ex balcanis lux

Society for American Archaeology

Part I: Ex Balcanis Lux? Recent Developments in Neolithic and Chalcolithic Research inSoutheast EuropeAuthor(s): Eugene Sterud, Robert K. Evans, Judith A. RassonSource: American Antiquity, Vol. 49, No. 4 (Oct., 1984), pp. 713-741Published by: Society for American ArchaeologyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/279738Accessed: 04/05/2010 07:50

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Note: For the past several years, the October issue of AMERICAN ANTIQUITY has featured a summary report on some aspect of Old World Archaeology. In the present issue, there are two such summaries: Part I on southeastern Europe is the last of the series solicited by Eugene Sterud, and was prepared by Robert Evans and Judith Rasson. Part II was organized by Peter Wells and comprises an account of important recent discoveries in Europe (prepared by Wells himself), the Near and Middle East (prepared by C. C. Lamberg-Karlovsky), and China (prepared by K. C. Chang). Wells has kindly consented to continue coordinating such yearly summaries, and will add Africa to the list as well. PJW

Part I, Coordinated by Eugene Sterud

EX BALCANIS LUX? RECENT DEVELOPMENTS IN NEOLITHIC AND CHALCOLITHIC RESEARCH IN SOUTHEAST EUROPE

Robert K. Evans and Judith A. Rasson

Southeast Europe is the location of the earliest horticulture and metallurgy in Europe, and is therefore important to understanding processes of cultural development in prehistoric Europe as a whole. This review of the rich literature is an introduction to topics of current interest, including the debates and differences of opinion among scholars.

This article reviews recent research on the Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods of Southeastern Europe (Figures 1 and 2), including topics of interest to both indigenous and foreign scholars.1 Americans and Western Europeans working in Southeast Europe bring research interests derived from the historical and intellectual development of archaeology in their own regions, yet the archaeology of Southeast Europe has a well-developed literature dating back to the last century. This literature reflects regional concerns with method, theory, and culture history. The foci of research derive partly from the nature of the archaeological materials themselves and partly from the historical development of the practice of archaeology.

The proposition that cultural innovations such as farming and metallurgy originated in Western Asia (the Orient) and then diffused to Europe was popularized by V. Gordon Childe (1939) and was designated by the Latin phrase ex oriente lux. This formulation was the accepted view for many years (Piggott 1965 and Murray 1970, for example). Evidence for diffusion included domestic plants and animals of the Neolithic that seemed to come from wild progenitors in Western Asia, and other traits that also seemed to develop earlier to the east. A number of studies have attempted to document the spread of the Neolithic lifeway into Europe from Asia (e.g., Ammerman and Cavalli-Sforza 1972, 1973; Edmondson 1961).

However, as data from excavation and analysis in Southeast Europe have accumulated, prehistorians have gradually come to doubt Childe's assumptions and have begun to look for other answers

Robert K Evans, Department of Anthropology, George Washington University, Washington, D.C. 20052 Judith A. Rasson, Department of Anthropology, Pacific Lutheran University, Tacoma, WA 98447

American Antiquity, 49(4), 1984, pp. 713-741. Copyright ? 1984 by the Society for American Archaeology

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Tartaria ?

Vi nca

* Obre Varn

0

MEDIT ERRANEAN SEA

Knossos ---^l^^-

Figure 1. Location of selected Neolithic and Chalcolithic sites in Southeast Europe.

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CP <j,

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South West Central East North

(Greece) (Adriatic) (Yugoslavia) (Bulgaria-Rumania) (Hungary)

?* ~^ , c. 3000 B.C. a g steppe

'~ * Rachmani Baden-Kostolac Bubanj invasion Cernavoda I Bodrogkerestur

.c Larissa Hvar-Lisicici Vinca-Plo6nik Karanovo VI Gumelnita Lengyel Tisza-

o0j Polgar X c. 5000 B.C. Karanovo V Boian

Dimini Danilo Butmir Vin6a-Tordos Karanovo IV

Karanovo III Hamangia Alfold Linear (Biikk- Pottery Szakalhat) (Zseliz)

s5 Sesklo Impresso Starcevo Karanovo I-II Cri? Koros

U; c. 6500 B.C.

Figure 2. Generalized schematic chronology of Southeast Europe (from Dimitrijevic 1971:151; Gimbutas 1982; Kalicz 1980:74; Todorova 1978:Table 33; Tringham 1971:Fig. 41).

to the problems of culture change. Some have even suggested that the native populations of Southeast Europe were the innovators of significant cultural developments that were diffused to other areas, perhaps even Western Asia. Todorova summarizes the "surprising discoveries" that have challenged the "traditional" ideas and has suggested that the term "ex balcanae lux" is appropriate (1978:1).

In this brief account of recent research on the area, we summarize some of the developments that led to this statement. For the purpose of this summary we have defined the Neolithic and Chalcolithic or Copper Age (also called Eneolithic) period chronologically as ca. 6500 B.C. to 3000 B.C., and we consider Southeast Europe (including the Balkans) as the area from the Hungarian Plain to Crete. The focus is on research during approximately the last 20 years, although the coverage is not exhaustive. A general background bibliography is included to place recent developments in context. Recent summaries of culture history include Benac (1961); Bognar-Kutzian (1972); Christopoulos (1970); Comsa (1974a); Dennell (1978); Dolukhanov (1978); Hood (1961); Kalicz and Makkay (1977); Korkuti (197 la); Kosse (1979); Marinescu-Bilcu (1974); Miclea and Florescu (1980); Muller- Karpe (1968); Papathanasopoulos (1981); Powell (1961); Praistorija Jugoslavenska Zemalja (1979); Theocharis (1971, 1973); Warren (1975); and Venedikov (1965). Selected for discussion in this paper are both topics of wide general interest, such as chronology and cultural comparisons, and topics of special interest such as population change, settlement pattern, subsistence, trade, technology, religion, writing, metallurgy, and social structure.

