exploring the politics and policy surrounding senior center gambling activities

Journal of Aging Studies 19 (2005) 85–107

www.elsevier.com/locate/jaging

Exploring the politics and policy surrounding

senior center gambling activities

Jennifer Higgins*

P.O. Box 3388, Amherst, MA 01004, United States

Received 16 September 2003; received in revised form 21 December 2003; accepted 23 January 2004

Abstract

Gambling is a controversial activity that is supported by some but opposed by others for a variety of reasons that

are largely ethical, moral, and religious. These issues have been in place a long time and will continue. But gambling

has become even more controversial because of the ever-expanding dependence of local and state governments on

gambling and gambling-related tax revenue as a source of support for their programs, including senior centers. This

dissertation research addresses the politics and policy surrounding the relationship between gambling and senior

centers. The results indicate that senior center gambling is on the local agenda of nearly all of the case study

communities. A variety of issues relating to senior center gambling was found, including evidence of the negative

impact of dependence on gambling-generated revenues for centers and their clientele. These findings have

implications for future research and for practice and policy relating to senior center gambling activities. In particular,

these findings suggest the need for further investigation of the independent roles of historical, political, and cultural

factors in the development of gambling regulations and their respective impacts on the agenda-setting process.

D 2004 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

Keywords: Senior center; Director; Gambling activities; Gambling regulations; Agenda setting

1. Introduction

This dissertation research (Higgins, 2003) uses case studies to explore the gambling experiences of

staff and users in American senior centers. While this area has only recently begun to be investigated, it

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J. Higgins / Journal of Aging Studies 19 (2005) 85–10786

has important implications for senior center staffs and users. Gambling is different from other addictions,

which have been studied elsewhere. These addictions have been shown to have biological components,

which, despite a thorough review of the gambling literature, has yet to be demonstrated convincingly.

Recent research indicates that it is the pressure to market enticing activities that has led some directors to

be concerned that their centers may in fact be contributing to problem gambling among seniors (Higgins,

2001). Gosker (1999) has also found evidence that casinos with questionable marketing practices are

targeting senior centers. Recognizing that older adults are reliable spenders with leisure time to visit

casinos often, some casinos send charter buses to senior centers right after beneficiaries receive their

Social Security checks. According to Gosker, the industry has even coined terms such as bthe third-of-

the-month clubQ to describe these sought-after patrons. In order to present a fuller picture of these issues,

case studies were used to make inferences about the history of senior center gambling activity offerings.

This dissertation research is premised upon the notion that the decision to offer such activities is

significantly influenced by cultural and political factors of the community at large and is not a decision

made exclusively by center users or staff. Thus, an array of respondents from each of the case study

communities could provide useful information about the degree to and manner in which senior center

gambling decisions are made.

2. Senior centers

The Older Americans Act (OAA) was passed in 1965 to promote the well being of the elderly. The

Act required each state to have an agency on aging to plan for the use of and disburse federal funds. At

the federal level, the U.S. Administration on Aging coordinates OAA programs (Atchley, 1994). The

OAA emphasizes the multipurpose senior center’s role as a community facility for the organization of a

broad array of services for the older person (Gelfand, 1999; OAA, 1989). While there is wide variation

in the form of senior centers, this study defines bsenior centerQ as a physical facility with a staff, offering

a wide range of aging services, that is publicly funded. Senior centers are governed by councils on aging

(COA), elected bodies, often comprised largely of senior citizens, who report directly to their town or

municipal government. While there are term limits to these elected positions, many localities have

difficulty filling vacancies when they become available, so that officials in some municipalities have

retained their positions for many years, a fact which in some cases has significant consequences for

programmatic or policy change.

3. Senior centers and gambling

Senior center funding is related to participation, so there is an economic benefit for centers to provide

popular activities. Direct economic benefits to centers are realized through revenues generated by

program fees. The more popular the activity, therefore, the greater the participation and higher the

program revenue. Popular programs such as on-site bingo or off-site gambling trips have real profit-

making potential for senior centers. But there are additional reasons why activity and senior center

directors are under considerable pressure to arrange interesting activities. According to a Massachusetts

Association of Area Agencies on Aging spokesman, centers benefit economically by increasing

membership as well (personal interview, 2001). In addition to the discretionary funding made available

J. Higgins / Journal of Aging Studies 19 (2005) 85–107 87

to senior centers through municipal governments, senior centers often receive revenue from what are

called COA friend groups, groups which raise money for seniors in towns but whose monies are not

controlled by the town. A senior center may seek additional revenue from either of these sources if, for

example, the popularity of a particular program necessitated the hiring of additional staff. The funding

structure of senior centers, therefore, compels senior center staff to become marketers, promoting

popular activities using a variety of media to increase participation in order to raise revenue for personnel

costs.

4. Senior centers and problem gambling

This pressure to market enticing activities is what has led some directors to be concerned that their

centers may in fact be contributing to problem gambling among seniors. Their concern is supported by

recent research which indicates that senior center gambling activities contribute to problem gambling

(Higgins, 2001). For example, one Massachusetts director reported that along with an increase in

gambling offerings, she has witnessed an increase in the rate of problem gambling at her center. She

witnessed excessive black jack playing by several older males on senior center sponsored trips. This

director expressed concern about the black jack playing but felt powerless to control it because she did

not want to anger the men by confronting them. She also stated that she did not want to risk losing their

participation at her center that has very few male members. Another director reported that she had to

intervene on behalf of a council on aging member who was being offered free trips by casinos for

enlisting center members for the gambling trips. Gosker (1999) has also found evidence that casinos with

questionable marketing practices are targeting senior centers. Recognizing that older adults are reliable

spenders with leisure time to visit casinos often, some casinos send charter buses to senior centers right

after beneficiaries receive their Social Security checks. According to Gosker, the industry has even

coined terms such as bthe third-of-the-month clubQ to describe these sought-after patrons. Directors

interviewed for the Massachusetts study reported that present practices do not protect seniors from the

development of pathological gambling behaviors (Higgins, 2001). For example, several senior centers

provided lectures by Gamblers Anonymous speakers as a means of safeguarding members from

developing gambling problems. These lectures, however, were at best sparsely attended. What has yet to

be determined is why these sessions are unpopular among older adults despite their reported popularity

and effectiveness among younger individuals (Novak, 1999).

5. Agenda setting

John Kingdon’s (1995) policy analysis framework provides a basis for explaining why subjects such

as senior center gambling appear on policy agendas. Advancing subjects onto agendas, Kingdon

maintains, requires an understanding of how agenda setting (the political end of the spectrum) and

alternative specification (the policy analysis end) can be affected and by which participants. This can be

accomplished by examining the three streams of processes involved: problems, policies, and politics

(Kingdon, 1995). People recognize problems, they generate proposals for public policy changes, and

they engage in political activities such as lobbying. Moreover, participants and processes can act as an

impetus or as a constraint. As an impetus, a participant propels a subject higher on an agenda or


advances an alternative into more active consideration. As a constraint, the participant or process

suppresses discussion of a subject or alternative.

According to Kingdon, a distinction must also be made between visible and hidden participants in the

agenda-setting process. Visible participants, those who receive considerable press and public attention,

include high-level appointees and the media, for example. Hidden participants, those who generate

policy proposals in communities of specialists that are largely hidden from public view, include

academicians, career bureaucrats, and congressional staffers. Kingdon maintains that visible participants

affect the agenda and that the hidden clusters affect the alternatives.

