m2>
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DN in French
Input [f,m]
f1: neg; f2: pas+neg
m1: xp; m2: xp
*Neg IntNeg
[neg, xp] **
[neg, xp] ***
[pas+neg, xp] *** *
[pas+neg, xp] ****
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DN in Afrikaans
Hy het nie haar verjaarsdag vergeet nie. He has sn her birthday forgotten sn ‘Her sister didn’t forget her birthday.’
Hulle het nooit gesing nie. They have never sung sn ‘They have never sung.’ [NC]
Hy kon nie niemand gesien het nie. He could sn nobody saw has sn ‘He could not have seen nobody’ [DN]
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DN in Italian
Non-strict NC languages: block sentential negation with preverbal n-words.Marginal DN readings, e.g. Italian (Zanuttini 1991).Nessuno degli studenti non è venuto.
None of the students sn is come. ‘None of the students hasn’t come’ [DN]
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DN in Welsh
Fuo’ fo *(ddim) yn gweithio erioed. be.past.3sg he SN prog work never. ‘He has never worked.’ [NC]
Dydy hi erioed ddim wedi helpu. neg.be3sg she never SN perf help ‘She has never not helped.’ [DN]
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Lexicon or grammar?
Pas always incompatible with n-words, so lexical account de Swart & Sag OK.Afrikaans nie, Italian non and Welsh ddim not incompatible with n-words, but DN readings in certain configurations.OT analysis predicts DN readings in cases in which presence of SN is not required by OT syntax.
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Conclusions of the day I
DN languages first-order compositional, NC languages require resumptive quantification, because they mark ‘negative variables’, .
Bi-directional OT grammar leads to typology of negation in terms of ranking of three constraints: MaxNeg, IntNeg and *Neg.
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Conclusions of the day II
Marker of SN gets absorbed in resumptive polyadic quantifier, and plays no role in semantics of NC.Role of marker of SN: purely syntactic (scope marker: strict vs. non-strict NC).Weak bi-directional optimality: DN readings in configurations where SN is not required to express NC.