HISTORY OF RESEARCH

Beginnings of interest and research in the prehistory of Southeast Europe can generally be dated to the late nineteenth and early twentieth century (Berciu 1967; Condurachi 1964; Condurachi and Diacoviciu 1971; Dumitrescu 1979; Gabrovec 1979; Hood 1967a; Leekley 1976; Leekley and Efstratiou 1980; Leekley and Noyes 1975; Marinescu-Bilcu 1982; Sklenar 1983; Sterud 1973; To- dorova 1978). This period saw the foundation of archaeological research, the preliminary identification of prehistoric cultural groups, and the development of a terminology for ordering prehistoric materials in time and space. This was reported for Hungary by Banner (1931, 1932, 1935, 1937); Krecsmarik (1911, 1915); Szendrei (1883); Szeghalmy (1913); Visegradi (1912); Zalotay (1932); for Yugoslavia by Fewkes et al. (1933); Fiala and Hoernes (1898); Radimsky and Hoernes (1895); and Vasic (1932, 1936a, 1936b). Work was carried out in Romania by V. Dumitrescu (1924); Nestor (1928), Langsdorf and Nestor (1929); Schroller (1933); and Stefan (1925); in Bulgaria by Jerome (1901),Kacarov(1918, 1925, 1928a, 1928b),Mikov(1927, 1934, 1939);Popov(1912, 1913, 1914, 1917); and Schuchhardt (1924); Seure and Degrand (1906); and in Greece by Heurtley (1939), Kunze (1931), Mylonas (1929, 1941); Soteriades (1908); Tsountas (1908); and Wace and Thompson (1912).

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Much of the early interest was oriented toward working out space-time relationships and toward obtaining interesting materials for museum displays. Montelius (1899) summarized the existing data and formalized many of the assumptions behind the typological method of chronological synchronisms. The classic application of this method to Eastern Europe was Childe's publication of The Danube in Prehistory (1929). Sterud (1973:10) credits Montelius with the first development of explicit theory, terminology, and a systematic method of artifact classification, after which local archaeological work, characterized by the acquisition of excavated data and refinements to the relative dating system, was pursued in that framework. Others have produced their own versions of the early development of Balkan archaeology.

In Bulgaria, for instance, Todorova (1978) offers a three-stage model. The first stage extends from 1898 to 1944 and culminates with the posthumous publication of Gaul's (1948) study. The second period is from 1944 to 1959. This period was characterized by further data gathering devoted largely to relative dating. Significant changes about 1959 marked the beginnings of a third stage, in part due to the contributions of Southeast European prehistorians to the international conference held in Prague that year (Bohm and DeLaet 1961). The impact of radiocarbon dating also began to be felt at about that time (see below). This stage (lasting until the present) is marked by more comprehensive research, the application of radiocarbon dating, and the use of the exact sciences. During this period more Western European and American archaeologists became interested in the Neolithic and Chalcolithic of Southeast Europe. The excitement over the Neolithic in Yugoslavia, for instance, has caused it to be referred to as the "glamour period" of prehistory (Bankoff and Winter 1982: 149).

American interest was significantly influenced by the availability of funding through the foreign currency program (Public Law 480) of the United States government. Several Neolithic projects were undertaken jointly in Yugoslavia using these funds: Divostin (McPherron and Srejovic 1971; 1984); Kakanj, Obre I, and Obre II (Benac 1973a, 1973b; Gimbutas 1970; Gimbutas, ed. 1974; Sterud and Sterud 1974), and Anzabegovo [Anza or Barutnica] (Gimbutas, ed. 1976). The Minnesota Messenia Project was a long-term survey and excavation project carried out at the same time in Greece. Although it was not primarily concerned with the post-Neolithic and Copper Ages (it focused on the Bronze Age), it did incorporate pre-Bronze Age materials in the research design (McDonald and Rapp 1972). A comprehensive regional approach to early culture history in Greece is provided by the work of the Argolid Exploration Project (Jameson 1976). These projects provided material for a variety of theses and dissertations (e.g., Chang 1981; Diamant 1974; Elster 1977; R. K. Evans 1973a; Gardner 1978; Gavrielides 1976; Hansen 1980; Kaufman 1977; Koster 1977; Mock 1972; Rasson 1983a; Sheehan 1979; Smoor 1978; Sterud 1976; Van Horn 1976). British interest, reflected in the research of the prehistorians and related scientists of the British Academy's Major Research

Project-Early History of Agriculture, has also been important (e.g., Dennell 1978; Jarman, Bailey and Jarman 1982). Russian researchers have conducted several projects, especially in Bulgaria (e.g., Chernyk 1978), and research by the German School at Athens has made an important contribution to the prehistory of Thessaly (Hauptmann 1981; Hauptmann and Milojcic 1969; Milojcic 1959; Milojcic, Boessneck and Hopf 1962; Milojcic et al. 1976; Milojcic-Von Zumbusch and Milojcic 1971). Thus, both Todorova (1978) and Sterud (1973) find the period of the 1960s through the

present to be one of increased interest in the archaeology of Southeast Europe by both domestic and foreign scholars.

CHRONOLOGY DEBATE

Another significant change in the recent period is the increasing use of radiocarbon dating, which

affects chronological placement of sites. Chronological reckoning, or space-time systematics, is of central concern for much prehistoric research. In Southeast Europe, debate over radiocarbon dating is probably more heated than anywhere in the world. The reason for this debate is that a radiocarbon

chronology challenges directly the formulations made by Montelius and Childe about the origins of cultural developments and their diffusion into Southeast Europe and beyond. The traditional

chronological framework and diffusionist interpretations held that the native populations of Europe

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were passive recipients of such things as farming, metallurgy, and writing. Questions about the traditional framework challenge the diffusionist interpretation.

Much of the diffusionist interpretation was based on artifactual comparisons with the chronology established by Schliemann at Troy (Schliemann 1875, 1880, 1884) and the chronology developed from the early excavations by Vasic at the important site of Vinca on the Danube (Vasic 1932, 1936a, 1936b, 1936c). Milojcic (1949) provides the classic summary of the traditional chronology.

The premises of the radiocarbon method, along with those of the bristlecone pine calibration revisions, are primarily the domain of the physicists who conduct the analyses of organic material (Suess 1970). Archaeologists have also explored the implications of the method (Neustupny 1968a, 1970; C. Renfrew 1971 c) and the results (e.g., Honea 1981; Kabaker 1977; Kohl and Quitta 1966), which had a significant impact on the interpretation of the Neolithic and Copper Age cultures of Southeast Europe. Carbon-14 dates showed that the Troy sequence from Anatolia could no longer be used to date the Neolithic and Chalcolithic of Southeast Europe. The implication of the long chronology is that the Neolithic and Eneolithic (Chalcolithic) periods began earlier than was pre- viously believed. This re-evaluation of chronology caused a "revolution" in the appreciation of the prehistoric cultures of the area.