What is perhaps most important for understanding the way in which alternatives are selected is what

Kingdon calls bcouplingQ and bwindowsQ. There are times when the three separate streams of problems,

policies, and politics are joined, or coupled. When a pressing problem demands immediate attention, a

policy proposal is linked to the problem as its solution. Open windows present opportunities for the

complete linkage of problems, proposals, and politics, and hence opportunities to advance packages of

the three elements joined up on decision agendas. What has yet to be determined is what options are

being considered when senior center gambling becomes an issue. It would also be important to know

how these options are evaluated with respect to technical and value acceptability.

Kingdon’s framework provides a useful model for development of research questions that examine

the phenomenon of gambling at senior centers, programs available to regulate the problem, and the

political climate in which the particular programs are likely to be accepted. This framework allows for

the examination of the distinct roles and processes involved in the definition of senior center gambling as

a social problem.

6. Gambling as a social and political issue

As with other politically sensitive issues, there are competing social principles involved in the issue of

gambling. Proponents of gambling claim that it leads to benefits for society beyond the recreational

pleasure of gamblers. Casinos and state-sponsored lotteries contribute to public coffers (Eadington,

1998; U.S. GAO, 2000a, 2000b). American Demographics reports that US$16 billion in gambling

privilege taxes were paid to state and local governments in 1995. Casinos are also hailed for providing

significant employment opportunities. For example, Foxwoods, which employs approximately 11,000

workers, is the largest employer in southeastern Connecticut (Daily Hampshire Gazette, 1998).

However, opponents claim that the social consequences of gambling outweigh the benefits. There are

a number of public officials and private citizens who believe that crime rates have increased as a result of

casino expansion in particular. Research on the impact of gambling on local crime rates has produced

somewhat contradictory evidence. Early research indicates that there may be slight increases in motor

vehicle theft attributable to gambling (Lester, 1998). Kindt (1994) argues that the increase in criminal

justice system costs associated with crimes will outweigh the tax revenues received by communities

from casinos. Thompson, Gazel and Rickman (1996) similarly argue that the arrests for drunken driving,

prostitution, and a number of other crimes around casinos will cost society a great deal of money.

However, more recent research does not support the hypothesized connection between gambling and

increased crime (Convenience Gambling, U.S. GAO, 2000; Eadington, 1998; Impact of Gambling, U.S.

GAO, 2000; Lester, 1998). Earlier research is criticized for using per capita crime rates that do not

include tourists in the population counts. Critics contend that while there is likely an increase in the raw


amount of crime in casino-infested communities, street or bpeople trafficQ crimes are no higher than that

of casino-free communities when tourists are included in the average daily population count (Miller &

Schwartz, 1998). In fact, critics further argue that increases in crime rates in New Jersey localities with

casinos, for example, are comparable to the rates found in non-casino localities (Ochrym, 1988).

7. Gambling as a philosophical issue

Questions are raised by the competing philosophical principles involved in the issue of gambling.

Views diverge regarding the responsibility for protecting those who cannot help themselves. One view

maintains that society has a responsibility to protect individuals from themselves when their behavior

is self-neglectful. The second view maintains that development of public policy is unnecessary when

individual behavior has no effect on society at large. However, since the behavior of a single person

almost always affects others, some feel that society must protect individuals from themselves when

their behavior affects others adversely. One behavior that is now becoming a concern for policymakers

is gambling. If gambling has absolutely no effect on others, then rules or policies are unnecessary.

However, compulsive pathological gambling can render individuals dependent on others. It is clear

that some seniors, for instance, will be pathological gamblers and that some are likely to become

wards either of unprepared and possibly unwilling family members or of the state. The question is

whether and how can senior gamblers be offered protections which will not compromise their

independence.

8. Senior gambling as an issue

Contemporary psychological literature focuses predominantly on the definition and identification of

pathological gambling. Pathological gambling among seniors, in particular, is a serious concern. The

Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-IV) classifies pathological gambling as an

impulse control disorder. Pathological gambling has been conceptualized in several theoretical

frameworks. The American Psychiatric Association defines it bas a chronic progressive failure to resist

impulses to gamble, and gambling behavior that compromises, disrupts, or damages personal, family, or

vocational pursuitsQ (American Psychiatric Association, 1994). Recent research has revealed a

pathological gambling prevalence rate of 3–7% of the adult population (Kweitel & Allen, 1998;

Sylvain, Ladouceur, & Boisvert, 1997). The only known research on senior gambling indicates a

pathological gambling rate of 1.2% of the older adult population of Manitoba (Kennedy & Dubenski,

media conference, 2000). This study further reports that if all elder gamblers with any sort of problem

are included, the rates are higher, e.g., problem and pathological gamblers combined represent 3.8% of

the elder population of Manitoba.

An important issue identified by the Manitoba research is the negative effect of others’ gambling on

older adults, including economic, physical, and emotional consequences. Five percent of seniors in the

Manitoba study reported being negatively affected by the gambling of their spouses, children, or

friends. Nearly all of these seniors reported having experienced these effects for two or more years

(Kennedy & Dubenski, media conference, 2000). Some experts believe that older adults may be at

greater risk for problems related to pathological gambling because of, among other issues, loneliness,


free time, boredom, and economics (Glazer, 1998; Gosker, 1999). For instance, many older adults

receive their retirement money in a lump sum, a fact that is particularly troubling when one considers

that the per capita spending among gamblers is highest for those of middle age, 45–64 (Report to the

National Gambling Impact Study, 1999). A person addicted to gambling may perceive this money to

be his last chance to make it bbigQ and risk losing it all by gambling. Furthermore, recent evidence

shows that gamblers’ bets increase with age, a fact which raises numerous implications about the

relationship between senior centers and gambling activities (Report to the National Gambling Impact

Study, 1999).

The implications of the relationship between senior centers and problem gambling are as yet

uncertain. While there is currently no conclusive evidence of the contribution of senior center

gambling activities to the development of gambling problems by center users, some directors have

expressed the view that by offering gambling activities, they are endorsing gambling and may thus be

unwittingly contributing to the development of senior gambling problems (Higgins, 2001). Critics

contend, however, that the lack of evidence of a direct association indicates that center involvement in

gambling activities contributes little to the problem gambling because users will find a way to gamble

with or without the center (Higgins, 2001). Some would further contend that center involvement

actually serves to contain problem gambling because it offers a monitored setting for gambling

(Higgins, 2001).

9. Method

Seven case studies of senior center directors, board members, and local, state, and church officials

were conducted during the summer of 2001. Data from these case studies were examined to provide an

overview of American senior centers currently dealing with the issue of senior center gambling. For the

purposes of this research, senior center gambling refers to formal activities that include the wagering of

money and that are offered either at the senior center or away from the senior center. These case studies

allowed for the examination of the agenda-setting process that characterizes the issue of senior center

gambling.

Topics of the case study questions include the extent to which gambling at senior centers is on the

local agenda and, if so, what events or individuals contributed to its being put on the agenda. Additional

topics included what, if any, policies are being considered to deal with the issue of senior center

gambling, and the extent to which these policies are perceived to be effective, feasible, and satisfactory

to respondents.

9.1. Sample selection

Case study sites were chosen upon the suggestion of gambling experts who were familiar with the

issue of senior center gambling and who could identify those communities that were presently involved

in the issue of senior problem gambling to varying degrees. In order to protect the identities of the

informants, senior centers and their case study communities have been assigned pseudonyms.

Interviews of informants in Edenville, Emerald City, Fortunato, Finnegan’s Wake, Old Phoenix,

Sovereign Woods, and Elderado were conducted. Finnegan’s Wake was particularly interesting

because the town, which is located in the northeast, was embroiled in debate over a referendum that


would allow the development of gambling casinos. (Since the collection of the case study data, the

referendum has been passed and the town is now in the process of developing casinos.) Also in the

northeast, Emerald City is located in a region that is home to two of the world’s three largest

gambling casinos. Cities that have only recently begun to explore the issue of senior center

gambling, including Finnegan’s Wake and Fortunato, provided data that were in contrast to that

which was gathered in cities like Old Phoenix, located in the Southwest, where gambling has been

legal for decades, or in cities like Sovereign Woods, located on the West Coast, which has recently

begun to offer problem gambling prevention programs in senior centers. Edenville, a northeastern

site that has prohibited senior center gambling activities, offered insight into the factors involved in

making that decision.