Discussions of chronology, and publications that relate to chronology are numerous (e.g., M. Garasanin 1961 a, 1961b; Mellaart 1960; Dumitrescu 1970a). The vigorous debate between the supporters of the traditional ("short") chronology and the supporters of the revised ("long") chronology is evident in a series of publications between the mid- 1950s and 1971. Two of the strongest supporters of the long chronology from the early days have been Gimbutas (1973a, 1973b) and C. Renfrew (1970b, 1971 a, 1971 b, 1973a). Background information is summarized in Ehrich (ed. 1954, 1965, 1984) and Weinberg (1970).

Prehistorians in Southeast Europe did not need to have the radiocarbon chronology validated in order to accept the shift in relative chronology. The stratigraphic evidence from several mounds of the area clearly demonstrated that the early assumption made about Vinca and Troy was in error, that is, the materials that had been equated with Troy I-II were without doubt of Middle Neolithic age rather than of the Early Bronze Age. It was also clear that there was ample material of the Southeast European Early Bronze Age that lined up much better with Troy I-II both typologically and stratigraphically.

The single most important stratified sequence was that of the mound of Karanovo in central Bulgaria. Early excavations had indicated the presence of a well-stratified sequence there (Mikov 1939), but it was the large scale excavations during the 1950s that documented the sequence in detail (Mikov 1959; Georgiev 1961). Georgiev's (1961) publication on Karanovo and related sites, with the large color stratigraphic chart of Karanovo, was influential because it illustrated the utility of the long chronology. In addition, the overall discussions between prehistorians at the 1959 International Congress in Prague (where Georgiev presented the data) were also very important (B6hm and DeLaet 1961)2 because they provided wide circulation of the information in the scholarly community.

In addition to the publication of the Karanovo sequence, the excavation and publication of other mound sites added to the evidence. Other important sites include-in Bulgaria, Azmak (Georgiev 1963, 1965a), Ezero [Dipsis] (Georgiev and Merpert 1966), Gradechnitza (Nikolov 1974); Ruse (Georgiev and Angelov 1952, 1957), Yassa-tepe (Detev 1948, 1959); in Romania, Cascioarele (V. Dumitrescu 1965a, 1965b), Hirsova (Galbenu 1962, 1963), Gumelnita (V. Dumitrescu 1966a, 1966b), Rast (Dumitrescu 1980), and Salcula (Berciu 1961). In Yugoslavia, the reassessment of the Vinca material (M. Garasanin 1951, 1958b) and excavations at the Ljubljansko barje [bog] complex (Bergant 1965, 1975; J. Korosec (1954a); Gomja Tuzla (Covic 1961); Obre I [Raskrsce] (Benac 1973b); and Obre II [Gornja Polje] (Benac 1973a; Gimbutas 1970; Gimbutas, ed. 1974) were published. In Hungary, the excavation of Herpaly (Kalicz 1969); Asz6d (Kalicz 1967); and D6va- vanya (Ecsedy 1972) added more evidence. Excavations in Greece also provided large quantities of important material in stratified sequences: at Lerna (Caskey 1957, 1958, 1959); Sesklo (Milojcic- von Zumbusch and Miloj6ic 1971); Paradimi (Bakalakis and Sakellariou 1981); Dikili Tash (De- shayes 1973; Deshayes and Theocharis 1962); and Sitagroi (C. Renfrew 1971b, 1973b; Renfrew, Gimbutas and Elster, eds. 1984).

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The year 1971 was as productive as 1959 had been. C. Renfrew's paper (1971 a) summarized the impact of radiocarbon dating ("the first carbon-14 revolution") and the impact of the bristle cone pine calibrations ("the second carbon-14 revolution") and introduced the concept of the "chronological fault line." This graphically defined the differences of the long versus the short chronology and convinced many scholars of the validity of the long chronology.

In that year, also, Tringham (1971) published a new treatment of Eastern European prehistory. Although Tringham's work utilized a conservative chronological length, it represented the synthe- sis-in English-of an enormous amount of material (published and unpublished).

A significant event in 1971 was the meeting of the Eighth International Congress of Prehistoric and Protohistoric Sciences in Belgrade (Novak 197 la, 1971b, 1973). Papers, discussions, and debates among the participants led to a conclusion in which a strong majority supported the long chronology (e.g., Gimbutas 1973b; Neustupny 1973), while a minority stood with the short or traditional chronology (e.g., Hood 1973; Milojcic 1973).

Since that time, there have been only a few calls for the continued use of the short chronology (e.g., Leben 1979; Makkay 1976). However, for most Southeastern European prehistorians the long chronology has been established as the one to use, and debate has now shifted to the overall subdivisions. The only doubts that exist are those that should exist about any scientific conclusion and the assumptions behind it.

INTERPRETATIONS OF POPULATION CHANGE

Population change, especially ethnogenesis, the origins of historically-known human groups, is a topic of continuing interest to scholars in Southeast Europe (Benac 1972; Covic 1959; Georgiev 1965b; Jovanovic 1972; J. Korosec 1957a; Sakellariou 1970, 1980). This interest is related to modem concerns with nationality and also to archaeological models of prehistoric cultural change.

In Southeast Europe, archaeologists are familiar with the influence of ethnic group membership on many facets of life. Historically, within both the Turkish and Austro-Hungarian empires, ethni- cally-defined groups formed distinct entities with specific legal rights. In more recent times, boundary readjustments at the end of World War I were based in part on the "self-determination of peoples." Familiar, too, are early historic waves of migration from the steppes, such as the Ostrogoths or Mongols. Some archaeologists are concerned with documenting the in situ growth of particular ethnic units as one way of legitimizing national claims.

. . . with every excavation, the archaeologists are bringing to light more evidence, proving that it is here, in this land, and not elsewhere, that the bones of the forefathers of our forefathers' forefathers are to be found [Nicolae Ceausescu in Miclea and Florescu 1980; Supplement:4].

The models for population change through migration of ethnic groups are familiar and historically demonstrated. Archaeologists project such models into the past, but archaeological recognition of such movements rests on the association of material culture with social groups. Models of population change rest on interpretations of the meaning of variation in material culture (reviewed in Sherratt 1973). This relationship has been explored by those concerned with the concept of culture area, applied to Southeast Europe by Ehrich (1961). Such associations have also been examined by scholars concerned with the origins of the Indo-Europeans (e.g., Gimbutas 1973a; Gimbutas, ed. 1980-1981; Mallory 1973).

A widespread archaeological assumption is that an archaeological culture was produced by a social group of some sort, but archaeological cultures in Southeast Europe tend to be equated with ethnic groups and thus are felt to have a special social significance by scholars in Southeast Europe. This view underlies their interpretations of changes in archaeological material over space and time. Perceived incremental change over time is interpreted as local or "autochthonous" development; perceived sudden change is interpreted as the intrusion of a new group. Although the interpretation of variability in material remains is methodologically and theoretically separate from the issue of ethnicity in the archaeological record, these concerns are often closely intertwined in Southeastern European research, although the underlying assumptions have rarely been subjected to rigorous

testing.

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One such test about "ethnogenesis" was made by Sterud (1976), who subjected the material from the lower levels of Obre II (the Kakanj-Butmir cultural transition) to a number of statistical tests. He attempted to define the continuity or lack of continuity through time within categories of artifactual material. The majority of his statistical tests, particularly on manufactured items such as ceramics, showed a break between the earlier and later periods. This raises the problem of interpretation: Do these discontinuities represent a replacement of population by a new group, or the adoption of cultural innovations by the resident group? Sterud's test results lend credence to the replacement theory, indicating that migration indeed took place. Benac (1973b), however, sees incremental change in material from the same site and argues for autochthonous development of the Butmir culture.

Comparisons of artifact types and styles is sometimes part of attempts part of attempts to trace possible migration routes or avenues for the diffusion of ideas (e.g., M. Garasanin 1954, 1961, 1971; Batovi6 1973; Benac 1973a, 1973b; Bregant 1974). Such attempts tend to be partly based on an interest in estab- lishing relative chronologies, and partly on explicating ethnic group relations.

SETTLEMENT AND SETTLEMENT PATTERN DESCRIPTIONS

Sites of the Neolithic and Chalcolithic are found in different environmental settings, including both cave and open sites. The size and complexity of sites (settlements or other) is highly variable from the beginning of this period to the end, an, and from one region to another. Tringham (1971) summarizes the information on settlement patterns for the various regions of Southeast Europe. Besides sites on the main land masses, sites are und on islands: in ther Aegean, on Saliagos (J. D. Evans and Renfrew 1968), Knossos on Crete (J. D. Evans 1964, 1968, 1971), and Kephala on Keos (Coleman 1977). In the Adriatic, sited n island1977).s along the dentire coast of Yugoslavia; caves are particularaly well-known from Hvar (Novak 1955). Cascioarele lies on an island in the Danube (V. Dumitrescu 1965a, 1965b). Pile dwelling sites occur in a number of places: at Kamnik in Albania (Korkuti 1971a; Prendi and Aliu 1971); at Ig in Yugoslavia (Bregant 1965, 1975); and at Varna in Bulgaria (Todorova and Toncheva 1975). A few special purpose sites have also been identified, such as the copper mining locations of Rudna Glava (Jovanovic 1982) and Aibunar (Chernykh 1978, 1980), and flint mining locations elsewhere (Georgiev 1958). Despite the number and variety of sites recognized, the mound sites are those best known. Mounds are common in Thessaly (Central Greece), Macedonia (parts of Greece, Yugoslavia, and Bulgaria), Thrace (parts of Greece and Bulgaria), the lower Danube area of Bulgaria and Romania, the middle Danube of Yugoslavia and Hungary, and in Transylvania. The frequency of mound sites decreases to the far northwest and far south of the area.

Explication of settlement patterns is approached differently by scholars from different intellectual traditions. Americans and Western Europeans tend to take a broad locational interest in factors affecting settlement. An example is the catchment method of providing a geographical context for a site (Jarman, Bailey, and Jarman 1982). Regional syntheses tend to be built on geographical categories defined by landforms (e.g., Bintliff 1977; Blouet 1984; Cherry 1981, 1982; Dakaris et al. 1964; Higgs and Vita-Finzi 1966a, 1966b; Nandris 1970a, 1970b, 1976; Sherratt 1982, 1983).

A number of projects focus on specific geographic areas, covering any prehistoric periods identified. Among them are the influential Minnesota Messenia Project (McDonald and Rapp 1972) and the Melos Project (C. Renfrew and Wagstaff 1982). Such studies typically combine survey work (e.g., Dyson 1982; Keller and Rupp 1983), excavation, and a variety of specialist studies (e.g., Davidson 1971). The many types of sites and site locations have been interpreted to indicate the development of strategies adapted to local conditions (e.g., Barker 1975; Jarman, Bailey, and Jarman 1982; Chapman 1981; Kosse 1979), but not every site is known in equal detail.

Indigenous Southeast European scholars prefer the site as the unit of analysis rather than the region. They are interested in the details of social life that can be determined from complex sites like mounds. The work at Karanovo (Georgiev 1967) or Ovcarovo (Todorova et al. 1983) exemplifies this approach. Regional syntheses are usually built by comparisons among excavated sites. A number of such studies have been undertaken recently to synthesize regional data, for example, Batovic (1966, 1979); Benac (1979); Brukner (1979); Garasanin (1979); Glisic (1968); Lazarovici (1979).

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The mound sites have been the primary data source for analyses of community planning and other features. The planned location of dwellings and (perhaps) other types of structures has been suggested by some authors. Todorova (1978, 1979) discusses the planning of the site of Polyanitsa giving the layout of houses, paths, fortifications, and gateways through different walls. Planning apparently also took place at Karanovo and Ovcarovo. House construction and other details have been studied by Bregant (1978); Jovanovic (1973); J. Korosec (1957b); Mateescu (1978); Sinos (1971); and Stalio (1968) among others.

Features such as ditches, banks, or fences may be investigated for a variety of functions (Jacobsen 1981). The identification of a community by a wall or fence may be symbolic (to create a sense of community) or functional (to keep animals in or out, for instance). Tringham (1971) suggests that the evidence for fences, ditches, and banks is more likely a method of community "demarcation" than evidence for fortification. The question of works constructed with defense in mind-"fortifications"-is another matter.

Morintz (1962) summarized site characteristics in the Gumelnila area that he feels represent defensive ideas: walls, trenches, and sites located on summits, promontories on terraces, and on islands. Evidence compiled by Todorova (1973) strengthens the argument for at least some communities having fortifications (see also Todorova 1978, 1979; especially the settlement plans for Polyanitsa [1979:Tables 18-21]). Similar indications are found in Thessaly; the artist's reconstructions for Sesklo (Christopoulos (1970:69) and for Dimini (Christopoulos 1970:79) clearly show the sites as fortified.