9.2. Case study design

Each of the seven case studies included a series of standard questions and follow-up probes designed

to elicit information believed to be helpful for addressing the study questions. The researcher took

detailed notes during the interviews and transcribed these data immediately following the interviews.

Questions that were addressed through the interview revolved around the following broad areas:

! the extent to which the issue of senior center gambling was on the local agenda;

! the specific events that contributed to the issue of senior center gambling’s being put on the local

agenda;

! the specific individuals who were perceived to be responsible for putting this issue on the local

agenda;

! the programs or policies that have been put in place to deal with any senior center gambling problems

and their perceived effectiveness; and

! the extent to which any senior center gambling issues have been resolved.

Open-ended questions were emphasized. This approach meant that participants were free to discuss

what they perceived to be important, but it also meant that the perspectives of respondents did not always

correspond with one another. For instance, some center staff members reported keeping insufficient data

on center gambling activities and provided responses that were somewhat contradictory. In such cases,

additional interviews were sought with other respondents to allow for a more complete assessment of the

community’s experience.

9.3. Case study analysis

Telephone interviews with informants were conducted to determine what cultural, historical, and

political factors play a role in the offering of senior center gambling activities. A total of 32 one-hour

interviews were conducted. Of this total, interviews were conducted with 16 state and local officials, 7

senior center directors, 6 senior center members, and 3 church officials. Content analyses of the case

study data were conducted in order to describe the experiences of each of the case study communities. In

other words, the total contents of the telephone communiques were reduced to a set of categories that

were guided by the themes of this research and that yielded patterns in responses. For this particular

study, content analysis involved synthesis of data collected through individual case study interviews,


focusing on the topic areas outlined above. A discussion of the case study findings is provided in the

next section.

10. Emerald City

For the past 25 years, the Emerald City Senior Center has been an integral part of its northeastern

community. The center receives nearly 100% of its annual budget from the town. A Senior Affairs

Commission governs the center. This commission consists of center users and staff, as well as members

of the community. Each commission member is appointed to a 2-year term and may be reappointed for

an unlimited number of terms. While the commission addresses matters related to the center’s budget

and policies, staff are responsible for daily decision making. With respect to decisions about activity

programming, the director of the center said that she solicits activity suggestions from center users, but

bstaff makes ultimate programming decisions based on scheduling, availability of space, and

appropriateness of the suggested activity.QAn important resource for many low- to middle-income older adults, the center offers on-site

activities, including health screenings, arts and crafts, and games like pool, pokeno, and particularly

bingo, a popular game that has been played ever since the center first opened. Off-site activities,

including bus trips to shopping and cultural centers, are also regularly offered.

Gambling offerings have generated a modest amount of revenue for the senior center. Participation

levels in on-site gambling activities are reportedly on a par with other non-gambling activity offerings.

Bingo costs US$0.25 per game and offers a maximum payout of US$3. Keno is played with pennies.

Revenues generated through each of these games are put in a general senior center fund that is used for a

variety of center activities.

On-site gambling activities have not always been popular among senior center users. Due to a drop in

interest in bingo ten years ago, the center considered terminating the games. When asked what may have

accounted for the resurgence in bingo playing at the center, the director was unable to identify a specific

cause.

There are, however, historical and contextual factors that shed light on the temporary reduction in

participation in on-site gambling. In 1992, one of the world’s largest casinos opened near Emerald City

on an old bingo hall site. A major expansion in 1993 added additional gaming areas with slot machines

and large bingo halls. It is possible that the increased availability of bingo at the casino is related to the

reduction in bingo playing at the Emerald City Senior Center, especially given the significantly higher

payouts offered by the casino.

As for off-site gambling activities at the senior center, the director recently discontinued all gambling

trips in the past year. bOur center used to take trips to Atlantic City,Q the director said, bbut it’s a much

bigger problem now that the casinos are five minutes away.Q She expressed concern about what she

called bat-riskQ seniors at her center and indicated that she had witnessed excessive gambling by at least

five center members. bCasinos are offering freebies to elderly housing units and send a bus right over.

Many of these folks are just disabled, she said, not necessarily elderly. They’re spending a lot of money

(gambling) and many of them have severe (gambling) problems.QThe director said that some center members are angry with her for terminating the trips. bOne woman

is absolutely livid with me. She says it is her right to be able to go, but I feel that it is more a problem of

addiction for her than a rights issue,Q she said. The director claimed that she has no concern about losing


members over this controversy, because they still come for other services even if they’re angry. She also

noted that a few members had found other ways of getting to the casinos. In light of the recent upheaval,

the director said that the center may begin to offer additional educational programs, bbut we will keep thestatus quo with the gambling offerings.Q For now, maintaining the status quo may make good business

sense for the center. As it turns out, there has been a steady increase in the bingo participation rates at the

center since the bus trips were terminated.

When asked if other officials in town perceived senior center gambling to be an issue for Emerald

City, the director replied, bNo, the town has not perceived it to be an issue. I wish they would wake up.QIn order to assess the accuracy of this director’s assessment, follow-up interviews were conducted with

Emerald City officials.

Interviews with several city officials confirmed the director’s perception that Emerald City remains

unengaged in the issue of senior center gambling. bTo the best of my knowledge,Q said a councilman, bithasn’t been an issue. The only issue that I can remember was a confrontation over a pool table. Some

old-timers at the center considered the table their territory.Q When asked if it would surprise him to learn

that the director of the senior center indicated that she was having problems with senior center gambling

programs, he said, bI am very cognizant of the gambling problems among the elderly, especially with the

huge numbers of them at the casinos on a regular basis. The problem is that nobody has ever made too

much of an issue of this. It’s a hidden addiction, really.QbThere are a few of us that feel the state really created this problem on its own, once the state initiated

the lottery and sanctioned legal gambling,Q the councilman noted. Referring to the 1993 amendment of

the slot revenue agreement between the state and one Native American tribal nation, he pointed out that

the tribe pays 25% of its slot machine revenue in state taxes. In 2000, the amount of gambling money

collected by the state hit nearly US$600 million, with the two largest portions—US$335 million and

US$254 million—coming from the two Native American casinos. bWhat people don’t realize,Q he said,bis that it has created a bigger problem than it has helped. All of the social service costs and low-income

housing costs that increase by casinos outweigh the benefits.QA second councilman believes that the issue of senior center gambling has been around for a while,

but he admits that Emerald City has not given it much attention. bIf we become aware of its being a

bigger problem, we will give the issue greater attention,Q he said.

In a recent statement, the state senate chair of the Committee on Aging indicated that she had no

knowledge of the issue’s ever being discussed. She also indicated that she had no knowledge that senior

center members were gambling at all when she asked, bThey’re gambling at the senior center? I was

unaware of that.QThe inconsistencies in the accounts of the senior center director and government officials could have

several explanations. The director, who is closer to the origin of any gambling problems at her center,

might not have adequately apprised the local officials of the problems she is experiencing. Government

officials could also be reluctant to recognize gambling problems for fear of further compromising their

already strained relationship with the tribal casinos. The interviews of government officials allude to this

possibility. It may be that officials who are fearful of losing casino-generated revenues for Emerald City

feel compelled to deny that the issue of senior center gambling exists. It appears that the proximity of the

casino has caused the Emerald City Senior Center and the community at large senior gambling problems

with which the center is now forced to contend.