ANALYSES OF SUBSISTENCE DATA

In early studies in Southeast Europe, it was assumed that Neolithic cultures were groups of people who subsisted mainly by farming. Indirect evidence for agriculture came from grinding stones (quems and rubbers), sickle flints, and other tools. The basis for the Neolithic economy was presumed to have been the commonly known domesticates: cattle, sheep, goat, pig, dog, wheat, and barley. Most of the domesticates were thought to come from Western Asia. Hunting and gathering were not abandoned with the Neolithic, however, as was evidenced in the remains of red and roe deer, bear, and small game; fishhooks as well as fish bones indicated fishing.

The main research questions in the early period of research dealt with chronology and spatial relationships, not with details of subsistence economy. Evidence for domestic forms of animals and plants was not always systematically collected during excavations because it promised little information on space-time problems. Until the 1960s most direct subsistence data was in checklist form. After the 1960s there was greater interest in ecological questions and more attention was devoted to constructing a systematic statistical picture of subsistence resources.

Murray (1970) attempted to summarize the evidence for early farming (or horticulture) in Europe. J. Renfrew (1973a, 1973b) added to the detail on plant domestication, and a detailed study of animal domestication was published by B6k6nyi (1974b). Sherratt (ed. 1980) provides an up-to- date summary.

Greater interest in early farming economy was stimulated by the increased availability of information (especially following World War II), and a more complete picture of farming practices and farming versus hunting and gathering has been developed. This was also a period in America and Western Europe of increasing interest in economic reconstructions. Detailed subsistence analyses in Southeast Europe have often been carried out by scholars from outside the region. Studies were made in Greece (Boessneck 1956, 1962; Higgs 1962; B6k6nyi 1973; S. Payne 1975), in Bulgaria (Georgiev 1961; Ivanov 1959), in Romania (Haimovici 1974; Necrasov and Haimovici 1959a, 1959b, 1962, 1966; Vlassa 1963), in Yugoslavia (Bo6knyi 1974a; Clason 1979, 1980; Drobne 1973; J. Renfrew 1974, 1976); and in Hungary (B6k6nyi 1959, 1971). Individual specialists have added

synthesizing works to the specific studies (e.g., Bo6knyi 1962, 1968, 1969; Clason, ed. 1975; and J. Renfrew 1969). Interest in the question of farming versus hunting and gathering was also stimulated in the late 1960s by a widespread, general interest in the origins and development of agriculture. The volume edited by Ucko and Dimbleby (1969) demonstrates this interest.

Two sites in Southeast Europe promised to provide detailed information on the earliest farming

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in the area and the transition from the Mesolithic economy to the Neolithic economy: Lepenski Vir and Franchthi Cave. The early date of Lepenski Vir, its unusual houses and the unique stone sculptures (Srejovic 1968, 1969, 1972; National Geographic Society 1983:75) generated a great deal of excitement. Interpretation of Lepenski Vir, however, proved to be somewhat controversial. Some scholars suggest that this site was a specialized location for fishing, collecting, and hunting (Bokonyi 1970). Tringham (1971:56) suggests that Mesolithic hunter-gatherers at Lepenski Vir were contem- poraneous with Neolithic lifestyles in adjacent areas.

Other sites in the Iron Gates area along the Danube, such as Vlasac and Padina together with Lepenski Vir, have provided a good deal of detail about the transition from the Mesolithic to the Neolithic. Dennell (1983) discusses the sites of Cuina Turcului (Bolomey 1973a, 1973b), Icoana, Vlasac (Bokonyi 1975; Srejovic and Letica 1969), and Lepenski Vir among a group of sites excavated by Romanian and Yugoslav archaeologists on both sides of the Danube. The results of these studies show that for a period of some 4,000 years groups of people shared a basic subsic subsistence economy and cultural tradition. The main meat sources were deer, pig, and fish plus other animals and a variety of plants. There are suggestions of a pre-Neolithic use of cereals (Dennell 1983). In the faunal remains aanimals-elk, chamois, and ibex-decreased in frequency. According to Dennell, important common features are that:

. . . sites are adjacent to two resource zones: the fish of the Danube and the mammals and fowl in the surrounding hills. Most are also near small enclosed basins along the Danube that provide good grazing or potential arable land. Access inland is usually easy along river valleys running into the main river [Dennell 1983:117].

Franchthi Cave in southern Greece has proven to be both an important site and one of the most exciting excavations in all of Europe in recent years. The site report has yet to be published in great detail, but the preliminary reports by the excavator and members of his multidisciplinary team (Andel et al. 1980; Diamant 1979; Jacobsen 1969a, 1969b, 1973a 1973b3a, 1976,73b, 19781; Jacobsen and Van Horn 1974) provide the basic data for a summary of the paleoenvironment and the subsistence economy. The significance of the Franchthi Cave lies in its long history of occupation, which is well-documented through careful excavation, collection of floral and faunal data, attention to geomorphologic data, and a large number of radiocarbon dates (Dennell 1983:114).

In south Bulgaria, Dennell (1972, 1974, 1978) carried out one of the most detailed studies of early farming in Southeast Europe. He analyzed data from a number of excavated sites (mostly mounds) that indicate a stable subsistence economy over a long period of time. Although the domesticates have an accepted Western Asian origin, he points out that it is possible that the early farming communities of Southeast Europe represent a continuation of the earlier local pattern rather than an an adaptation that was introduced from the east via colonization or invasion. Clearly the farming economy was based ". . . upon wheat, barley and legumes, as well as caprovines, cattle and swine [prior to 5000 B.C.]" (Dennell 1978:155). Evidence for developments after that time indicates a continued focus on these domestic food sources, although collecting and hunting as well as a wide range of minor domesticates provided a significant supplement to the diet.

Beyond descriptions of overall site economies, a general interest in an ecological approach has prompted a variety of studies (e.g., Marinescu-Bilcu, Carciumaru, Muraru 1981, Rasson 1983b, Sterud 1978). Pollen studies also constitute contributions of the ecological approach (Carcimaru 1973, 1979; Greig and Turner 1974; Gruger 1976; Nandris 1977; Sercelj 1955; Turner 1978; Wijmstra 1969). Halstead (1981) discussed animal management in Greece; Sterud (1976) examined the case for transhumance in the Early-Middle Neolithic of Bosnia; Rasson (1983a:336-366) examined the different strategies appropriate to the management of plants and animals and the possible influence of climatic variables on social interaction.