In applying Kingdon’s agenda-setting framework to the Emerald City Senior Center case study, it is

clear that the issue of senior problem gambling is not on the public agenda. While senior problem


gambling is of concern for hidden participants in this case study, visible participants, including state and

local politicians, are not actively engaged in this issue.

11. Elderado

First established in 1990, the Elderado Senior Center serves a small but growing number of

Midwestern older adults. Approximately 80% of the center’s annual budget comes from the community,

including contributions made by the city and the local United Way. The center is governed by a board of

directors, one-third of which is comprised of senior center users and which deals largely with personnel

matters. The board has little to do with the programmatic offerings at the center, decisions about which

are made by the activity director.

A valuable resource for a wide variety of low- to middle-income seniors, including a growing Hmong

population, the center offers on-site activities, including crochet, yoga, computer classes, community

service projects, and games like pool, pinochle, cribbage, and bingo, popular games that have been

offered since the center first opened. Off-site activities, including bus trips to cultural centers and

shopping malls, are regularly offered at the center. One off-site riverboat gambling trip, which was co-

sponsored by a local bank, was offered in 2001.

Said to be one of the most popular activities at the center, on-site gambling activities have generated a

small but important amount of revenue for the center. Pinochle and bingo cost US$.25 per card and offer

a maximum payout of US$1.25. Revenues generated through on-site gambling activities are put into a

general account that is used specifically for center activities.

Little controversy surrounds the offering of on-site gambling. In an interview, the director of the

center said that while she has heard center users periodically discuss how much money they have lost at

nearby casinos, bthe issue [of problem gambling] has not really come up at our center yet.Q According tothe director, the center staff bhad considered offering bus trips to casinos after the successful riverboat

trip last springQ but she bsent the activity director to a recent problem gambling training session

sponsored by the area agency on aging, and when she came back she said that she would not offer trips

after what she learned about problem gambling.Q While the director does not feel comfortable offering

regular gambling trips, she said that she is not btotally opposed to offering them either.QInterviews of several board members confirmed that the center is largely unengaged in the issue of

senior center gambling. bI have never heard of any problems at our center,Q claimed one board member.

What is perhaps most illustrative of the administration of the center is the response obtained from this

board member when he was initially asked about on-site gambling activities. Clearly unfamiliar with the

term, he chuckled and said, bOh no, I don’t think they would allow it.Q Interestingly, the member seemed

not to feel a part of the administration of the center rather, he viewed the director and center staff as the

ones who make decisions about programmatic offerings, a perception that is not only shared by staff but

also promoted by them.

A second board member believes that the center has bno problem with gambling,Q aside from wanting

expanded gambling offerings. bI guess the only problem is that we would like to have more bridge that’s

our only problem,Q he said. bThe men would like to see more bridge. The women have their activities,Qhe said.

A recent interview of a city councilman revealed that he remains unconcerned about the current

gambling activities offered at the senior center. bThe on-site gambling at the center is so small that it’s


not a problem,Q he said. bI visit that center every quarter. They have a US$2.5 million state-of-the-art

center with lots of activities. The seniors are able to do what they wish. I feel we have been very

sensitive to their needs. We do all we can do to accommodate them,Q he continued. bI have not heard of

senior center gambling being an issue. We have a lot of Indian casinos on reservations that run regular

trips. The food and liquor are very cheap. Buses generally leave from the motel, and Indian casinos run

their own buses, so there is no need to go to the senior centers,Q added the councilman. bBecause the

casino gambling is so well handled and so well organized by the Indian casinos, seniors are not

mishandled. They do a good job of watching out for seniors. So, as a public servant, you leave well

enough alone. If there are no problems and everyone is happy, leave well enough alone,Q he said. bNow, Ido know that seniors come up from Illinois and Minnesota for the casino gambling, but that’s between

those seniors and their states,Q he added.

The legislative aide of a state senator indicated that senior center gambling has never been an issue in

the community of Elderado. According to the aide, bthe only places where gambling is allowed are on

Indian reservations.Q When asked about small-scale gambling activities such as bingo, he responded,

bBingo licenses are provided to churches.Q In response to a follow-up question about licenses also being

made available to senior centers, such as the Elderado Senior Center, where bingo is played, the aide

stated that he bwas unaware of that.QThese interviews raise several questions about the nature of on-site senior center gambling activities.

Most important are questions about the exclusion of center users and board members in the selection of

center activities. One obvious explanation is that it is easier for center staff to make decisions

independently of board members and center users for logistical and practical reasons. After all,

programming decisions often need to be made rapidly in accordance with fluctuations in attendance,

financial, and personnel concerns. However, there is another, less obvious explanation for the lack of

other participation in activity programming. It may be that center users and board members take comfort

in having decisions made for them. Center users may be especially relieved to have staff make

programming decisions when they involve potentially controversial activities such as gambling. Board

members alluded to this possibility.

Additional questions concern the extent to which local and state officials are involved in the activities

of senior centers. While the councilman stated that he visited the senior center on a regular basis, his

comments suggest that Elderado city officials have little involvement in the oversight of the senior

center. His comments about the state-of-the-art center that the city provided and the variety of activities

made available at the center are especially striking and suggest that town officials may be of the opinion

that, by simply providing seniors with a beautiful facility, they are bbeing sensitive to their needs.QFinally, the lack of knowledge of local gaming ordinances by the senior staff of at least one Elderado

state legislator has serious implications. While it is not unusual for state officials and their staffs to lack

specific knowledge of all local ordinances that pertain to their districts, it is clear that there are

potentially harmful consequences to the misinterpretation of local gaming regulations, particularly for

senior centers. For example, officials who are unaware that senior center gambling activities are offered

are similarly unaware of the amount of money being wagered on these games. This lack of knowledge

may translate into a lack of protection for seniors at centers that offer higher-stakes gambling activities.

Admittedly, all that is offered at this center is low-stakes gambling, if high-stakes gambling were taking

place, public officials might be more likely to know.

In applying Kingdon’s agenda-setting framework to the Elderado Senior Center case study, it is

clear that the issue of senior problem gambling is not and has never been on the public agenda of


this community. Senior problem gambling is not a concern for either hidden or visible participants

in the agenda-setting process. There have also been no incidents to put the issue on the agenda.

12. Edenville

Twenty-five years ago, the Edenville Senior Center began providing social and nutritional

programs in two separate locations, the American Legion and the town hall. The center receives

nearly 95% of its annual budget from the town. It is governed by a Council on Aging board, a more

traditional form of senior center governance. Each council member is elected or appointed to a 2-year

term and may be reappointed for an unlimited number of terms. According to the senior center

director, many board members do not attend council meetings, so she and the council president make

the vast majority of decisions affecting the center. Seniors do not have a role in determining senior

center activities.

The senior center serves small and distinct groups of the Edenville community. According to the

director, some of the approximately 800 seniors in the community use the center. Those who

attend the congregate meal site are more likely to be older, male, and have low income. Attendees

of the social activity programs are more likely to be younger, female, and have low- to middle-

incomes. The activities offered at each of these sites vary. In addition to meals, daily games of

bingo are offered at the congregate meal site. At the social program facility, activities include

health programs, cultural activities, tai chi, holiday parties, and arts and crafts. Off-site activities,

including bus trips to shopping and cultural centers, also are regularly offered at the Edenville

Senior Center.

The popularity of bingo has generated a certain amount of revenue for the congregate meal

facility. The senior center director stated that while she was unsure of the specific amount, she did

not think it was a lot of money, because bingo costs less than US$1 per card. She said that she was

unsure how the revenue obtained was used. Participation levels in bingo frequently exceed other

non-gambling activity offerings.

On-site gambling offerings appear to have contributed to, or at least reinforced, the pronounced

bifurcation of the senior center. There has long been disagreement among the staff about the kinds

of activities that should be offered at these sites. As the center director explains it, bWhen I first

came here, I went over [to the meal site] and asked if they would like to try other activities. If they

had a bag of rocks, I’m sure they would have stoned me. [The council president] and I just don’t

think it’s appropriate for a council on aging to offer gambling. Maybe I’m too much of a Pilgrim or

old Yankee or something.Q From the council president’s perspective, meal site staff have become

complacent about the matter. bWe have issues with the program offerings at the meal site, in that

bingo is offered every day. It has become an easy offering,Q the president said, ban easy way of

doing things. You don’t have to plan much. You know how you can get in a rut and keep offering

the same activities?QAs a result of this disagreement, the center director no longer visits the meal site nor, apparently, has

knowledge of its operations. When she was initially asked if gambling activities were offered at her

center, the director claimed that there were none. bBingo is played Monday through Friday at the meal

site, but we do not have gambling activities at our center,Q the director explained. She denies that the

meal site is a part of her senior center.


A recent interview with a town selectman confirmed the director’s perception that the center is

engaged in conflict over the issue of senior center gambling. bThere has been disagreement about the

bingo offerings at the meal site. I know that some of the members of the Council on Aging board feel it

interferes with their ability to offer other activities,Q the selectman said. When asked about the revenues

that are generated by bingo games, he said he knew bthat they can have a Friends Group collect money

and make donations to the Council on Aging, but what is going on now raises a very interesting legal

question. I have no idea how much money is generated through the bingo. It’s not how money for the

public should be raised.QRecent planning for construction of a new senior center facility has only sharpened the focus on the

issue of senior center gambling. bThe new facility is in the planning stages,Q the selectman explained.

bWe expect to open next spring. We will offer a variety of activities and get away from the gambling. As

long as I am a selectman. . .it’s not something that I would support,Q he said.

The director indicated that she is using the new center as an opportunity to discontinue senior center

gambling offerings. bWhen we get our new center, I’m hoping that it won’t be bingo five days a week.

I’m hoping that we can change that. We have a large Italian population who likes to play bocce. We have

a nice big field that could be used for that, but, of course, bocce can also be a gambling game.Q Thedirector indicated that she would likely resign her position if she does not receive the town’s support in

her effort to reduce the gambling offerings.

In a recent interview, a state senator said that bingo has long been a favorite pastime in the town of

Edenville. According to the senator, local churches are in fierce competition with bingo halls for

participation in weekend services. Regarding the controversy between the two senior center sites, the

senator encouraged those seniors interested in preserving bingo to use their bconstitutional right to speakout against authority. If senior citizens rise up, they have a right to challenge authority,Q he said. b[Thesenior center director] is not a dictator running this center. I know [her]. She is a good person,Q thesenator added.

Is denial an effective coping strategy for senior center directors? The director’s denial that

gambling is a part of her center has enabled her to remain in her position for as long as she has.

By viewing the two senior center sites as separate entities, the director has been able to

compartmentalize a behavior that she disapproved of. The center as a whole, however, has not

benefited from this denial. Perhaps most obvious is the director’s loss of control over the center’s

budget and administrative operations. By disavowing the meal site, she has become out of touch

with the heart of the senior center. Meal sites are an important source of information about usage,

demand, and service needs of the community. What is more, her behavior has caused center staff

and users of the two sites to grow more divergent over time. They now seem more like warring

factions than two arms of the same entity. Unfortunately, the problems of the center can no longer

be contained and are beginning to affect the broader community. Interviews with state and local

officials support this view.

In applying Kingdon’s agenda-setting framework to the Edenville Senior Center case study, it is

clear that the issue of senior problem gambling is on the local public agenda. Senior problem

gambling is of concern for both hidden and visible participants in this case study. In addition to the

director and the council president, at least one town official is concerned with the issue of senior

problem gambling. The lack of attention afforded the issue of senior problem gambling by state

officials like those interviewed for this case study, however, serves to prevent the issue from

advancing beyond the local public agenda.


13. Sovereign woods

The Sovereign Woods Senior Center has served its West Coast community since 1972. The center

receives approximately one-third of its funding from the local community but receives the majority of

the rest through state-funded grants and private contributions. A board of directors comprised of

members of the Sovereign Woods community and users of the center governs the center. With respect to

decisions about activity programming, the director of the center solicits suggestions from center users,

but staff make final decisions. From the perspective of the activity director, though, bcenter users have a100% role in the offerings by their feet vote. If no one shows up, the program’s canceled.Q

An important resource for older adults with varied incomes, the center offers on-site activities,

including social, musical, and cultural programs, and games like pinochle, bridge, and bingo, a popular

game that began to be offered ten years ago. Off-site activities, including bus trips to shopping and

cultural centers, are regularly offered at the center. No off-site gambling trips are offered, given that

casinos are located one mile from the center.

Some on-site gambling activities have increased in popularity over the past 10 years. Growing

numbers of center users come to play bingo at the center. The popularity of the bingo is reportedly due in

part to the fact that it is no longer offered at any other senior centers in the region. bGames at other

centers have died out. The casinos have done away with those games,Q said the director. In other words,

the offerings at casinos are so attractive to older adults that this director believes that they are luring

participants away from the senior centers. When asked why users continued to participate in bingo at the

Sovereign Woods Senior Center when it is offered at the nearest casino less than a mile away, the

director replied, bI believe the popularity of our game shows that it’s more about the socialization [at our

center] than the gambling.QThe immense popularity of the bingo offerings has generated a sizable amount of revenue for the

center. Participation levels in on-site gambling are reportedly on a par with, or slightly higher than, other

non-gambling activity offerings. Bingo costs US$7 per game and offers maximum payouts of either

US$15 or US$40, depending on the game. Revenues generated through the bingo games are put in a

general fund that is used for center operations.

Other forms of on-site gambling have not been as welcome at the senior center. According to a board

member and frequent user of the center, babout eight years ago there was a group playing poker for

money in the back room. When we found out about that, we put a stop to it.Q When asked what, if any,

reaction center users had to the termination of the poker games, the board member simply said, b[O]nlyfour men were doing it, and I couldn’t tell you what happened as a result. It was so long ago.Q The timing

might have been tied to the fact that the board of directors discontinued the back-room poker playing just

after the bingo activities had begun to be offered.

Even though off-site gambling activities are not offered, the nearby casinos have had a significant

impact on the senior center. According to the director, bproblem gambling has been an issue with seniors

affiliated with our center. I think seniors are affected by the availability of gambling within the region.

We see a number of white males [aged] 85 and over that don’t have the social involvement skills that

women have. They don’t have a sense of purpose, they’re bored. They’re the ones heading over to the

casinos.QParticularly active in problem gambling education and addictions counseling, the senior center offers

treatment referrals and twice-weekly Gamblers Anonymous meetings that are very well attended.

Additionally, the director addresses the issue of problem gambling on his regular television show and the


center’s Web site. Despite these efforts, the director reports feeling that the work of the center bhas notbeen very effective. There is a core group of people who have a big problem, and we are not reaching

them. It’s hard to tell what happens when seniors leave the center. We feel gamblers are the most

desperate, even compared to victims of other addictions. This is the saddest addiction. They seem to

have the lowest image of themselves,Q concluded the director.

The aide to a Sovereign Woods supervisor contradicted the accounts of the senior center respondents.