The time of introduction of the plow is hotly debated. Sherratt (1981), like Wailes (1972), does not believe the plow was in use before the Bronze Age. He bases his view on the first representations of the plow in art and on Northern European plow marks found in sites, as well as on the earliest plows themselves. Others accept the use of the plow before the Bronze Age (for example, Todorova 1978:87). Dumitrescu and Banateanu (1965) base their views on the presence in pre-Bronze Age sites of antler and bone implements identified as plowshares. Skeletal evidence for traction by bovines is felt by some to support this hypothesis (Ghetie and Mateescu 1977); breeding has been

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suggested, as well (Mateescu 1975). The production of oxen through castration is regarded by some as probable (Schwartz 1979).

Discussions such as these represent the agricultural subsistence base of the Neolithic and Copper Age cultures of Southeast Europe as a set of well-planned economic strategies based on domesticated plants and animals. The picture is complicated by geographic and social variability in the region, and by the probable Western Asian origin of at least some of the domesticates. Sherratt (1980) finds a strong Anatolian influence in Thessaly. Jacobsen (1981:308) finds the ". . . situation is rather less clear than it once appeared to us." At Franchthi Cave there is the possibility of local manipulation prior to the Neolithic, while ". . . at least some of the biological innovations which make their appearance in the Neolithic have non-local origins" (Jacobsen 1981:309). Debate continues over the local versus non-local origins of the Neolithic subsistence pattern in Southeast Europe. The most recent summaries (e.g., Dennell 1983; Jarman, Bailey and Jarman 1982; Sherratt, ed. 1980) favor the view that Copper Age agriculture was a rather efficient system of food production and that early farming probably was not a result of any major input from the east.

ANALYSES OF TRADE ITEMS

One of the most exciting aspects of analytical work in Southeast Europe over the last 20 years has been that on prehistoric trade. Analyses of obsidian have provided the most dramatic evidence of trade. From the earliest studies (C. Renfrew, Cann, and Dixon 1965) to the most recent work (C. Renfrew and Wagstaff 1982), the Aegean area has provided a wealth of data. Analyses of trace elements in obsidian from the excavations at Franchthi Cave and source areas on the island of Melos have documented the trade of this material over water some 9,000 years ago (Jacobsen 1976; C. Renfrew 1973c).

Analyses of the obsidian quarries and workshop areas of Sta Nychia and Demenegaki on Melos (Torrence 1979, 1982) have provided detail on the exploitation of obsidian; earlier finds at Franchthi Cave (presumably from Melian sources) are dated to the eleventh millennium B.C. (Cherry and Torrence 1982; Perles 1979).

Trade of Spondylus shell has been documented by oxygen isotope analysis (Shackleton and Renfrew 1970), and the sources of millstones have also been identified (Runnels and Murray 1983; Cohen and Runnels 1981). The evidence for trade in flint, shell, stone, copper, gold, and pottery has also been discussed (Bregant 1955; C. Renfrew 1973c; Runnels 1983b; Sherratt 1976; Tringham 1971; Weisshaar 1979), as has the topic of navigation along the Adriatic coast (Brusic 1970).

ANALYSES OF TECHNOLOGY

A wide variety of skills and crafts may be included under the heading of technology, many more than we can treat here. Thus, in this section we discuss some aspects of the technology briefly and others in more detail. Many technological features of these cultures are being studied actively at the present time.

Stone Tools

Neolithic and Chalcolithic economies in Southeast Europe were dependent on many of the same

types of raw materials as earlier populations. Chipped stone tools are found in abundance from the sites of this area, yet they have not been a strong area of research interest. Because of the traditional focus on space-time systematics, artifact classes that vary more in "stylistic" dimensions have received the greatest attention. Artifact classes perceived to be less valuable on this question have received less study, although some informative material is available.

Chipped stone artifacts have received some attention recently; for example, Elster (1976, 1977); Georgiev (1958); Hristova (1983); Paunescu (1970); Perles (1981); Spinei (1970); and Tringham (1968). A more systemic technological approach has been suggested by Voytek (Kaiser and Voytek 1983), although to date such an approach has not been widely applied.

Interest in the sources of obsidian and the obsidian trade has stimulated research on the means

722 [Vol. 49, No. 4, 1984]


of production of tools made from this natural glass. Analytical work on the assemblage from Franchthi Cave has provided a detailed coverage of the tools represented there. Neolithic groups at Franchthi favored obsidian over almost anything else. The Early Neolithic people utilized 40% obsidian in their stone tool kit, and the Final Neolithic stone tool kit was 95% obsidian (Jacobsen 1976). Innovative studies of obsidian exploitation have been undertaken by Torrence (1979, 1981, 1982) in connection with the British School at Athens' Melos Project. Although the results of these studies are mainly relevant to the Bronze Age, some interesting data for the Neolithic and Copper Age were compiled. The obsidian sources on the island of Melos have been utilized for perhaps 11,000 years (Jacobsen 1981; Shelford et al. 1982; Torrence 1982), or even 13,000 years (Cherry and Torrence 1982; Perles 1979), and the implications of this exploitation are momentous because they document trade over open water at an early date.

Studies of pecked and polished stone tools are even rarer than those of chipped stone tools despite the fact that polished stone tools were once one of the key features used to define the Neolithic. These tools are not particularly useful for space-time systematics, as noted above, and hence have been of less interest. "Typical" stone tools are described in most site reports (e.g., Benac 1973a, 1973b) and some descriptive typological work has been done, such as Jovanovic and Srejovic (1957) and Smoor (1976b). Studies of milling stones have been undertaken by Runnels and Murray (1983), Runnels (1981), and Kancev (1981).

Bone Tools

Bone tools have also been largely neglected although the range of tools manufactured from antler and bone is remarkable, especially in the Copper Age. Even bone figurines are recovered occasionally (e.g., Angelov 1961; Comsa 1979; Petkov 1950). General works (e.g., Backalov 1979) and sections of the excavation reports on Goljamo Delcevo (Todorova et al. 1975:72) and on Ovcarovo (Todorova et al. 1983:64) show the range of hoes, hammering tools, pounding tools, and so on from these Copper Age mound settlements. Smoor (1976a) provides such a description for Anzabegovo, and Sterud and Sterud (1974) for Obre I and Obre II.