According to the aide, b[senior center gambling] has never been an issue for Sovereign Woods. The

supervisor said that he has never received any complaints or information about this issue. We have an

advisory board that deals with senior issues, and to the best of our knowledge, it has not come up. Your

inquiry has made us start to think, and we are going to look into the matter but, from our perspective,Qthe aide continued, bgambling is such a small part of the activities offered at the center that we don’t

really hear a lot about it.QThe legislative aide of a state senator also indicated that senior center gambling has never been an

issue in the community of Sovereign Woods. bI have never received even one call about the issue, and I

have been working in state government for ten years,Q the aide said. bI know there are problem gambling

groups out there doing good work, but I have never heard of it being an issue in our district,Q he added.What should be made of the inconsistencies in the accounts of senior center and government

respondents? Is the issue of senior center gambling an isolated occurrence, one that affects only those

who work at or attend the senior center? The considerable visibility afforded the issue by the director in

his media activities suggests that this may not be the most plausible explanation. Are local and state

officials reluctant to recognize or discuss issues pertaining to gambling, given the increasing

dependence of government at all levels on gambling-generated revenues? Interestingly, the Sovereign

Woods Senior Center receives considerably less community support than centers in other case study

sites. This may have played a role in the director’s especially candid reporting on the issue of senior

center gambling.

In applying Kingdon’s agenda-setting framework to the Sovereign Woods Senior Center case study, it

is clear that the issue of senior problem gambling is not on the public agenda. While senior problem

gambling is of concern for hidden participants in this case study, visible participants, state and local

politicians, are not actively engaged in this issue.

14. Fortunato

For the past 12 years, the Fortunato Senior Center has been an essential part of its northeastern

community. While the center receives very little funding from the local community, individual city

officials regularly make monetary contributions, and members of the community donate in-kind benefits.

However, nearly 100% of the center’s annual budget is derived from federal and state funds, including

revenues from the state lottery. A 12-member advisory committee that includes members of the

community and users of the center governs the center. Each committee member is elected to a 2-year

term and may be reelected for additional terms. While the committee addresses matters related to the

center’s budget and programs, staff are responsible for the daily decision making at the center. Regarding

decisions about activity programming, the director places considerable emphasis on the role center users

play in making programming decisions. As she said, bthis is their place. Our members are strong, and,

believe me, they will be heard.Q


A vital resource for many low-income older adults of Irish, Italian, West African, Caribbean, and

South American descent, the center offers on-site activities, including health screenings, dancing, arts

and crafts, and games like pokeno, a popular game that has been played since the center first opened.

Off-site activities, including bus trips to shopping centers, cultural centers, and casinos, are also regularly

offered by the center. Casino trips have been offered ever since the center first opened.

The popularity of off-site gambling activities has generated a modest amount of revenue for the senior

center. Participation levels are higher than for non-gambling activities. As one board member said, bTheseniors enjoy the gambling. They experience it as a day out and some kind of entertainment.Q Accordingto the director, btrips are reasonably priced. The senior center collects only an additional US$5 from each

participant.Q Revenues generated through the casino trips are put in a general senior center fund that is

used for a variety of center activities, including purchasing of supplies and Christmas gifts and hiring of

entertainers.

On-site gambling activities are also popular. Participation in pokeno is on a par with other non-

gambling activities. Pokeno costs a penny per game, and revenues are divided among players. One

gambling activity that is not currently offered but which receives considerable support is bingo. b[M]ost

of our population is Catholic. They grew up with a healthy attitude about bingo. I really believe they are

more comfortable with gambling and really enjoy itQ but, the director said, bregulations prevent us frombeing able to [offer bingo]. The local regulations are such that it [has become] too difficult for us to be

licensed. This is a shame, because we wanted to raise money through bingo to fund our programs and

become more self-sufficient,Q the director explained. bWhat bothers me,Q the director continued, bis thatchurches are able to offer bingo but senior centers can’t. These same restrictions do not apply to

churches.QThere are contextual factors that may shed light on the issue of bingo licensing. According to the

director, the Fortunato Activities Council, an organization with tremendous influence over local

programs and activities, has been intolerant of senior center gambling. One board member, in

particular, has been especially vocal in his opposition to gambling activities. As a pastor, he is

vehemently opposed to gambling which he feels is immoral, the director said. bWhile I can’t say for

certain that has prevented our center from being able to offer bingo, I know that he is very powerful in

the community,Q she added.

A recent interview with the pastor confirmed the director’s perception that he is actively engaged in

the issue of senior center gambling. b[I]t seems to me that it is not a productive, enjoyable activity,

especially for people of limited means like seniors,Q he began. bWhat happens is that people will gamble,

and they think that God will be good to [them] and [they] will be able to win. In reality, this is not the

case. One of my favorite depictions of this is the story of Delorian, who keeps returning to gamble in Las

Vegas and never does win,Q he continued. When asked what role he has played in the issue of senior

center gambling, the pastor said that he had given talks on this issue at public meetings. bI know there

are many people in my community who would not agree with my point of view,Q he continued, but bit isan issue. People share their problems with me at church. I hear about the family members, business

persons, etc. who have lost absurd amounts of money.QThe aide to the Fortunato City Council president indicated that the issue of senior center gambling

had not been addressed. She simply stated, bI know people like that center. They enjoy going there

and the activities.Q When asked if it would surprise her to learn that the director of the center reported

having difficulty in obtaining a license for bingo, an activity desired by center users, the aide did not

respond. When asked if she expected there to be changes in the current gambling regulations, and


whether she had knowledge of the impact that the pending Small Games of Chance legislation would

have on the Fortunato Senior Center, the aide recommended that these questions be directed to her

legal counsel.

An interview with a state representative of Fortunato produced similar results. The representative said

that he had not heard of senior center gambling’s being an issue for the community. bThe biggest forms

of accepted gambling here are bingo and lotto. This area has not come to any clear consensus about

bigger forms of gambling, such as riverboat or casino gambling.Q When reminded that the Fortunato

Senior Center was prevented from offering bingo, not casino trips, the representative said, bI don’t knowanything about that.Q When asked what, if any, impact the Small Games of Chance legislation would

have on the Fortunato Senior Center, the representative said, b[T]hat legislation is still pending.QThese interviews raise questions about the motivation behind the current bingo restrictions. One

possible explanation is that the community, which is described as heavily populated by religious groups,

could be resistant to permitting activities which some members perceive to be immoral. The fact that

churches have long been offering bingo, however, suggests that there may be an alternative explanation.

It is also possible that the motivation to restrict bingo playing to church groups is primarily economic.

The interviews of the senior center director and state official, in particular, allude to this possibility. It

appears that church groups in Fortunato have long had a foothold in the local bingo offerings. It may be

that they are using their influence to restrict other groups from enjoying the same form of economic

benefit.

In applying Kingdon’s agenda-setting framework to the Fortunato Senior Center case study, it

becomes clear that the issue of senior problem gambling is presently on the public agenda. Senior

problem gambling is of concern for both hidden and visible participants in this case study.

15. Old Phoenix

One of the older senior centers in this series of case studies, the Old Phoenix Senior Center, located in

the Southwest, has operated for over 25 years. The center receives nearly 100% of its revenue from the

city. A board of directors governs the center. City employees serve as board members and are appointed

to unlimited terms. While the board addresses matters related to the center’s budget, the director and her

staff are responsible for the daily decision making. With respect to decisions about activity

programming, the director of the center solicits activity suggestions from center users via regular

surveys, but staff make ultimate programming decisions.

An important resource for many low- to middle-income older adults and growing numbers of

Hispanic, Asian, and Hawaiian elders, the center offers a wide variety of programs in a unique physical

space. Located in a renovated dude ranch, the Old Phoenix Senior Center offers activities in several

buildings that surround a landscaped courtyard and form a bUQ shape. On-site activities include tai chi inthe garden, health classes, genealogy courses, and games like cards and bingo, a popular game that has

been played ever since the center first opened. Off-site activities, including bus trips to shopping and

cultural centers and casinos, are also regularly offered at the center. Initially prohibited by the City of Old

Phoenix, bus trips to casinos have been offered for the past ten years.