Shell Ornaments

Ornaments of sea shell have received some attention (e.g., Comsa 1973). The use of shell is illustrated in Tringham, Krstic, Kaiser and Voytek (1980). Spondylus gaderopus has received the most attention (Marijanovic 1980; Rodden 1970; Vendcl 1958), primarily because of the implications for trade. Materials analysis techniques have been applied successfully to trace trade routes in this material (Shackleton and Renfrew 1970).

Ceramics

Prehistoric ceramics have been studied intensively as time-space markers. Most work (such as Bregant 1968) has been devoted to vessel form and decoration as part of space-time systematics, and discussions of ceramics make up the bulk of most site reports.

Informative studies on the technology of pottery production are much less numerous. Kilns have been recovered at a number of sites and have been described by several authors (Georgiev and Angelov 1957; Hourmouziades 1978; Mikov 1966; Nica 1977; Nica and Nila 1979; Petkov 1964). Firing temperatures have also been investigated (Ellis 1980; Frierman 1970; Gardner 1978, 1979; Kaiser and Voytek 1983; and Vitelli 1974, 1984. Both Ellis (1980) and Frierman (1970) found prehistoric pottery to be generally well-fired with temperatures of 850-1,000?C. or more being indicated.

Figurines are an important subclass of ceramic data and a large number of such figurines is known from Southeast Europe.

About 30,000 miniature sculptures of clay, marble, bone, copper or gold are presently known from a total of some 3000 sites of the Neolithic and Chalcolithic era in southeastern Europe [Gimbutas 1982:1 1].

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Although some researchers prefer to see these artifacts as multifunctional (perhaps as children's toys [Talalay 1983; Ucko 1968]), or as art (Dumitrescu 1968a; J. Korosec 1954b, 1979; Radunceva 1976a), other researchers regard them as a source of information relating to the supernatural (Comsa 1974b; Dumitrescu 1934, 1964, 1968b; Galovic 1975; D. Garasanin 1952; J. Korosec 1951, 1952; Rosetti 1938). Indeed, one of the primary sources of information about cult and religion is ceramic figurines, both anthropomorphic and zoomorphic. Gimbutas's (1982) study and analysis of these figurines and related materials (ritual vessels, inscribed objects, models of buildings, and so on) and other features of sites (altars, shrines) has led her to propose (among other things) a regular pantheon of deities (as did Movsa [1969] earlier) that she believes developed during the Neolithic and Copper Age. Some authors take issue with her interpretations (Dumitrescu 1979, Mateescu and Voinescu 1982), but she has synthesized a great dealre data. The identification of diverse data. The identification of "temples" by others has also contributed to the description of cult and religion (Dumitrescu 1970b; Gimbutas 1980; Kalicz 1980:31).

Some researchers have examined particular classes of artifacts such as the four-footed, handled vessels known as "rhytons" (Nandris 1973; Weinberg 1965). Other researchers have considered the role of cult beliefs in the lives of Neolithic people, notably D. Garasanin (1968), M. Garasanin (1956); and Benac (1973b). It is clear that a rich tradition of symbolic expression was present during the Neolithic and Chalcolithic that has not yet been systematically explored.

The Tdrtdria Problem. The "Tartaria tablets" are three small objects of baked clay that have signs or symbols incised on them. Since they were reported from Romania by Vlassa (1963), a variety of questions have been raised about influence, trade, diffusion, colonization, independent invention, potters' marks, and symbolism. Some researchers believe they are symbols that could only have been produced in Mesopotamia (e.g., Hood 1967b). If this were so, the position of those supporting the ex oriente lux interpretation of the archaeological record would be significantly strengthened.

Using arguments developed for Mesopotamian data, Schmandt-Besserat (1984) argues that the Southeast European signs/symbols are not writing, that they were not developed in the economic system for record keeping. It is clear; however, that the signs/symbols on the "Tartaria tablets" are quite at home in the context of the Southeast European Copper Age. Several studies (e.g., Gimbutas 1982; Makkay 1967, 1969; Todorovic 1969; Todorovic and Cermanovic 1961:41-43; Winn 1981 [reviewed by Schmandt-Besserat 1984]), clearly demonstrate that there are tens of thousands of these markings on pots, figurines, spindle whorls, loom weights, lamps, and so on. In addition, several more "tablets" have been found from a range of sites: Karanovo (Georgiev 1967), Gradesnitza (Nikolov and V. Georgiev 1970), Vinca (Gimbutas 1982:207, no. 161), Sukoro-Toradulo (Gimbutas 1982:88, no. 44). Even if the "Tartaria tablets" have been attributed to the wrong time period (see Neustupny 1968b; Zanotti 1983), there is no reason to interpret these objects as imports: the complex of signs/symbols is demonstrably indigenous. The question of whether or not this corpus of material is a form of early writing continues to be debated.

Metallurgy

Metallurgy probably developed out of pottery technology or in consort with it. Pottery is one of a group of technologies classified as pyrotechnology by Wertime (1973b): the technology of fire.

Recently discussed as basically a technology of stone (Glumac 1983; Runnels 1983a), metallurgy is the result of a long period of experimentation with stone, clay, fire, and other materials, and may have developed in more than one location (C. Renfrew 1973b; Wertime 1973a). The number of new data on the metallurgy of the Copper Age in the Balkans in recent years is truly staggering. Copper and some gold have been known for many years (Angelov 1959; Comsa 1965, 1974b, 1981; Milojcic 1953; Todorova et al. 1977); but the true significance of the technology of these items did not become apparent until about 1970. Much of the interest began with C. Renfrew's (1970a) paper on the autonomous development of copper metallurgy in Southeast Europe. Then, in 1971 at the International Congress in Belgrade, Jovanovic (1971a, 1971b) reported the discovery of copper

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mines at Rudna Glava in eastern Serbia. Further work has shown that the mining of copper ores was conducted in other locations as well, for example, at Aibunar in central Bulgaria (Chernykh 1978, 1980). The details of the probable quantities of copper ores mined at Rudna Glava have recently been published by Jovanovic (1982; [reviewed by Gimbutas 1983]). The magnitude of metallurgical production during this period is far greater than had been anticipated a few years ago. The number of copper tools recovered is also surprising, and the sophistication of the technology is beginning to be more fully appreciated.