The popularity of gambling offerings has generated a certain amount of revenue for the center.

Participation levels in gambling activities are reportedly on a par with other non-gambling activity

offerings. Bingo costs US$2 per game. An additional charge of US$1 is levied for the bus trip ticket.


Revenues generated through each of these gambling activities are put in a general senior center fund that

is used for a variety of center activities.

For their part, senior center users perceive the issue of senior center gambling to be a bon issue. QAsone center user stated, bgambling was here first, then the city grew up around it so it has never been an

issue for us. Now, you take Atlantic City, which was a city first and then tried to add gambling, and it

just doesn’t work.Q An interview of the director confirmed that gambling problems have not been an

issue for the center. In fact, she admitted that she has herself considered increasing the gambling

offerings as a way to raise revenue. bI always said that if the city gave me one or two slot machines for

the lobby, I wouldn’t have to do any more fundraising. But they won’t go for that,Q she said.

What the city does support is increased senior center involvement with casinos. According to the

director, bus trips to casinos were initially prohibited by the city. bBack in 1976, when the center opened,the city did not want casinos to come into the center. [City officials] wanted to protect seniors from the

casinos,Q she said. bBut the city’s policy has changed over time. Government has become so involved

with gambling here that [city officials] want us to partner with casinos and other private industries so

casino trips have been offered for about ten years as a result of this shift,Q she added.

While the director recognizes the benefits casinos offer, she is concerned about the impact that

partnering with them will have on seniors at her center. bPoliticians want to privatize a lot of the service

senior centers now provide. They see casinos now offering similar services,Q she explained. The problemis, bwe are vying for the attention of the same people, and we lose out. We used to have a very active

dance program. We offer ballroom, swing, Latin dance, etc., but the only people who come to us now are

those that don’t like to drink or smoke. Our dancers have been lost to the casinos that offer free drinks

and cigarettes and have huge ballrooms,Q she said, bbut I can’t pooh-pooh this too much because I use

their ballroom from time to time. I still feel that they have an unfair advantage. I don’t want [the

partnership], though, because I don’t think private organizations would provide the amount and quality

of services we provide. I worry about how these programs will be affected by the privatization of senior

centers,Q she said.

An interview with the aide to a city councilman confirmed the director’s perception that the City of

Old Phoenix is supportive of the relationship between senior centers and casinos. bI have not seen that

[senior center gambling] has been an issue. Many older adults gamble. They get free meals. They

organize group trips. I have never heard of this being a problem,Q the aide said.

Ironically, a state senator of Old Phoenix indicated that the legislature is currently engaged in the issue

of senior center gambling to a limited degree. bWe do know that there are a number of older adults who

spend too much at the casinos and as a result do not spend enough on prescription drugs and what have

you. We have been trying to get a tax passed to be used for gambling addictions,Q he said. In a seemingly

unrelated statement, the senator said, bWe have 46 million tourists come annually, many of whom are

older adults. They need all the services our 200 million regular citizens do, so we’re trying to get a new

gambling tax passed that would fund expansion of services.Q When asked what had occurred to raise

awareness about the issue of senior gambling, the senator replied, b[W]e had a petition to get this issue of

gambling addiction money on the ballot in 2000. That’s what got everyone’s attention. No one had

looked at the issue of problem gambling among older adults until then.QWhat might explain the discrepancies in the accounts of the director and government officials? As a

result of the interconnectedness of the casinos and the senior center, the director and the city

councilman’s aide have overlooked issues of senior center gambling. However, the corroborating

statement of the senior center user suggests that this may not be the most plausible explanation. Possibly,


the state legislature may have come to understand the utility of the issue of senior center gambling for

achieving its goal of increasing revenues for health care expenses. Just as city officials began to more

fully appreciate the economic benefits of a closer relationship with casinos, state officials are eager to

realize similar benefits. It appears, therefore, that the state legislature is attempting to force the issue of

senior center gambling onto the local agenda for the sole purpose of increasing revenue.

In applying Kingdon’s agenda-setting framework to the Old Phoenix Senior Center case study, it is

obvious that the issue of senior problem gambling has been and continues to be on the public agenda.

Senior problem gambling is of concern for both hidden and visible participants in this case study.

16. Finnegan’s Wake

The oldest senior center in these case studies, the Finnegan’s Wake Senior Center, has been in

operation for 39 years. While the center serves a range of socioeconomic groups, the majority of its users

have moderate incomes. Roughly two-thirds of center users are female. A significant number of center

users are Jewish. The center receives nearly 100% of its annual budget from the town. An advisory

committee consisting of members of the Finnegan’s Wake community and one center user governs the

center. Each committee member is appointed for an unspecified period of time. While the commission

addresses matters related to the center budget, staff is responsible for daily decision making. The senior

center director solicits suggestions from center users regarding decisions about activity programming;

staff, however, make ultimate programming decisions.

The center offers a large number of on-site activities, including health screenings, education, art,

exercise classes, and games like poker and bingo, a popular game that has been played there for the past

twenty years. Off-site activities, including bus trips to sport and cultural centers, are also regularly

offered at the Finnegan’s Wake Senior Center.

Despite the popularity of on-site gambling offerings, center revenues are not generated through these

activities. According to the director, money changes hands among members but does not come back to

the center. bWe do not generate any revenue from gambling,Q she said.

What little controversy surrounds the issue of senior center gambling at the Finnegan’s Wake Center is

attributable to external factors. In an interview, the director indicated that the larger community is

divided over the issue of whether to allow casino development. bThere is concern about the ramifications

of bringing a casino into [the community],Q she stated. bThe issue is largely economic driven, with

resistance coming from religious organizations and support being found in business and tourist groups.QWhen asked how this issue affects the programmatic offerings at the senior center, the director indicated

that the center would not consider offering bus trips to casinos, in light of recent controversy. bSome

centers had been [offering bus trips to casinos], but there was a huge controversy several years ago

around the use of public funds for these trips. The [centers involved] stopped offering trips,Q she said.

An interview with a pastor in the Finnegan’s Wake community confirmed the director’s perception

that the larger community, which is embroiled in conflict over casino development, has contributed to

discussion of senior center gambling. bThis debate about building a casino in [the community] has gone

on since before the casino was built [in a neighboring city]. It’s been discussed for years,Q the pastor said.bI know retirees who go to casinos, but they take a limited amount of money and gamble safely.

Everybody who wants to go to a casino gets there already,Q he said. Regarding the offering of gambling

activities at the senior center, the pastor said, bIf we are talking about a limited amount of money, like


nickels or pennies, I don’t have a problem with that. If we’re talking about seniors gambling who can’t

afford it, I would say that this is exactly the opposite of what a publicly funded senior center should be

doing.QA local assemblyman also confirmed that the issue of senior center gambling is just beginning to be

addressed. bGiven the close proximity to the Canadian border, I would think that there are problems with

gambling among older adults here,Q the assemblyman said. bI know some seniors are in trouble. I hear

the anecdotal evidence. I see busloads of seniors heading to casinos, which draw the same kinds of

crowds as carnivals. I don’t like them,Q he continued. In a contradictory statement, however, the

assemblyman made statements similar to that of the pastor about the costs associated with the Canadian

casinos. bRight now we merely have the cost of social problems without realizing any of the economic

benefits, so I’ve proposed that we build casinos and keep the bulk of revenues in the local community to

use for dealing with any social ills that may be associated with the casinos,Q the assemblyman said. bAllof this hasn’t gotten to the level of specificity where we would discuss costs to seniors yet,Q he

concluded.