Discovery of the "gold treasure" from the cemetery at Varna (Ivanov 1978) increased the development of appreciation for the metallurgical skills of the Copper Age people (Gimbutas 1977a, 1977b; R6misch-Germanisches Museum 1979). The spectacular size of the "treasure" from Varna and the range of artifacts, including beads, pendants, bracelets, ornaments, appliques, diadems, masks, figurines, and sceptres rivals the famous gold treasure excavated at Troy in 1875 (Schliemann 1884). The Varna finds are said by C. Renfrew (1978:199) to be at least 1,500 years earlier than the Trojan finds, making them the earliest known large quantity of gold artifacts in the world.

At the very least, the technological implications are that these Copper Age peoples were capable of organizing their technology to collect a large quantity of gold and to produce a wide range of gold objects from the raw material. The technology involved in actually making items of gold is not complex (mostly cold-hammering), yet the Varna cemetery is a spectacular find for its technological as well as for its social implications (e.g., C. Renfrew 1978; Todorova 1978, 1979).

RECONSTRUCTIONS OF SOCIAL STRUCTURE

Discussions and reconstructions of social structure are traditionally incorporated in individual site reports. Questions of Neolithic social structure are rarely discussed independently, although there are exceptions (Kaufman 1977, for instance). Despite the emphasis on ordering material culture in time and space, there has also been some interest in interpreting socio-economic systems (Childe 1957; Gaul 1948; Georgiev 1958). In recent years, Fried's (1967) and Service's (1962) terminologies have been popular with Americans and Western Europeans to describe social organization and social complexity. At the present time, Sahlins's (1972) work is becoming increasingly popular with those interested in economic organization. D. Clarke's work (1968) has also been influential among Southeast European scholars.

As C. Renfrew (1978) points out, many researchers viewed these Neolithic and Copper Age peoples as examples of egalitarian societies, although there were a few suggestions of a more complex system prior to the excavations of the Varna cemetery (R. K. Evans 1973a, 1973b, 1978; Georgiev 1972). However, Dennell was largely correct in stating that:

Although much is known about the material culture, very little is understood about the social and economic organisation of settlements, their subsistence and environmental setting [1978:1].

Burial populations have long been used to make suggestions about social differentiation (Bognar- Kutzian 1963; Cantacuzino 1969; Coleman 1977; Comsa 1960; Georgiev and Angelov 1952, 1957; Hourmouziadis 1973; Skomal 1980; Todorova 1976; Todorova et al. 1975; Todorova and Ivanov 1975). A review of evidence from Greece shows "increasing attention to mortuary ritual through time" (Jacobsen and Cullen 1981:96), a finding that meets the expectation of increasing social complexity from the Early Neolithic to the final Chalcolithic.

It was the discovery of the rich Varna cemetery that led to a greater appreciation of the possibilities of social differentiation in Neolithic and Chalcolithic society (Ivanov 1978; Gimbutas 1977a, 1977b; C. Renfrew 1978). Consideration of the evidence for farming, crafts, settlements and so forth indicated something other than an egalitarian system (R. K. Evans 1973a, 1973b, 1978). The discovery of copper mines (Chernykh 1978, 1980; Jovanovic 1971a, 1971b, 1978, 1980, 1982; Jovanovi6 and Ottaway 1976) and the finding of increasing quantities of gold and copper since 1970 have led to a better understanding of these prehistoric people. The excavator of the Varna cemetery believes that it represents state level organization:

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The existence of property stratification, private property in large amounts and of great value; of crafts and commerce, suggest a form of social organisation higher than the primitive communal form of social system or even the family communal system. And the next step is the state [Ivanov 1978:62].

However, C. Renfrew (1978) has suggested that the organization may best be seen as a chiefdom. He suggests that a ranked society interpretation is most appropriate for the wealth seen at Varna and the data from other sites, and argues that this helps to explain the development of the metallurgy. He believes that the metal objects were "produced not for utilitarian objectives, but to fulfill the social function of conspicuous display" (C. Renfrew 1978:202).

The development of this social system is more and more seen as an indigenous development rather than as something that was introduced from the Orient (e.g., Dennell 1983; Miclea and Florescu 1980; Todorova 1978). Outside influences do not need to be evoked as explanatory factors as once seemed necessary (Dennell 1983), but can be found within the Neolithic-Chalcolithic continuum.

The economic intensification which followed sedentism in the Neolithic period produced many of the changes in the archaeological record that have been explained traditionally as a result of new peoples, or merely the result of technological change [Kaiser and Voytek 1983:348].

Consideration of such processes as sedentism and population growth can lead to hypotheses about new social relations. Re-evaluating social relations in terms of new roles and combinations of roles in the social system may lead us to a fuller understanding of Neolithic and Chalcolithic lifeways.

CONCLUSIONS

The wealth of new data available in Southeast Europe since World War II, and new ideas about how to interpret the past continue to generate interest in regional prehistory. Of all the available models of social adaptation and change, ex oriente lux versus ex balcanis lux is not a contest that should influence the future concerns of research on the Neolithic-Copper Age prehistoric society of Southeast Europe. In reality there were probably influences moving in both directions for many millennia, yet Southeast Europe may well stand as a location where the prehistoric "cultural efflo- rescence was essentially the product of local development" (Gimbutas 1980:44).

The archaeological record of the Balkans can provide a fertile testing ground for a variety of hypotheses about cultural dynamics and development. The Neolithic-Copper Age continuum may be viewed as essentially parallel with the early farming and proto-urban periods of West Asia, but a location where the effects of urban construction did not disturb the earlier materials. Thus, this continuum in Southeast Europe provides a unique laboratory for testing questions about ranking, trade, specialization, and other social phenomena.

ENDNOTES

'Most of the articles cited here have a summary in a Western European language. Orthography of non-Latin alphabets follows the practice of the journal or press that issued the work, usually.

2 The Karanovo stratigraphic chart was published with the Bohm and DeLaet (1961) volume and is found in a pocket inside the back cover. A simplified version was presented in C. Renfrew (1980:119); it is also given in black and white in Georgiev (1967).

Acknowledgments. We would like to thank the following for help and advice: Alice Choyke, Jean Driscoll, Ernestine Elster, Ivan Gatsov, Georgi Georgiev, Stefanka Ivanova, Thomas Jacobsen, Rumin Katincarov, Gene Sterud, Barbara Voytek, Alexandru Vulpe, and the Wilkes College Department of Mathematics and Computer Science.

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