Similar results were obtained during an interview with the legislative aide of a state senator who

represents Finnegan’s Wake. bThe issue of senior center gambling has never come up to my knowledge.

We are currently discussing the issue of bringing a casino to the Niagara Falls area, but we haven’t

gotten to the point of discussing the finer details of the issue and the impact on the senior center level,Qshe said. bWe are receiving calls daily, because we are in support of the casino project. Callers say, dHowcould you be for it? Casinos are evil!TQ the aide continued. On the issue of senior center gambling, she

said, bIt’s hard to track this kind of thing, because if we received a complaint, we would refer them back

to the director of the center in question. Unless we felt there was a violation by the state or the center, we

would not get involved,Q she said.

These interviews raise questions about the contradictory nature of senior center activity program

development. On the one hand, it appears that senior center directors have little control in the selection of

programmatic offerings. As the director of the Finnegan’s Wake Center indicated, other senior center

directors were pressured to discontinue off-site gambling offerings as a result of the controversy

surrounding the issue of gambling in the broader community. More important, the director of the

Finnegan’s Wake Center will not consider offering off-site gambling activities because of this

controversy. However, based on the information provided by the aide to the state senator, it appears that

state officials afford senior center directors wide latitude, at least in the selection of programmatic

offerings.

In applying Kingdon’s agenda-setting framework to the Finnegan’s Wake Senior Center case study, it

is clear that the issue of senior problem gambling is not presently on the public agenda but that it had

once been and may well be again soon, due to the controversy surrounding the recent casino referendum,

which was passed following data collection for this study. While senior problem gambling is of concern

for visible participants in this case study, hidden participants, senior center staff and members, are not

actively engaged in the issue.

17. Discussion

In their entirety, these case studies provide insight into the nature of senior center gambling as a public

policy issue. Several findings, in particular, are worthy of further discussion. One of the most interesting


topics identified in these case studies is the level of agreement/disagreement on the extent to which

senior center gambling is an issue on the local level. Throughout the case studies, for instance, there was

disagreement about the extent to which a problem existed. Several directors reported feeling frustrated

by the lack of attention paid by state and local officials to the issue of gambling at senior centers. What

remains unclear is whether the discrepancies identified in the reports of key informants are attributable to

differences of perception, insulation from senior gambling issues, or some other factor.

Another interesting topic that emerged from these case studies is the financial effect that local

regulations presently have on money gambling at centers. While local regulations vary considerably, for

those areas that have regulations, they can be seen having a direct effect on senior center gambling

offerings. In Fortunato, for example, local regulations prohibit senior centers from offering on-site

gambling activities, even though off-site activities are regularly offered. In this way, the effect of local

regulations on money gambling at senior centers is highly dependent on the culture and political climate

of the local community.

The impact of nearby casinos on interest in gambling at centers also emerged as an important theme.

Several centers in these case studies indicated that the opening of nearby casinos has had a dampening

effect on the level of participation in their on-site gambling activities. On the other hand, the Emerald

City Senior Center reported experiencing an increased demand for on-site gambling activities despite the

recent expansion of casino gaming in this area. These apparently inconsistent findings seem to indicate

that the popularity enjoyed by senior center gambling activities is wholly unpredictable.

One of the most salient findings is the pronounced lack of involvement of boards in the decisions on

center gambling activities. Nearly all center respondents indicated that directors and other staff members

make decisions about gambling activity offerings. As alluded to earlier, it is unclear to what extent board

members and center users prefer to have activity decisions made on their behalf, especially when they

involve controversial activities such as gambling.

These case studies spotlight the potential revenue source for centers in which there is money gambling

activity. While the majority of centers offer low-stakes gambling activities that provide little

discretionary income, several centers, including the Sovereign Woods Senior Center, reportedly garner

significant amounts of revenue through their activities. Interestingly, most senior center directors

interviewed for this study had difficulty estimating the amount of revenue gleaned through their centers’

gambling activities. It appears that this form of revenue generation by centers is currently being

conducted with little, if any, oversight.

Finally, these qualitative data indicate that senior center gambling is on or close to being on the local

agenda of several of the case study communities. Table 1 contains an agenda-setting matrix with

summary information pertinent to understanding how the issue of senior problem gambling reached the

local agenda in these case study communities. While Kingdon identifies three elements that play a role in

the agenda-setting process (i.e., problems, politics, and participants), this study found support for the

Table 1

Agenda-setting matrix

Problem for which case

study participants?

Emerald

City

Elderado Edenville Sovereign

Woods

Fortunato Old

Phoenix

Finnegan’s

Wake

Visible Y Y Y Y

Hidden Y Y Y Y Y

Problem is on agenda? No No Yes No Yes Yes No


latter element only. That said, results of the qualitative data concur with Kingdon that local and state

politicians played important roles in advancing the issue of senior center gambling. The results of the

qualitative data suggest that visible participants do not necessarily play equal roles in the agenda-setting

process. For example, the state senator interviewed for the Old Phoenix case study appears to have

nearly single-handedly inspired interest in the issue of senior problem gambling and, to a certain extent,

trumped the relative indifference of some local politicians to the issue.

The experiences of several case study communities provide support for another of Kingdon’s beliefs:

That the political stream, which moves independently of particular participant actions, can play an

important role in the agenda-setting process. There is evidence that in the Fortunato and Old Phoenix

Senior Center case studies, the independent political streams played a particularly important role in

advancing the issue of senior center gambling onto the local agenda. In each of these case studies, the

issue of senior problem gambling enjoyed a more prominent place on the public agenda for reasons that

included recent legislative activity and swings in mood as a result of interest group behavior. What is

perhaps more striking is the case in which the lack of political stream activity can have a dampening

effect on the agenda-setting process. For instance, in the case of the Edenville Senior Center, the state

senator interviewed for this study stated that he would not interfere with the operations of the center or

the management of its staff, even if there were problems with gambling by members. By consciously or

unconsciously removing himself from the dialogue around the issue of senior center gambling, which

could have been addressed by the broader political environment, this senator served to enable the issue

of senior center gambling to remain, in effect, subterranean. Another example of the importance of pubic

mood is found in the Fortunato case study. For this case study, recent legislative activity and swings in

public mood as a result of anti-gambling interest group behavior were particularly critical for advancing

senior problem gambling onto the public agenda.

A final aspect of Kingdon’s framework, which the results of this qualitative data suggest is worthy of

discussion, is the degree to which issues fade from prominence. Based on the experience of the Old

Phoenix Senior Center in particular, the results from this case study do not support Kingdon’s belief that

problems will tend to fade over time once they are on the agenda. In fact, in the Old Phoenix case study

community, the issue of senior center gambling has remained prominently positioned on the local agenda

for more than a decade. There is no evidence that the problem is any less well positioned than it was 10

years ago. Senior center gambling has been unusually persistent as a policy agenda item in Old Phoenix.

In summary, these qualitative data indicate senior center gambling is on the agenda of several case

study communities. A variety of issues relating to senior center gambling was found, including evidence

of director-imposed prohibition of gambling and evidence of the negative impact of dependence on

gambling-generated revenues for centers and their clientele. Future research in this area should explore

in greater depth several of the key findings presented. Particularly important is the investigation of the

independent roles of historical, political, and cultural factors in the development of gambling regulations

and their respective impacts on the agenda-setting process.

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Dr. Higgins is a recent graduate of the Gerontology PhD program at the University of Massachusetts Boston. She is a board

member of several aging organizations and a former student representative of the Gerontological Society of America.

exploring the politics and policy surrounding senior center gambling activities

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